1 The title as it stands has this addition: "which he had by revelation from the blessed John the evangelist, by the mediation of the Virgin Mary, Parent of God." Gallandi, Veterum Patrum Biblioth., Venice, 1766, p. 385. [Elucidation, p. 8, infra.]
10 The words dhladh\ toi=j a0nqrw/poij are suspected by some to be a gloss that has found its way into the text.
12 So John of Damascus uses the phrase, ei0kw\n tou= Patro\j o9 Ui9o\j, kai\tou= Ui9ou=, to\ Pneu=ma, the Son is the Image of the Father, and the Spirit is that of the Son, lib. 1, De fide orthod., ch. 13, vol. i. p. 151. See also Athanasius, Epist. 1 ad Serap.; Basil, lib. v. contra Eunom.; Cyril, Dial., 7, etc.
14 a0pallotrioume/nh. See also Gregory Nazianz., Orat., 37, p. 609.
16 Gregory Nazianz., Orat., 40, p. 668, with reference apparently to our author, says: Ou0de\n th=j Tria/doj dou=lon, ou0de\ ktiston, ou0de\ e0peisakton, h#kousa tw=n sofw=n tinoj legontoj-In the Trinity there is nothing either in servitude or created, or superinduced, as I heard one of the learned say.
18 In one codex we find the following addition here: ou#te au#cetai mona\j ei0j dua/da, ou0de\ dua\j ei0j tria/da-Neither again does the unity grow into duality, nor the duality into trinity; or = Neither does the condition of the one grow into the condition of the two, nor that of the two into the condition of the three.
19 [See valuable note and Greek text in Dr. Schaff's History, vol. ii. p. 799.]
20 Credibility, vol. ii. p. 635.
22 Cave, Lives of the Fathers, vol. i. p. 402, ed. Oxford, 1840.
1 Gallandi, Biblioth. Vet. Patr., iii. 387.
2 [The wise benevolence of our author is more apparent than his critical skill. No book more likely to puzzle a pagan inquirer than this: so the metaphrase gives it meaning and consistency; but, over and over again, not Solomon's meaning, I am persuaded.]
3 ta\ pneu/mata, for which some propose r9eu/mata, streams, as the a#nemoi are mentioned in their own place immediately.
7 The text is, tuflo/j te w#n yn\n pro/soyin kai\ u9po tou= sko/touj tw=n pragma/twn a0fhrhme/noj, for which it is proposed to read, tuflo/j te w#/n kai\ th\n pri/soyin upo\ tou= sko/touj, etc.
8 Or, as the Latin version puts it: And, in fine, when I considered the difference between these modes of life, I found nothing but that, by setting myself, etc.
10 The text reads e0nantiwth/twn, for which Codex Anglicus has e0nantiwta/twn.
14 The Greek text is, kairosko/poj dh/ tij ponhro\j to\n aiw=na you=to/ perikexhnen, afanisai u9perdiateino/menoj to\ tou= Qeou= pla/sma, ec a0rxh=j au0tw=| mexri te/louj polemei=n gFrhme/noj. It is well to notice how widely this differs from our version of iii. 11: "He hath made everything beautiful in his time," etc.
15 The text is, w\| tini ou\n, a0ll' e!stin, e0keina fobera/ te o0mou= kai0 qaumasta/.
17 [The key to the interpretation of this book, as to much of the book of Job, is found in the brief expostulation of Jeremiah (chap. xii. 1), where he confesses his inability to comprehend the world and God's ways therein, yet utters a profession of unshaken confidence in His goodness. Here Solomon, in monologue, gives vent to similar misgivings; overruling all in the wonderful ode with which the book concludes. I say Solomon, not unadvisedly.]
19 The text is, bia katablhme/noi tw=n e0pamuno/ntwn h# o#lwj papauqhsome/nwn au0tou\j pantaxo/qen katexou/shj a0pori/aj. The sense is not clear. It may be: who are struck down in spite of those who protect them, and who should by all means comfort them when all manner of trouble presses them on all sides.
21 Following the reading of Cod. Medic., which puts tiqe/menoj for tiqe/menon, [See Cyprian, vol. v. p. 493, note 7, this series.]
24 koinwnian a#ma bi/ou e0stei/lanto.
26 The text is, kai\ nu/ktwr semno/thti semnu/nesqai, for which certain codices read semno/thti faidru/nesqai, and others faidro/thti semnunesqai.
27 Jerome cites the passage in his Commentary on Ecclesiastes [iv. 12].
28 Tou\j o#soi progene/steroi. The sense is incomplete, and some words seem missing in the text. Jerome, in rendering this passage in his Commentary on Ecclesiastes, turns it thus: ita autem ut sub sene rege versati sint; either having lighted on a better manuscript, or adding something of his own authority to make out the meaning.
29 dia to\ e/terou a0peira/tej e#xein.
31 e0n th= peri\ lo/gouj spoudh|=.
36 arpaktika/ in the text, for which the Cod. Medic. has a9rpakta/.
38 qanaton pei=ran ou0 labw/n, for which we must read probably qana/tou, etc.
39 The text gives, h#per tw|= ponhrw|=...a0nametrhsamenw| a0gaqothta mh\ e0pignw|, for which we may read either h#per tw|= ponhrw|=...anametrhsa/menoj...e0pignw|=, or better,...a0nametrhsamenw|...e0pignw=nai.
46 lo/gwn de/, etc. But Cod. Medic. reads, lo/gon de/, etc.,=it is right to commend a speech not in its beginning, but in its end.
47 fanerwte/ra, for which fanote/ra is proposed.
50 1 Kings viii. 46; 2 Chron. vi. 36; Prov. xx. 9; 1 John i. 8.
53 The text is evidently corrupt: for th0n gunai=ka, gh=n tina/. etc., Cotelerius proposes, th0n gunai=ka, sagh/nhn tina/, etc.; and Bengel, pa/ghn tina/, etc.
54 kate/xei h# ei0. This use of h# ei0 is characteristic of Gregory Thaumaturgus. We find it again in his Panegyr. ad Orig., ch. 6, h# ei kai\ para\ pa/ntaj, etc. It may be added, therefore, to the proofs in support of a common authorship for these two writings.
57 [Our English version gives no such idea, nor does that of the LXX. The swfrosu/nh of our author is discretion, or perhaps entire balance of mind. Wordsworth gives us the thought better in his verse: "A perfect woman, nobly planned." It was not in Judaism to give woman her place: the Magnificat of the Virgin celebrated the restoration of her sex.]
64 The text gives, ka9kei/nhn de\ matai/wj, etc.
65 ka#n polloi=j katafro/nhtoj h|[; so the Cod. Bodleian. and the Cod. Medic. read. But others read polu/ = an object of great contempt. For katafro/nhtoj the Cod. Medic. reads eu0katafro/nhtoj.
66 The text gives xri/sin, for which Cod. Medic. reads, xrh=sin, use.
68 Reading a0lla\ mhxn for a0lla\ mh'.
69 steleou, for which others read stele/xouj.
70 ou/k e0p' a0laqw|= sulkomi/zw/.
71 e/pau/cwn au0to\j tn\n e0autou= a#dikon kai\ w0ku/moron du/namin.
73 o9poi=a au0tw=n e#stai a0mei/nw tw=n fue/ntwn, perhaps = which of those natural productions shall be the better.
75 kaqe/cei plhgh/,Oecolampadius renders it, magnus enim fons, evidently reading phgh/.
76 The text is, e0n tw|= koilw/mati pausame/nhj xro/non te peridromh=j, for which we may read, e0n tw|= koilw/mati, pausamenh=j xro/nwn te peridromh=j. Others apparently propose for pausamenh=j, decamenh=j = at the hollow of the cistern.
77 The text is, kai\ th=j di' udatoj zwh=j parodeu/santoj tou= loutrofo/rou ai0w=noj. Billius understands the age to be called loutrofo/rou, because, as long as we are in life, it is possible to obtain remission for any sin, or as referring to the rite of baptism.
78 hlw| e0mperonhqe/nta. The Septuagint reads, lo/goi sofw=n w9j ta\ bou/kentra kai\ w9j h[loi pefuteume/noi, like nails planted, etc. Others read pepurwme/noi, igniti. The Vulg. has, quasi clavi in altum defixi.
79 peri\ to\ prosh=kon, for which some read, para\ to\ prosh=kon, beyond or contrary to what is fitting.
81 [The incomparable beauty of our English version of this twelfth chapter of Koheleth is heightened not a little by comparison with this turgid metaphrase, It fails, in almost every instance, to extract the kernel of the successive stixoi of this superlatively poetic and didactic threnode. It must have been a youthful work.]
1 Of the holy Gregory, archbishop of Neo-Caesareia, surnamed Thaumaturgus, concerning those who, in the inroad of the barbarians, ate things sacrificed to idols, or offended in certain other matters. Gallandi, iii. p. 400. [Written A.D. 258 or 262.] There are scholia in Latin by Theodorus Balsamon and Joannes Zonaras on these canons. The note of the former on the last canon may be cited:-The present saint has defined shortly five several positions for the penitent; but he has not indicated either the times appointed for their exercise, or the sins for which discipline is determined. Basil the Great, again, has handed down to us an accurate account of these things in his canonical epistles. [Elucidation II.] Yet he, too, has referred to episcopal decision the matter of recovery through penalties [i.e., to the decision of his comprovincial bishops, as in Cyprian's example. See vol. v. p. 415, Elucidation XIII.; also Elucidation I. p. 20, infra
8 tou= fwto/j for the received pneu/matoj.
12 w[n dei= ta\j kathgori/aj prosi/esqai.
13 Concerning those who forcibly detain captives escaped from the barbarians.
14 Concerning those who have been enrolled among the barbarians, and who have dared to do certain monstrous things against those of the same race with themselves.
17 Concerning those who have been so audacious as to invade the houses of others in the inroad of the barbarians.
19 Concerning those who have found in the open field or in private houses property left behind them by the barbarians.
20 [Partially elucidated below in (the spurious) Canon XI. See Marshall's Penitential Discipline of the Primitive Church.]
21 mh/nutra, the price of information.
22 sw=stpa the reward for bringing back a runaway slave.
23 eu#retpa, the reward of discovery.
24 [This canon is rejected as spurious. Lardner Credib., ii. p. 633.]
1 Delivered by Gregory Thaumaturgus in the Palestinian Caesareia, when about to leave for his own country, after many years' instruction under that teacher. [Circa A.D. 238.] Gallandi, Opera, p. 413.
2 kalo/n, for which Hoeschelius has a0gaqo/n.
3 a#peiroj, for which Hoeschelius has a0na/skhtoj.
4 a0kwlu/tw|, for which Bengel suggests a0kolou/qw|.
5 eu0eidei=, for which Ger. Vossius gives a0yeudei=.
6 [See my introductory note, supra. He refers to Caius, Papinian, Ulpian; all, probably, of Syrian origin, and using the Greek as their vernacular.]
7 sugkei/me/noi, which is rendered by some conduntur, by others confectae sunt, and by others still componantur, harmonized,-the reference then being to the difficulty experienced in learning the laws, in the way of harmonizing those which apparently oppose each other.
8 a0kribei=j, for which Ger. Vossius gives eu0sebeij, pious.
9 [A noteworthy estimate of Latin by a Greek.]
10 ei0 kai\ boulhto/n, etc., for which Hoeschelius gives ou#te boulhto/n, etc. The Latin version gives, non enim aliter sentire aut posse aut velle me unquam dixerim.
12 xarakth=raj tw=n th=j yuxh=j tu/pwn.
13 aspasa/menoi h9de/wj, e0pei kai\ perifronh/santej. The passage is considered by some to be mutilated.
14 The text is, a0lla\ ga\r e0k tri/twn au[qij a#llwj kwlu/ei,, etc. For a#llwj Hoeschelius gives a#lla dh/, Bengel follows him, and renders it, sed rursum, tertio loco, aliud est quod prohibet. Delarue proposes, a/lla\ ga\r e#n tri/ton au[qij a#llwj kwlu/ei.
16 This is the rendering according to the Latin version. The text is, a0peskeuasme/nou h=dh mei/zoni paraskeuh=| metanasta/sewj th=j pro\j to qei=on. Vossius reads, met' a0nasta/sewj.
17 w[n h#ttwn fronti\j kat' a0ci\an te kai\ mh\, legome/nwn.
18 The text is, mh0 kai\ yuxro\n h# perperon h|[, where, according to Bengel, mh/ has the force of ut non dicam.
19 But the text reads, ou=k eu0lo/gwj.
20 a0safw=n. But Ger. Voss has a0sfalw=n, safe.
21 Reading o#tw, with Hoeschelius, Bengel, and the Paris editor, while Voss. reads o#ti.
23 panagei=, which in the lexicons is given as bearing only the good sense, all-hallowed, but which here evidently is taken in the opposite.
24 e0kperiw/n in the text, for which Bengel gives e0kperii#w/n, a word used frequently by this author. In Dorner it is explained as = going out of Himself in order to embrace and encompass Himself. See the Doctrine of the Person of Christ, A. II. p. 173 (Clark).
26 [The unformed theological mind of a youth is here betrayed.]
27 The text gives melhgorei=n, for which others read megalhgorei=n.
28 Gen. xlviii. 15. [Jacob refers to the Jehovah-Angel.]
29 The text gives e0moi\, etc.,...sumferon ei\nai katafai/netai.. Bengel's idea of the sense is followed in the translation.
30 ta\ pa/tria e#qh ta\ peplanhme/na.
31 [The force of the original is not opprobrious.]
32 Reading h$ dh/. Others give h$ dh/; others, h[dh; and the conjecture h$ h/bh "or my youth," is also made.
35 The text, however, gives a0le/ktrw|.
37 Reading tou/yw| e0pi\ nou=n ba\w/n.
39 The text is a0poxe/ousa. Hoeschelius gives a0pe/xousa.
41 The text is, ou0de\n ou#twj a0nagkai=on h[n o#son e0pi\ toi=j no/moij h9mw=n, du/ato\n o#n kai\ e0pi\ th\n 9Rwmai/wn a0podhmh=sai po/lin. Bengel takes o#son as pare/lkon. Migne renders, nullam ei fuisse necessitatem huc veniendi, discendi leges causa, siquidem Romam posset proficisci. Sirmondus makes it, nulla causa adeo necessaria erat qua possem per leges nostras ad Romanorum civitatem proficisci.
42 The text gives e0kponh/santej. Casaubon reads e0kpoih/sontej.
45 di/ au0tou=. Bengel understands this to refer to the soldier.
46 The text is, thn a0lhqh= di' au0tou= peri ta\ tou= logou maqh/mata. Bengel takes this as an ellipsis, like th\n e9autou=, th\n emh\n mi/an, and similar phrases, gnw/mhn or o\do/n, or some such word, being supplied. Casaubon conjectures kai\ a0lhqh=, for which Bengel would prefer ta a0lhqh=.
48 [I think Lardner's inclination to credit Gregory with some claim to be an alumnus of Berytus, is very fairly sustained.]
50 The text here is, tau=q' a#per h9ma=j a0ne/swiw, ma/lista le/gwn kai ma/la texnikw=j, tou= kuriwta/tou, fhsi\, tw=n e0n h9mi=n lo/gou, a0melh/santaj.
51 The text gives e0k prw/thj h9liki/aa, which Bengel takes to be an error for the absolute e0k prw/thj, to which h9meraj would be supplied. Casaubon and Rhodomanus read o9mili/aj for h9liki/aj.
55 The text gives sumblu/santa w9j, for which Casaubon proposes sumfu/santa ei0j e#n, or w9j e#n. Bengel suggests sumbru/sanra w9j e#/n.
57 The text gives e0kei=, for which Hoeschelius and Bengel read ei/kh=.
58 teleiousqai de\ th|= bla/syh|.
61 The words a0lla\ kekrumme/na are omitted by Hoeschelius and Bengel.
62 e0i ti 9Ellhniko\n h@ ba/rbaro/n e0sti th|= fwnh|=.
63 The text is, kai mh\ tou=q' o@per ei[doj dialektikh\ katorqou=n monh ei@lhxe.
64 pa=n to\ filo/sofon. Hoeschelius and Bengel read pw=j, etc.
65 The text gives u9f' e0auth=j, for which Bengel reads e0f' e9auth=j.
68 ta\ prw=ta Qew|= i[son ei[nai ton sofo\n a@nqrwpon .
69 filotimi/a, for which filoneiki/a is read.
70 The text is, n@ kakw=n a@n e@legon, etc. The Greek h@ and the Latin aut are found sometimes thus with a force bordering on that of alioqui.
71 a0frai/nomen. The Paris editor would read a0frai/nw me/n.
72 a0lla\ ga\r pa=si me/xri r9hma/twn to\ filosofei=n sthsasin.
73 The text is, a0ll' e0pei\ a0lh/qeian h9mi=n, ou0 komyei/an e0phggei/lato o9 lo/goj a@nwqen. The Latin rendering is, sed quia veritatem nobis, non pompam et ornatum promisit oratio in exordio.
74 The text is, kai/toi ge ei/pei=n e0qe/lwn ei[nai te a0lhqe/j. Bengal takes the te as pleonastic, or as an error for the article, t' a0lhqe/j. The ei\nai in e0qe/lwn ei\nai he takes to be the use of the infinitive which occurs in such phrases as th\n prw/thn ei\nai, initio e/kw\n ei0nai, libenter, to\ de\ nu=n ei\nai, nunc vero, etc.; and, giving e0qe/lwn the sense of me/llwn, makes the whole = And yet I shall speak truth.
75 The text is, kai\ h9ma=j e9te/rouj. The phrase may be, as it is given above, a delicate expression of difference, or it may perhaps be an elegant redundancy, like the French à nous autres. Others read, kai\ h9ma=j kai\ e9te/rouj.
76 The reading in the text gives, ou0 lo/gwn e0gkratei=j kai\ e0pisth/monaj tw=n peri\ o9rmw=n, tw=n de\ o9rmw=n au0tw=n' e0pi\ ta\ e@rga kai\ logouj a@gxwn, etc. Others would arrange the whole passage differently, thus: peri\ o9rmw=n, tw=n dw\ o9rmw=n au0tw=n e0!i\ ta\ e@rga kai\ tou\j lo/gouj a@gxwn. Kai, etc. Hence Sirmondus renders it, a motibus ipsis ad opera etiam sermones, reading also a@gwn apparently. Rhodomanus gives, impulsionum ipsarum ad opera et verba ignavi et negligentes, reading evidently a/rgw=n. Bengel solves the difficulty by taking the first clause as equivalent to ou0 logwn e0gkratei=j kai e/pioth/monaj...au0tw=n tw=n ormw_n e\gkratei=j kai\ episth/monaj. We have adopted this as the most evident sense. Thus a@gxwn is retained unchanged, and is taken as a parallel to the following participle e0pife/rwn, and as bearing, therefore, a meaning something like that of a0nagka/zwn. See Bengel's note in Migne.
78 dia\ th\n i0diopragi/an th=j yuxh=j, perhaps just "the private life."
79 e9autoi=j te kai\ toi=j prosiou=sin .
80 The text is, to\ pro\j e9auth\n ei\nai. Migne proposes either to read e0autou/j, or to supply th\n yuxh/n.
81 o= dh\ kai\ daimo/nwn tw|= mantikwta/w| a0natiqetai.
82 swfrosu/nhn, sw/an tina\ fro/nhsin, an etymological play.
84 The text is, ou0de\ tw|= tuxei=n. Migne suggests ou0de/ tw|= qe/mij tuxei=n = nor is it legitimate for any one to attain them.
85 The text is, u9pomonh=j h9mw=n. Vossius and others omit the h9mw=n. The Stuttgart editor gives this note: "It does not appear that this should be connected by apposition with a0ndrei/aj (manliness). But Gregory, after the four virtues which philosophers define as cardinal, adds two which are properly Christian, viz., patience, and that which is the hinge of all-piety."
86 The word is proh/goron. It may be, as the Latin version puts it familiaris, one in fellowship with God.
87 e0comoiw/qhti proselqei=n. Others read e0comoiwqe/nta proselqei=n.
88 mhde\n e0kpoioume/nouj. Casaubon marks this as a phrase taken from law, and equivalent to, nihil alienum a nobis ducentes.
89 The text is, h\j oi@ontai. We render with Bengel. The Latin Interpreter makes it = Even those who frequent the temples do not deem it consistent with religion to touch anything at all profane.
90 [The ultimate subjugation of Latin theology by Aristotelian philosophy, is a deplorable instance of what is here hinted at, and what Hippolytus has worked out. Compare Col. ii. 8.]
91 The text is, ou0k a@llhn tina: (ei0 t' a0lhqe\j ei0pei=n) e@xwn h@ th\n pro\j th=j filosofi/aj e0pi\ ta/de ta\ do/gmata a@logon o9rmh/n' kai koi/sin w\n oi@etai a0lhqw=n (mh\ para/docon ei0pei=n h|\) ou0k a@llhn h@ th\n a@kriton tu/xhn. Vossius would read, pro\j th\n filosofi/an kai\ e0pi\ ta/de ta\ do/gmata. Migne makes it = nulla ei erat alia sententia (si verum est dicendum) nisi caecus ille stimulus quo ante philosophiae studium in ista actus erat placita: neque aliud judicium corum quae vera putaret (ne mirum sit dictu) nisi fortunae temeritas. Bengel would read, pro\ th=j filosofiaj.
92 The text is, e0pei\ kai\ a0boh/qhtoj, e0autin xarisa/menoj kai\ e0kdexo/menoj ei/kh= w@sper ermaion, toi=j prokatalabou=sin au0to\n lo/goij.. Bengel proposes e0ndexo/menon...e@rmaion, as = lucrum insperatum.
93 kaqarw|=-e@rkei. Sirmondus gives, puro campo. Rhodomanus, reading a0e/oi, gives puro aëre. Bengel takes e@rkoj, septum, as derivatively = domus, fundus, regio septis munita.
95 The text is, ei@ tij e@ih kat' au0tw=n tw=nde/ tinwn filoso/fwn. Bengel suggests katantw=n.
96 [Beautiful testimony to the worth and character of Origen! After St. Bernard, who thought he was scriptural, but was blinded by the Decretals (no fault in him), Scripture and testimony (as defined to be the rule of faith by Tertullian and Vincent) ceased to govern in the West; and by syllogisms (see vol. v. p. 100) the Scholastic system was built up. This became the creed of a new church organization created at Trent, all the definitions of which are part of said creed. Thus the "Roman-Catholic Church" (so called when created) is a new creation (of A.D. 1564), in doctrine ever innovating, which has the least claim to antiquity of any Church pretending to Apostolic origin.]
99 Isa. xxii. 22; Rev. iii. 7. [All these citations of the Scriptures should be noted, but specially those which prove the general reception of the Apocalypse in the East.]
100 [A noble sentence. Eph iii. 8,9.]
101 The text gives w/j a/kou/swsin with Voss. and Bengel. The Paris editor gives a0kou/ousin.
104 swmatotrofei=n paxunome/nouj.
105 a0peiqei=n. Bengel and Hoeschelius read a0pwlei=n, withdraw.
106 a9plou=j a0ra/ tij ei\nai neno/mistai a0ndri profh/th|. Migne refers us to Ps. xvii.
109 qeolo/gouj, used probably of the prophets here-namely of Ezekiel, Daniel, and others carried into exile with the people. On this usage, see Suicer's Thesaurus, under the word qeolo/goj, where from the pseudo-Areopagite Dionysius he cites the sentence, twn qeolo/gwn ei\j, o9 Zaxariaj, and again, eteroj tw=n qeolo/gwn 9Iezekih/l.
110 The text is, kai\ fw=j to\ h9liako\n kai\to\ dehneke\j, h9me/raj u@per h9mw=n prosomilou/ntwn toi=j qei/oj musthri/oij kai\ nukto\j w\n e0n h9me/ra ei\de/ te kai\ e@pracen h\ yuxh\ tai=j fantasiaij katexome/nwn . Bengel proposes u@par for u@ter, so as to keep the antithesis between h9me/raj u@par and nukto\j fantasi/aij; and taking h9me/raj and nukto/j as temporal genitives, he renders the whole thus: cum interdiu, per visa, divinis aderamus sacramentis: et noctu earum rerum, quas viderat de die atque egerat anima, imaginibus detinebamur.
111 ["In dreams I still renew the rites," etc.-William Croswell.]
112 au0lei=n. The Jews had the harp, and so the word ya/llein is used of them in the preceding. But here, in speaking of himself, Gregory adopts the term ou@te au0leisn, ne tibia quidem canere. Bengel supposes that the verb is changed in order to convey the idea, that while the Jews only had to give up the use of instruments expressive of joyful feeling, Gregory feared he would himself be unable to play even on those of a mournful tone,-for in ancient times the pipe or flute was chiefly appropriated to strains of grief and sadness.
113 [He was still proposing for himself a life of worldly occupation. Here turn to Origen's counsel,-a sort of reply to this Orations,-vol. iv. p. 393, and Cave's Lives, etc., vol. i. p. 400.]
114 The text is, diefqarme/naj me\n th|= duna/mei, h\ a0ka/rpw| h@ kakoka/rpw| tini\, mh\ kai\ prosdiatiqarhsome/nh de\ par' h9mw=n, etc. Bengel reads me/n toi for me\n th|9, and takes mh\ kai as = utinam ne.
115 paradi/dou kai0 paratiqeso.
116 e0mba/llonta h0mi=n to\n qei=on au0tou=, paidagwgo\n a@riston e0so/menon. The Latin version makes the e0so/menon refer to the fo/bon: divinumque nobis timorem suum, optimum paedagogum immittens, = and inspiring with the godly fear of Himself as our choicest guide.
117 ou0 ga0r e0n th= meta sou= e0leuqeri/a kai\ a0pelqo/ntej u\pakou/somen au0tw|=\ . Bengel paraphrases it thus: hac libertate quae tecum est carebo digressus; quare vereor ut Deo posthac paream, ni timore saltem munitus fuero. [He may probably have been only a catechumen at this period. This peroration favours the suspicion.]
118 The Patriarchate of Alexandria, London, 1847.
119 The ultimate influence of the school itself, Neale pronounces "an enigma" (vol. i. p. 38).
1 Edited in Latin by Gerardus Vossius, Opp. Greg. Thaum., Paris, 1662, in fol.; given in Greek from the Codex Vaticanus by Cardinal Mai, Script. Vet., vii. p. 170. Vossius has the following argument: This is a second Confession of Faith, and one widely different from the former, which this great Gregory of ours received by revelation. This seems, however, to be designated an e@kqesij th=j kata\ me/roj pi/stewj, either because it records and expounds the matters of the faith only in part, or because the Creed is explained in it by parts. The Jesuit theologian Franc. Torrensis (the interpreter and scholiast of this e@kqesij) has, however, rendered the phrase h9 kata\ meroj pi/stij, by the Latin fides non universa sed in parte. And here we have a fides non universa sed in parte, according to him,-a creed not of all the dogmas of the Church, but only of some in opposition to the heretics who deny them. [The better view.]
2 oi9 to\n Ui\on ou9k o\ntwn kai a0postellome/nhj a0rxh=j ei\nai e0pi/kthton le/gontej tw|= Payri/. [Note, Exucontians = Arians.]
3 a0koinwnh/touj kai\ ce/naj ei0sagontej latrei/aj.
4 e0n mona/di to triplou=n a0sebw=j kata\ su/nqesin.
5 e0n th=j pi/stewj oi/keiw/sei.
10 ou@te Qeo\j e@teroj w9j Path/r.
12 This seems the idea in the sentence, ou0 ga\r e0ciswsqh/setai tw|= kti/smati au0to\ kat/ ou0dena tro/pon, in' w9j u9p' e0kei/nou e@ktistai, pu@tw kai\ au0to\ kti/sh ta\ poi/hma.
14 Trias. [See vol. ii. p. 101.]
15 Trias. [See vol. ii. p. 101.]
19 perikleismo\j e0n neu/mati.
24 Meaning here the whole work and business of the incarnation, and the redemption through the flesh.-Migne.
28 fusikw=j e0n Tria/di marturoume/nh.
33 to\ ei\nai au0to\ kai u0festa/nai dhloi=.
34 By the i/dio/thta tou= Patro/j is meant here the divinity belonging to the Father.-Migne.
35 ou0k e0stin w9j e\n ta\ duo e0n tw|= e9ni/
37 kaq' o@ qeo/thj mia=j kurio/yhtoj.
38 tw|= i0diw/mati tou= Patro/j.
39 me/roj ga\r a@pan a0tele\j to\ sunqesewj u9fista/menon.
51 [A reference to his canon, perhaps, recorded in 2 Cor. x. 13-16. Compare Rom. xv. 20. The canonists erect the discrimination between Orders and Mission, upon these texts and (Acts xiii. 2, 3, etc.) Gal ii. 8, 9. See vol. i. p. 495, note 3.]
52 Rom. xv. 15-19. [Concerning which remarkable passage, see vol. v. p. 409, Elucidation I.]
54 [It is evident that St. Paul founded the Church at Rome. St. Peter (see note 13, supra) could only have come to Rome to look after the Jewish disciples there. Elucidation, p. 47, infra]
59 The text is, ou@tw ga\r (to\ a0postellon) kai\ to\ a0postello/meno/, oi0ke@i/wj an pisteuoito, kaq' o9, etc.
60 fusikw=j kat' au0th\n th\n ou0sian.
65 Note the phrase here, afterwards formulated, o9moou/sion tw|= Patri/. [This phrase, with abundant other tokens, makes it apparent that the work is not Gregory's. It is further evident from section xviii. I should be glad to think otherwise.]
66 kai qeopoio\n e0k th=j ou0siaj tou= Qeou upa/rxo/.
70 iaon e\n i@sw| geno/menon tw|= sw/mati.
75 kinh/sei [For the spiritual kinh/sij, vol. iii. note 6, p. 622.]
76 [Evidently after the Nicene Council; the consubstantiality, as a phrase and test of orthodoxy, belonging to the Nicene period.]
92 kalw=j a#n eixesqe. Referring perhaps to Gal. i. 8, 9.
97 From the book against the Monophysites by Leontius of Jerusalem, in Mai, Script. Vet., vol. vii. p. 147.
102 Origin says so, expressly. See Cave, Lives, i. p. 230.
104 The Student's Eccl. Hist., I.ondon, 1878.
105 It accepts the statement that the earliest application of this term, by way of eminence, to the Bishop of Rome, is found in Evnodius of Pavia, circa A.D. 500. Robertson, vol. i. p. 560.
1 Mai, Spicil. Rom., vol. iii. p. 696, from the Arabic Codex, 101.
2 The Arabic Codex reads falsely, Caesareae Cappadociae.
3 Or, the name signifies the subsistence of the nature-Nomen quoque naturae significat subsistentiam.
10 On these terms, consult the Greek Fathers in Petavius, de Trin., book vi. [See Elucidation below.]
11 Vol. i. pp. 164, 166, 170, 178, 190-193, 263, 272; Irenaeus, Ibid., 468, 546, etc.
12 Vol. iii. p. 628. Compare (same volume) notes 15, p. 602, and 1, p. 604.
13 Vol. ii. p. 98, notes 1, 2; also p. 103, note 5.
1 Works of Grester, vol. xv. p. 434, Ratisbon, 1741, in fol., from a manuscript codex.
2 This paragraph is wanting in a very ancient copy.
4 Reading e0k parqe/nou for e0k paqo/ntoj.
14 Matt xxvi. 64; Mark xiv. 62.
16 Isa. ix.; Matt. iv.; John i., iii., viii., ix., xii.
24 [Christ's flesh being incorruptible, transubstantiation cannot be true: the holy food is digested in its material part.]
32 John xi. 33, xii. 27, xiii. 21.
43 As widely different from the other councils as the Apostles from their successors, and part of its decisions were local and temporary. For all that, it was the greatest of councils, and truly General.
44 These numbers indicate the ordinary reckoning of writers, and is correct ecclesiastically. The Council of Jerusalem, however, is the base of Christian orthodoxy, and decided the great principles by which the "General Councils" were professedly ruled.
45 Theological students are often puzzled to recall the councils in order, and not less to recall the rejected heresies. I have found two mnemonics useful, thus: (1) INCE and (CCC) three hundred; (2) JAS. NEMM. Dulce est desipere, etc.
46 a.d. 325 to 680 is the Synodical Period. Gregory I. (Rome) placed the first four councils next to the four Gospels.
1 A Topical Discourse by our holy father Gregory, surnamed Thaumaturgus, bishop of Neo-Caesareia in Pontus, addressed to Tatian.
3 [True to the universal testimony of the primitive Fathers as to Holy Scripture.]
4 [Aristotle; Physica. Elucidation I.]
14 tw=n e0nanti/wn parame/roj ei\nai dektiko/n, parame/roj, here apparently = in turn, though usually = out of turn.
15 The text has an apparent inversion: to\ e0n w\| th\n u@parcin e@xon kai\ ou\ a@neu ei\nai mh\ duna/meno/, ai@tion e0kei/nou e0kei/nou ei\nai tou= e0n w\| esti. There is also a variety of reading: kai\ o9 a\neu tou= ei\nau ,h\ duna/menon.
20 [These are Aristotle's accidents, of which, see Thomas Aquinas and the schoolmen passim.]
22 e0pei\ mhde\ sth=nai peri\ au0ta\ qe/lomen.
24 a0ci/wma. [Elucidation II.]
25 See Bacon's apophthegm, No. 275, p. 172, Works, London, 1730.
26 Vol. iii. pp. 175-235, this series.
27 Vol. iii. pp. 463, 474; also pp. 532, 537, 557, 570, and 587.
28 Compare, also, Bishop Kaye's Tertullian, p. 199, etc.
29 E.g., vol. ii. p. 157, etc.
30 Vol. ii. pp. 440, 584 (Fragment), and what he says of free-will.
1 [This very homily has been cited to prove the antiquity of the festival of the Annunciation, observed, in the West, March 25. But even Pellicia objects that this is a spurious work. The feast of the Nativity was introduced into the East by Chrysostom after the records at Rome had been inspected, and the time of the taxing at Bethlehem had been found. See his Sermon (A.D. 386), beautifully translated by Dr. Jarvis in his Introduction, etc., p. 541. Compare Tertullian, vol. iii. p. 164, and Justin, vol. i. p. 174, this series. Now, as the selection of the 25th of March is clearly based on this, we may say no more of that day. Possibly some Sunday was associated with the Annunciation. The four Sundays preceding Christmas are all observed by the Nestorians in commemoration of the Annunciation.]
1 The secondary title is: The First Discourse of our holy father Gregory, surnamed Thaumaturgus, bishop of Neo-Caesareia in Pontus, on the Annunciation to the most holy Virgin Mary, mother of God. Works of Gregory Thaumaturgus by Ger. Voss, p. 9.
2 a0nakekai/nistai; others a0nake/klhtai, recovered.
11 Or, kale/sousi, they shall call.
14 Or, tw|= th=j kardi/aj fronh/mati, in the thoughts of her heart.
15 u9po/qesin; others u9po/sxesin, the promise.
16 kai\ lampa/da fwto\j a0pastra/pteij
18 Or, u9podw/xou kai\ ma/nqane, and receive thou and learn.
25 tou\ nohtou= h9li/ou h9 a0natolh/; others, h9li/ou th=j dikaiosu/nhj, the rising of the Sun of righteousness.
27 a0skh/sewj; better kuh/sewj, conception.
28 There is a similar passage in Ephraem's discourse, De Margarita Pretiosa, vol. iii.
29 a9gia/smatoj. Ps. cxxxii. 8.
31 Or, and they shall worship Him. Ps. xlv. 10, 11.
32 prwto/tokon pash=j th=j kti/sewj. [Or, the heir, etc.]
39 Or, the whole administration of the economy in an unutterable mystery.
1 "The Encomium of the same holy Father Gregory, bishop of Neo-Caesareia in Pontus, surnamed Thaumaturgus on the Annunciation to the all-holy Mary, mother of God, and ever-virgin."
9 e\n th|= tafh|=; others, e0n th|= a9fh|= = in the touch or union of the holy body.
17 Or, justifying observances, dikaiw/mata.
20 Or, ye will find eternal life. John v. 39.
24 Luke i. 26, 27 [Marah = bitterness, Exod xv. 23.]
25 Ex. xii. 2. [The name Mary is misinterpreted, infra]
28 Or, and with the bound feet of her child in the womb.
32 Gen. xvii. 11; Rom. iv. 11.
42 e0n toi=j a@kroij tw=n nohtw=n basileiw=n. Others read no/tou = in the high places of the kingdoms of the south.
43 The close is otherwise given thus: To whom be the glory and the power unto the ages of the ages. Amen.
1 "The Third Discourse by the same sainted Gregory, Bishop of Neo-Caesareia, surnamed Thaumaturgus, on the Annunciation to the all-holy Virgin Mary, mother of God."
11 Ps. lxxii. 6. [A sub-allusion, in bad taste, to Semele.]
12 numfoto/ke. The Latin version gives it as = sponsa, simul et mater. [Apostrophe not worship.]
1 "A Discourse by our sainted Father Gregory, Bishop of Neo-Caesareia, surnamed Thaumaturgus, on the Holy Theophany, or, as the title is also given, on the Holy Lights."
5 Or subaltern, e0n th|\ stratiwtikh|= morfh|=.
7 Or, because for my sake Thou hast been born as I have been.
9 Matt. iii. 3; Mark i. 3; Luke iii. 4; John i. 23.
12 Or, of the perfect Light; to wit, the Father.
21 Or, to the Saviour's object.
22 Matt. iii. 17, xvii. 5; Mark i. 11; Luke ix. 35.
1 A discourse of Gregory Thaumaturgus published by Joannes Aloysius Mingarelli, Bologna, 1770.
2 The codex gives dhmosieu/ousan, for which we read dhmosieu/ein.
3 The codex gives a0telh/j, for which eu0telh/j is read by the editor.
4 Reading qar0r9ou/ntwj for qar0r9ou=ntoj.
5 This is supposed by the Latin annotator to refer to the bishop, and perhaps to Phaedimus of Amasea, as in those times no one was at liberty to make an address in the church when the bishop was present, except by his request or with his permission.
11 Xristo/thtoj, for which, however, xrhsto/thtoj, benignity, is suggested. [Sometimes are intended ambiguity.]
1 A fragment. (Gallandi, Vet. Patr. Biblioth., xiv. p. 119; from a Catena on Matthew, Cod. ms. 168, Mitarelli.)
2 The text is apparently corrupt here: a@cia me\n sko/touj pra/guata e/nnoou0menon e@swqen' dia\ de tw=n e@cwqen merw=n fwto\j ei\nai dokou=nta proferon r0h/mata. Migne suggests e0nnoou=men to/n and profe9ronta.
1 In opposition to Noëtus, a bishop in Egypt. Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., vii. 24 and 25. Eusebius introduces this extract in the following terms: "There are also two books of his on the subject of the promises. The occasion of writing these was furnished by a certain Nepos, a bishop in Egypt, who taught that the promises which were given to holy men in the sacred Scriptures were to be understood according to the Jewish sense of the same; and affirmed that there would be some kind of a millennial period, plenished with corporeal delights, upon this earth. And as he thought that he could establish this opinion of his by the Revelation of John, he had composed a book on this question, entitled Refutation of the Allegorists. This, therefore, is sharply attacked by Dionysius in his books on the Promises. And in the first of these books he states his own opinion on the subject; while in the second he gives us a discussion on the Revelation of John, in the introduction to which he makes mention of Nepos," [Of this Noëtus, see the Philosophumena, vol. v., this series.]
2 As it is clear from this passage that this work by Dionysius was written against Nepos, it is strange that, in his preface to the eighteenth book of his Commentaries on Isaiah, Jerome should affirm it to have been composed against Irenaeus of Lyons. Irenaeus was certainly of the number of those who held millennial views, and who had been persuaded to embrace such by Papias, as Jerome himself tells us in the Catalogus and as Eusebius explains towards the close of the third book of his History. But that this book by Dionysus was written not against Irenaeus but against Nepos, is evident, not only from this passage in Eusebius, but also from Jerome himself, in his work On Ecclesiastical Writers, where he speaks of Dionysius.- Vales. [Compare (this series, infra) the comments of Victorinus of Petau for a Western view of the millennial subject.]
3 th=j pollh=j yalmw|di/aj. Christophorsonus interprets this of psalms and hymns composed by Nepos. It was certainly the practice among the ancient Christians to compose psalms and hymns in honour of Christ. Eusebius bears witness to this in the end of the fifth book of his History. Mention is made of these psalms in the Epistle of the Council of Antioch against Paul of Samosata, and in the penultimate canon of the Council of Laodicea, where there is a clear prohibition of the use of yalmoi9 i9diwtikoi/ in the church, i.e., of psalms composed by private individuals. For this custom had obtained great prevalence, so that many persons composed psalms in honour of Christ, and got them sung in the church. It is psalms of this kind, consequently, that the Fathers of the Council of Laodicea forbid to be sung thereafter in the church, designating them i/diwtikoi, i.e., composed by unskilled men, and not dictated by the Holy Spirit. Thus is the matter explained by Agobardus in his book De ritu canendi psalmos in Ecclesia.-Vales, [See vol. v., quotation from Pliny.]
4 tauth|= ma=llon h|\ proanepau/sato: it may mean, perhaps, for the way in which he has gone to his rest before us.
5 katepaggellome/nwn, i.e., diu ante promittunt quam tradunt. The metaphor is taken from the mysteries of the Greeks, who were wont to promise great and marvellous discoveries to the initiated, and then kept them on the rack by daily expectation, in order to confirm their judgment and reverence by such suspense in the conveyance of knowledge, as Tertullian says in his book Against the Valentinians.-Vales. [Vol. iii. p. 503.]
6 Reading e0lpizein a/napeiqo/ntwn for e0lpizo/mena peiqo/ntwn, with the Codex Mazarin.
7 e0n me\n ou\n tw|=' Arsenoei/th| . In the three codices here, as well as in Nicephorus and Ptolemy, we find this scription, although it is evident that the word should be written Arsinoei/th|, as the district took its name from Queen Arsinoe.-Vales.
8 ei9 kai\ fai/nointo. There is another reading, ei9 kai\ mh fai/nointo, although they might not appear to be correct. Christophorsonus renders it: ne illis quae fuerant ante ab ipsis decreta, si quidquam in eis veritati repugnare videretur, mordicus adhaererent praecavebant.
9 h0plwme/naij tai=j kardi/aij. Christophorsonus renders it, puris erga Deum ac simplicibis animis; Musculus gives, cordibus ad Deum expansis; and Rufinus, patefactis cordibus. [The picture here given of a primitive synod searching the Scriptures under such a presidency, and exhibiting such tokens of brotherly love, mutual subordination (1 Pet. v. 5), and a prevailing love of the truth, is to me one of the most fascinating of patristic sketches. One cannot but reflect upon the contrast presented in every respect by the late Council of the Vatican.]
10 This passage is given substantially by Eusebius also in book iii. c. 28.
11 The text gives o0neiropolei=n, for which for which o0neiropolei=/ or w0neiropo/l/\ei is to be read.
12 di' w\n enfhmo/teron tau=ta w|0h/qh poriei=sqai. The old reading was eu0qumo/teron; but the present reading is given in the Mss., Cod. Maz., and Med., as also in Eusebius, iii. 28, and in Nicephorus, iii. 14. So Rufinus renders it: et ut aliquid sacratius dicere videretur, legales aiebat festivitates rursum celebrundas. [These gross views of millennial perfection entailed upon subsequent ages a reactionary neglect of the study of the Second Advent. A Papal aphorism, preserved by Roscoe, embodies all this: "Sub umbilico nulla religio." It was fully exemplified, even under Leo X.]
13 [The humility which moderates and subdues our author's pride of intellect in this passage is, to me, most instructive as to the limits prescribed to argument in what Coleridge calls "the faith of reason."]
15 diecagwgh=j legome/nhj. Musculus renders it tractatum libri; Christophorsonus gives discursum; and Valesius takes it as equivalent to oi0konomi0an, as diecagagei=n is the same as dioikei=n.
21 It is worth while to note this passage of Dionysius on the ancient practice of the Christians, in giving their children the names of Peter and Paul, which they did both in order to express the honour and affection in which they held these saints, and to secure that their children might be dear and acceptable to God, just as those saints were. Hence it is that Chrysostom in his first volume, in his oration on St. Meletius, says that the people of Antioch had such love and esteem for Meletius, that the parents called their children by his name, in order that they might have their homes adorned by his presence. And the same Chrysostom, in his twenty-first homily on Genesis, exhorts his hearers not to call their children carelessly by the names of their grandfathers, or great-grandfathers, or men of fame; but rather by the names of saintly men, who have been shining patterns of virtue, in order that the children might be fired with the desire of virtue by their example.-Vales. [A chapter in the history of civilization might here be given on the origin of Christian names and on the motives which should influence Christians in the bestowal of names. The subject is treated, after Plato, by De Maistre.]
24 This is the second argument by which Dionysius reasoned that the Revelation and the Gospel of John are not by one author. For the first argument he used in proof of this is drawn from the character and usage of the two writers; and this argument Dionysius has prosecuted up to this point. Now, however, he adduces a second argument, drawn from the words and ideas of the two writers, and from the collocation of the expressions. For, with Cicero, I thus interpret the word su/ntacin. See the very elegant book of Dionysius Hal. entitled Peri su/nta/cewj o9noma/twn-On the Collocation of Names; although in this passage su/ntacij appears to comprehend the disposition of sentences as well as words. Further, from this passage we can see what experience Dionysius had in criticism; for it is the critic's part to examine the writings of the ancients, and distinguish what is genuine and authentic from what is spurious and counterfeit.-Vales.
28 The old reading was, ton lo/gon, th\n gnw=sin. Valesius expunges the th0n gnw=sin, as disturbing the sense, and as absent in various codices. Instead also of the reading, to/n te th=j sofiaj, to/n te th=j gnw/sewj, the same editor adopts to/n te th=j gne/sewj, to/n te th=j fra/sewj, which is the reading of various manuscripts, and is accepted in the translation. Valesius understands that by the e0ka/teron logon Dionysus means the logoj e/ndia/qetoj and the logoj proforiko/j, that is, the subjective discourse, or reason in the mind, and the objective discourse, or utterance of the same.
29 [The jealousy with which, while the canon of New Testament Scripture was forming, every claim was sifted, is well illustrated in this remarkable essay. Observe its critical skill and the fidelity with which he exposes the objections based on the style and classicality of the Evangelist. The Alexandrian school was one of bold and original investigation, always subject in spirit, however, to the great canon of Prescription.]
30 Against the Epicureans. In Eusebius, Praepar. Evangel., book xiv. ch. 23-27. Eusebius introduces this extract in terms to the following effect: It may be well now to subjoin some few arguments out of the many which are employed in his disputation against the Epicureans by the bishop Dionysius, a man who professed a Christian philosophy, as they are found in the work which he composed on Nature. But peruse thou the writer's statements in his own terms.
35 e0klhrono/mhse to\ o@noma. Eusebius subjoins this remark: tau=t' ei0pwn, ech=j a0naskeua/zei to\ do/gma dia\ pollw=n, a9tar de\ dia\ tou/twn, = having said thus much, he (Dionysius) proceeds to demolish this doctrine by many arguments, and among others by what follows.-Gall.
37 The text is, a0ll' ou0de a0po\ mikrw=n tw=n sunh/qwn kai\ para0 po/daj nouQetou/ntwn, etc. We adopt Viger's suggestions and read /nouqetou=ntai.
38 The text is, e0kate/raj suneko/mise kairion, for which Viger proposes eij to\n e0kate0raj, etc.
39 The text gives, o0ratwsan ga\r ta\j a0qea/touj e0kei=noi, kai\ ta\j a0noh/touj noeitwsan, ou0x o9moi/wj e0kei/nw, etc. The passage seems corrupt. Some supply fuseij as the subject intended in the aqeatouj and anoh/touj; but that leaves the connection still obscure. Viger would read, with one ms., a\qe/touj instead of a\qa/etouj, and makes this then the sense: that those Epicureans are bidden study more closely these unregulated and stolid (a0noh9touj) atoms, not looking at them with a merely cursory and careless glance, as David acknowledges was the case with him in the thoughts of his own imperfect nature, in order that they may the more readily understand how out of such confusion as that in which they are involved nothing orderly and finished could possibly have originated. [P. 86, note 2, infra]
40 Ps. cxxxix.16. The text gives, to\ a0kate/egasto/n sou i@dwsan oi\ o0fqalmoi mou. This strange reading, instead of the usual to\ a0kate/gasti/n mou ei\don (or i@don) oi9 o0fqalmoi sou, is found also in the Alexandrine exemplar of the Septuagint, which gives, to\ a0kate0rgasto/n sou ei0dosan oi9 o0fqalmoi mou, and in the Psalter of S. Germanus in Calmet, which has, imperfectum tuum viderunt oculi mei. Viger renders it thus: quod ex tuis operibus imperfectum adhuc et impolitum videbatur, oculi tandem mei perviderunt; i.e., Thy works, which till now seemed imperfect and unfinished, my eyes have at length discerned clearly; to wit, because being now penetrated by greater light from Thee, they have ceased to be dim-sighted. See Viger's note in Migne.
41 [The reproduction of all this outworn nonsense in our age claims for itself the credit of progressive science. It has had its day, and its destiny is to be speedily wiped out by the next school of thinkers. Meanwhile let the believer's answer be found in Isa. xxxvii. 22, 23.]
48 perse/a, a sacred tree of Egypt and Persia, the fruit of which grew from the stem.
50 The text gives diafqora=j, for which Viger suggests diafora=j.
56 [Our author touches with sagacity this crux of theory: whence comes force, the origin and the perpetuation of impetus? Christianity has thus anticipated the defects of "modern science."]
62 This sentence, which is quoted as from the Scriptures, is found nowhere there, at least verbatim et ad litteram. [Amos iii. 3.]
64 Job x. 10-12. [The milky element (sperma) marvellously changed into flesh, and the embroidery of the human anatomy, are here admirably brought out. Compare Ps. cxxxix. 12-16; also p. 86, note 1, supra]
65 [Eccles. iii. 11. Note the force of the word Cosmos. Coleridge's Aids to Reflection, p. 251, ed. New York, 1840. Also, Coleridge's fancy about the to\ kalo/n quasi kalousn.
66 e0dwdh\ w@sper fopologou=sa.
67 The text is, kai\ ta\ a@lla di' o@swn e0mfanw=j h9 sioikhsij th=j a0mqrwpeiou memhxa/nhtai dianomh=j. Viger proposes diamonh=j for dianomh=j, and renders the whole thus: "ac caetera quorum vi humanae firmitatis et conservationis ratio continetur."
68 The text is, w/n o9moiw= toi=j a@frosi/ e@xontej oi9 sofoi\ th\n krisi/n, ou0k i@sxousi th\n gnw=sin. We adopt Viger's suggestion, and read xrh=sin for kri/sin.
69 We read, with Viger, qeo/thtj for a0qeo/thta The text gives oi\ me\n ga\r ei0j h@n a@n oihqw\sin a0qeo/thta, etc., which might possibly mean something like this: There are some who refer the whole economy to a power which these (others) may deem to be no divinity (but which is) the highest intelligence in all things, and the best benefactor, etc. Or the sense might be = There are some who refer this most intelligent and beneficent economy to a power which they deem to be no divinity, though they believe the same economy to be the work of a wisdom, etc.
70 The text is, h9mei=j de\ u@steron w9j a@n oi\oi/ te genw/meqa, ka@n e0pipolh=j, a0naqewrh/somen. Viger renders it thus: "Nos eam postea, jejune fortassis et exiliter, ut pro facultate nostra, prosequemur." He proposes, however, to read e0pi\ polloi=j (sc. r9h/masi or logoij) for epipolh=j.
71 The text is, xeirourgi/ai you/twn a0nqrw/pwn eu@rhntai swmatourgw=n. Viger proposes swmatourgoi/, "handicrafts for the construction of such bodies have been discovered by men."
72 ko/smwn. [See note 6, p. 88, supra]
74 Hesiod's Works and Days, v. 408.
78 The text gives, dia\ to\ th=j pei/raj a0lhqe/j. We adopt Viger's emendation, a@hqej.
79 ["Felix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas." But see Hippolytus (vol. v.), and compare Clement, vol. ii. pp. 565-567, this series.]
84 fu/sei ga\r gnw/mh tuxh|= ma/xetai. Viger refers to the parallel in Tullius, pro Marcello, sec. 7: "Nunquam temeritas cum sapientia commiscetur, nec ad consilium casus admittitur."
89 The text gives, h9du/ o@n au0toi/j ei\nai to\ filosofei=n . Viger suggests h/dion for h0du o@n.
90 dwth=raj e0a/wn. See Homer, Odyssey, viii. 325 and 335.
93 dhmiourgian au9toi=j h@ kataskeuh/n.
97 The text gives, ou=j e0n tw|= kenw|= katri=de qeou/j . Viger proposes tou/j for ou@j.
99 For a0to/mwn Viger suggests a0tmw=n, "of vapours."
105 The text is, e0pi th|= pa0ntwn kri/sei. Viger suggests kti/sei, "at the creation of all things."
106 The quotation runs thus: kai\ pa/nta kata\ th\n au0tou= pro/stacin pe/fhne kala/. Eusebius adds the remark here: "These passages have been culled by me out of a very large number composed against Epicurus by Dionysius, a bishop of our own time." [Among the many excellent works which have appeared against the "hopelessly blinded" Epicureans of this age, let me note Darwinism tested by Language, by E. Bateman, M.D. London, Rivingtons, 1877.]
107 In Eusebius, Praepar. Evangel., book vii. ch. 19.
108 Eusebius introduces this extract thus: "And I shall adduce the words of those who have most thoroughly examined the dogma before us, and first of all Dionysius indeed, who, in the first book of his Exercitations against Sabellius, writes in these terms on the subject in hand." [Note the primary position of our author in the refutation of Sabellianism, and see (vol. v.) the story of Callistus.]
110 poo\j tou\j a0qewta/touj poluqe/ouj.
111 Fragments of a second epistle of Dionysius, Bishop of Alexandria, or of the treatise which was inscribed the "Elenchus et Apologia." [A former epistle was written when Dionysius (of Rome) was a presbyter.]
112 And in what follows (says Athanasius) he professes that Christ is always, as being the Word, and the Wisdom, and the Power.
117 From Athan., Ep. de decret. Nic. Syn., 4. 18. [See remarks on inevitable discrepancies of language and figurative illustrations at this formative period, vol. iv. p. 223.]
118 Ex Athan., Ep. de decret. Nic. Syn., 4. 17.
120 Rom. ii. 13; Jas. iv. 12. The Greek word poihth/j meaning either maker or doer, causes the ambiguity here and below.
122 Athanasius adds (ut supra, 4. 21), that Dionysius gave various replies to those that blamed him for saying that God is the Maker of Christ, whereby he cleared himself.
123 John i. 1. [For r9hma, see vol. ii. p. 15, this series.
124 Ex Athan., Ep. de decret. Nic. Syn., 4. 25. [P. 94, notes 1, 2, infra]
125 John i. 1. [For r9hma, see vol. ii. p. 15, this series.
127 Ex Athan., Ep. de decret. Nic. Syn., 4. 18.
128 Ex Athan., Ep. de decret. Nic. Syn., 4. 25. [P. 94, notes 1, 2, infra]
130 Emanant. [P. 49, supra, and vol. iii. p. 299, this series.]
131 Sermonem [So Tertullian, Sermo, vol. iii. p. 299, note 19.]
132 Ex Basilio, lib. de Spir. Sancto, chap. 29.
133 Ibid. cap. penult., p. 61.
134 Of the work itself Athanasius thus speaks: Finally, Dionysius complains that his accusers do not quote his opinions in their integrity, but mutilated, and that they do not speak out of a good conscience, but for evil inclination; and he says that they are like those who cavilled at the epistles of the blessed apostle. Certainly he meets the individual words of his accusers, and gives a solution to all their arguments; and as in those earlier writings of his he confuted Sabellius most evidently, so in these later ones he entirely declares his own pious faith. [Conf. Hermas, vol. iii. p. 15, note 7,with note 2, supra.]
135 Containing explanations which were given as answers to questions proposed by that bishop on various topics, and which have been received as canons. [The Scholium, p. 79, is transposed from here.]
136 a\ponhstizesqai dei=. Gentianus Hervetus renders this by jejunandus sit dies Paschae; and thus he translates the word by jejunare, "to fast," wherever it occurs, whereas it rather means always, jejunium solvere, it "to have done fasting." In this sense the word is used in the Apostolic Constitutions repeatedly: see book v. chap. 12, 18, etc. It occurs in the same sense in the 89th Canon of the Concilium Trullanum. The usage must evidently be the same here: so that it does not mean, What is the proper hour for fasting on the day of Pentecost? but, What is the hour at which the ante-paschal fast ought to be terminated-whether on the evening preceding the paschal festival itself, or at cockcrowing, or at another time?-Gall. See also the very full article in Suicer, s.v.
137 I give the beginning of this epistle of Dionysius of Alexandria also as it is found in not a few manuscripts, viz. e0pesteila/j moi...th= tou= pa/sxa perilusei,-the common reading being, th\n tou= pasxa h9me/ran. And the perilusij tou= pa/sxa denotes the close of the paschal fast, as Eusebius (Hist. Eccles. v. 23) uses the phrase ta\j tw=n a0sitiw=n e0piluseij,-the verbs perilu/ein, apolu/ein, e\pilu/ein, katalu/ein, being often used in this sense.-Cotelerius on the Apostolic Constitutions, v. 15.
139 [Note this and the Nicene decision which made the Alexandrian bishop the authority concerning the paschal annually, vol. ii. Elucidation II. p. 343.]
141 kata\ kairou\j e\nhllagme/nouj.
144 th|= e0pifwskou/sh|= mia=| Sabba/twn.
145 th= e\pifwskou/sh| ei0j mi/an Sabba/twn.
151 para/ tou=to...proelhluq/ei.
152 Luke xxiii. 56, xxiv. 1, 2.
154 prou>\pofainome/nhn au0th/n e0wqinh\n e0mfanizei..
156 pro\ nukto/j e@gguj h@dh mesou/shj a0nie/ntaj.
157 w9j par' o0ligon prokatalu/ontaj to\n dromon.
158 [1 Tim. iv. 8. Mark the moderation of our author in contrast with superstition. But in our days the peril is one of an opposite kind. Contrast St. Paul, 2 Cor. xi. 27.]
159 That is, as Balsamon explains, the six days of the week of our Lord's passion.
160 To these canons are appended the comments of Balsamon and Zonaras, which it is not necessary to give here.
161 Matt. ix. 20; Luke viii. 43.
162 Referring to the relations of marriage, dealt with in 1 Cor. vii. 5, etc.
164 Rom. xiv. 23. [Gr. katake/kritai = is condemned = self-condemned. Wordsworth cites Cicero, De Officiis, i. 30.]
165 [The entire absence of despotic authority in these episcopal teachings is to be noted. 2 Cor. i. 24.]
1 Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., vii. 11.
3 Reading e0peidh\ punqa/nesqe, for which some codices give e0pei\ punqa/nesqai.
4 strathgw=n. Christophorsonus would read strathgou= in the sense of commander. But the word is used here of the duumviri, or magistrates of Alexandria. And that the word strathgo/j was used in this civil acceptation as well as in the common military application, we see by many examples in Athanasius, Ammianus Marcellinus, and others. Thus, as Valesius remarks, the soldiers (stratiwtw=n) here will be the band with the centurion, and the attendants (u/phretw=n) will be the civil followers of the magistrates.
5 This happened in the first persecution under Decius, when Dionysius was carried off by the decision of the prefect Sabinus to Taposiris, as he informs us in his epistle to Germanus. Certainly any one who compares that epistle of Dionysius to Germanus with this one to Domitius, will have no doubt that he speaks of one and the same event in both. Hence Eusebius is in error in thinking that in this epistle of Dionysius to Domitius we have a narrative of the events relating to the persecution of Valerian,-a position which may easily be refuted from Dionysius himself. For in the persecution under Valerian, Dionysius was not carried off into exile under military custody, nor were there any men from Mareotis, who came and drove off the soldiers, and bore him away unwillingly, and set him at liberty again; nor had Dionysius on that occasion the presbyters Gaius and Faustus, and Peter and Paul, with him. All these things happened to Dionysius in that persecution which began a little before Decius obtained the empire, as he testifies himself in his epistle to Germanus. But in the persecution under Valerian, Dionysius was accompanied in exile by the presbyter Maximus, and the deacons Faustus, and Eusebius, and Chaeremon, and a certain Roman cleric, as he tells us in the epistle to Germanus.-Valesius.
6 e0n th=| no/sw|, Rufinus reads nh/sw|, and renders it, "But of the deacons, some died in the island after the pains of confession." But Dionysius refers to the pestilence which traversed the whole Roman world in the times of Gallus and Volusianus, as Eusebius in his Chronicon and others record. See Aurelius Victor. Dionysius makes mention of this sickness again in the paschal epistle to the Alexandrians, where he also speaks of the deacons who were cut off by that plague.-Vales.
7 peristola\j e0ktelei=n. Christophorsonus renders it: "to prepare the linen cloths in which the bodies of the blessed martyrs who departed this life might be wrapped." In this Valesius thinks he errs by looking at the modern method of burial, whereas among the ancient Christians the custom was somewhat different, the bodies being dressed out in full attire, and that often at great cost, as Eusebius shows us in the case of Astyrius, in the Hist. Eccles., vii. 16. Yet Athanasius, in his Life of Antonius, has this sentence: "The Egyptians are accustomed to attend piously to the funerals of the bodies of the dead, and especially those of the holy martyrs, and to wrap then in linen cloths: they are not wont, however, to consign them to the earth, but to place them on couches, and keep them in private apartments."
8 Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., vi. 45.
9 Jerome, in his Catalogus, where he adduces the beginning of this epistle, gives Novatianus for Novatus. So in the Chronicon of Georgius Syncellus we have Dionu/sioj Nauatianw=|. Rufinus' account appears to be that there were two such epistles,-one to Novatus, and another to Novatianus. The confounding of these two forms seems, however, to have been frequent among the Greeks. [See Lardner, Credib., sub voce Novat. Wordsworth thinks the Greeks shortened the name, on the grounds which Horace notes ad vocem "Equotuicum." Satires, I. v. 87.]
10 We read, with Gallandi, kai0 h\n ou0k a0docute0ra th=j e@neken tou= mh\ i9dwlolatreu=sai (sic) ginome/nhj, h9 e@neken tou@ mh\ sxi/sai marturi/a. This is substantially the reading of three Venetian codices, as also of Sophronius on Jerome's De vir. illustr., ch. 69, and Georgius Syncellus in the Chronogr., p. 374, and Nicephorus Callist., Hist. Eccles., vi. 4. Pearson, in the Annales Cyprian., Num. x. p. 31, proposes qu\sai for sxi/sai. Rufinus renders it: "et erat non inferior gloria sustinere martyrium ne scindatur ecclesia quam est illa ne idolis immoletur."
11 Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., vi. 41, 42, 44. Certain codices read Fabianus for Fabius, and that form is adopted also by Rufinus. Eusebius introduces this epistle thus: "The same author, in an epistle written to Fabius bishop of Antioch, gives the following account of the conflicts of those who suffered martyrdom at Alexandria."
12 kai\ fqa/saj o9 kakw=n, etc. Pearson Annales Cyprian. ad ann., 249 § 1, renders it rather thus: "et praevertens malorum huic urbi vates et auctor, quisquis ille fuit, commovit," etc.
13 eu0se/beian th/n qrnskei/an daimo/nwn. Valesius thinks the last three words in the text ( = service to their demons) an interpolation by some scholiast. [Note qrhskei/an = cultus, Jas. i. 27.]
15 [To this day St. Apollonia is invoked all over Europe; and votive offerings are to be seen hung up at her shrines, in the form of teeth, by those afflicted with toothache.]
16 ta/ th=j a0sebei/aj khru/gmata. What these precisely were, it is not easy to say. Dionysius speaks of them also as du/sfhma r9h/mata in this epistle, and as a@qeoi fwnai in that to Germanus. Gallandi thinks the reference is to the practice, of which we read also in the Acts of Polycarp, ch. 9, where the proconsul addresses the martyr with the order: loido/rhson to\n Xristo/n-Revile Christ. And that the test usually put to reputed Christians by the early persecutors was this cursing of Christ, we learn from Pliny, book x. epist. 97. [Vol. i. p. 41.]
18 e0fe/stion, for which Nicephorus reads badly, 9Efe/sion.
20 a0ql\i/ouj. But Pearson suggests a@qlouj, = "when insurrection and civil war took the place of these persecutions." This would agree better with the common usage of diade/xomai.
21 a0sxoli/an tou= pro\j h\maj qumou= labo/n/twn The Latin version gives "dum illorum cessaret furor." W. Lowth renders,"dum non vacaret ipsis furorem suum in nos exercere."
22 This refers to the death of the Emperor Philip, who showed a very righteous and kindly disposition toward the Christians. Accordingly the matters here recounted by Dionysius took place in the last year of the Emperor Philip. This is also indicated by Dionysius in the beginning of this epistle, where he says that the persecution began at Alexandria a whole year before the edict of the Emperor Decius. But Christophorsonus, not observing this, interprets the metabolh\n th=j basilei/aj as signifying a change in the emperor's mind toward the Christians, in which error he is followed by Baronius, ch. 102.-Vales.
23 In this sentence the Codex Regius reads, to\ pror0r9hqe\n u9po\ tou= Kuri/ou h9mw=n parabraxu/ to\ foberw/taton, etc., = "the one intimated beforetime by our Lord, very nearly the most terrible one." In Georgius Syncellus it is given as h9 para\ braxu/. But the reading in the text, a0pofai=non "setting forth," is found in the Codices Maz., Med., Fuk., and Savilii; and it seems the best, the idea being that this edict of Decius was so terrible as in a certain measure to represent the most fearful of all times, viz., those of Antichrist.-Vales.
25 oi9 de\ dhmosieu/ontej u9po\ tw=n pra/cewn h@gonto. This is rendered by Christophorsonus, "alii ex privatis aedibus in publicum raptati ad delubra ducuntur a magistratibus." But dhmosieuontej is the same as ta\ dhmo/sia pra/ttontej, i.e., decurions and magistrates. For when the edict of Decius was conveyed to them, commanding all to sacrifice to the immortal gods, these officials had to convene themselves in the court-house as usual, and stand and listen while the decree was there publicly recited. Thus they were in a position officially which led them to be the first to sacrifice. The word praceij occurs often in the sense of the acts and administration of magistrates: thus, in Eusebius, viii. 11; in Aristides, in the funeral oration on Alexander, ta\ d' ei0j praceij te kai\ politeiaj, etc. There are similar passage also in Plutarch's Politika\ paragge/lmata, and in Severianus's sixth oration on the Hexameron. So Chrysostom, in his eighty-third homily on Matthew, calls the decurions tou\j ta\ politika\ pra/ttontaj. The word dhmosieu/ontej, however, may also be explained of those employed in the departments of law or finance; so that the clause might be rendered, with Valesius: "alii, qui in publico versabantur, rebus ipsis et reliquorum exemplo, ad sacrificandum ducebantur." See the note in Migne.
26 i0sxurizo/menoi here for diisxurizo/menoi.-Vales.
27 pro\j to\ e9ch=j a0pei=pon. It may also mean, "renounced the faith in the prospect of what was before them."
28 A blessed one. Alluding to Matt. v. 10, 12.
29 meta\ polu/n. But Codices Med., Maz., Fuk., and Savilii, as well as Georgius Syncellus, read met' ou0 polu/n, "after a short time."
31 Here Valesius adds from Rufinus the words kai\'Ammwna/rion e@tera, "and a second Ammonarium," as there are four women mentioned.
32 In Georgius Syncellus and Nicephorus it is given as Aster. Rufinus makes the name Arsinus. And in the old Roman martyrology, taken largely from Rufinus, we find the form Arsenius.-Vales.
33 In his Bibliotheca, cod. cxix., Photius states that Isidorus was full brother to Pierius, the celebrated head of the Alexandrian school, and his colleague in martyrdom. He also intimates, however, that although some have reported that Pierius ended his career by martyrdom, others say that he spent the closing period of his life In Rome after the persecution abated.-Ruinart.
34 su/ntagma stratiwtiko/n. Rufinus and Christophorsonus make n turmam militum. Valesius prefers manipulum or contubernium. These may have been the apparitors or officers of the praefectus Augustalis. Valesius thinks rather that they were legionaries, from the legion which had to guard the city of Alexandria, and which was under the authority of the praefectus Augustalis. For at that time the praefectus Augustalis had charge of military affairs as well as civil.
35 ba/qron. Valesius supposes that what is intended is the seat on which the accused sat when under interrogation by the judge.
36 qriambeu/ontoj au0tou/j. Rufinus makes it, "God thus triumphing in them;" from which it would seem that he had read di' au0tou/j. But qriambeu/ein is probably put here for qriambeu/ein poiei=n as basileu/ein is also used by Gregory Nazianzenus.
37 That is, Nilopolis or Niloupolis. Eusebius, bishop of the same seat, subscribed the Council of Ephesus.-Reading.
38 to\ 9Ara/bion o@roj. There is a Mons Arabicus mentioned by Herodotus (ii. 8), which Ptolemy and others call Mons Troïcus.-Vales.
39 This passage is notable from the fact that it makes mention of the Saracens. For of the writers whose works have come down to us there is none more ancient than Dionysius of Alexandria that has named the Saracens. Ammianus Marcellinus, however, writes in his fourteenth book that he has made mention of the Saracens in the Acts of Marcus. Spartianus also mentions the Saracens in his Niger, and says that the Roman soldiers were beaten by them.-Vales. ["The barbarous Saracens:" what a nominis umbra projected by "coming events," in this blissfully ignorant reference of our author! Compare Robertson, Researches, on the conquest of Jerusalem.]
40 As to the martyrs' immediate departure to the Lord, and their abode with Him, see Tertullian, On the Resurrection of the Flesh, ch. xliii., and On the Soul, v. 55. [Vol. iii. p. 576; Ib., p. 231.]
41 That the martyrs were to be Christ's assessors, judging the world with Him, was a common opinion among the fathers. So, after Dionysius, Eulogius, bishop of Alexandria, in his fifth book, Against the Novatians. Photius, in his Bibliotheca, following Chrysostom, objects to this, and explains Paul's words in 1 Cor. vi. 2 as having the same intention as Christ's words touching the men of Nineveh and the queen of the south who should rise up in the judgment and condemn that generation.
42 sundika/zontej. See a noble passage in Bossuet, Préface sur l'Apocal., § 28.
44 Dionysius is dealing here not with public communion, such as was the bishop's prerogative to confer anew on the penitent, but with private fellowship among Christian people.-Vales.
45 a@dikon poihsw/meqa is the reading of Codices Maz., Med., Fuk., and Savil., and also of Georgius Syncellus. Others read a@dekton poihso/meqa, "we shall treat it as inadmissible."
46 The words kai\ to9n Qeo\n parocu/nomen, "and provoke God," are sometimes added here; but they are wanting in Codices Maz., Med., Fuk., Savil., and in Georgius Syncellus.
47 Eusebius introduces this in words to the following effect: "Writing to this same Fabius, who seemed to incline somewhat to this schism, Dionysius of Alexandria, after setting forth in his letter many other matters which bore on repentance, and after describing the conflicts of the martyrs who had recently suffered in Alexandria, relates among other things one specially wonderful fact, which I have deemed proper for insertion in this history, and which is as follows."
48 That is, none either of the clergy or of the people were moved by his prayers to consider him a proper subject for absolution; for the people's suffrages were also necessary for the reception into the Church of any who had lapsed, and been on that account cut off from it. And sometimes the bishop himself asked the people to allow absolution to be given to the suppliant, as we see in Cyprian's Epistle 53, to Cornelius [vol. v. p. 336, this series], and in Tertullian On Modesty, ch. xiii. [vol. iv. p. 86, this series]. Oftener, however, the people themselves made intercession with the bishop for the admission of penitents; of which we have a notable instance in the Epistle of Cornelius to Fabius of Antioch about that bishop who had ordained Novatianus. See also Cyprian, Epistle 59 [vol. v. p. 355].-Vales.
49 In the African Synod, which met about the time that Dionysus wrote, it was decreed that absolution should be granted to lapsed persons who were near their end, provided that they had sought it earnestly before their illness. See Cyprian in the Epistle to Antonianus [vol. v. p. 327, this series].-Vales.
50 a0fiesqai. There is a longer reading in Codices Fuk. and Savil., viz.: tw=n qeiwn dw/rwn th=j metado/sewj a0ciou=sqai kai ou@twj afiesqai, "be deemed worthy of the imparting of the divine gifts, and thus be absolved."
51 Valesius thinks that this custom prevailed for a long time, and cites a synodical letter of Ratherius, bishop of Verona (which has also been ascribed to Udalricus by Gretserus, who has published it along with his Life of Gregory VII.), in which the practice is expressly forbidden in these terms: "And let no one presume to give the communion to a laic or a woman for the purpose of conveying it to an infirm person."
52 a0pobre/cai. Rufinus renders it by infundere. References to this custom are found in Adamanus, in the second book of the Miracles of St Columba, ch 6; in Bede, Life of St. Cuthbert, ch. 31, and in the poem on the life of the same; in Theodorus Campidunensis, Life of St. Magnus, ch. 22; in Paulus Bernriedensis, Life of Gregory VII., p. 113.
53 o9mologhqh=nai. Langus, Wolfius, and Musculus render it confiteri, "confess." Christophorsonus makes it in numerum confessorum referri, "reckoned in the number of confessors:" which may be allowed if it is understood to be a reckoning by Christ. For Dionysius alludes to those words of Christ in the Gospel: "Whosoever shall confess me before men, him will I confess also before my Father."-Vales.
54 Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., vi. 46.
55 In the second chapter of the seventh book of his Ecclesiastical History, Eusebius says: "To this Stephen, Eusebius wrote the first of his epistles on the matter of baptism." And he calls this the first, because Dionysius also wrote other four epistles to Xystus and Dionysius, two of the successors of Stephen, and to Philemon, on the same subject of the baptizing of heretics.-Gallandi.
56 Eusebius introduces the letter thus: "When he had addressed many reasonings on this subject to him (Stephen) by letter, Dionysius at last showed him that, as the persecution had abated, the churches in all parts opposed to the innovations of Novatus were at peace among themselves." [See vol. v. p. 275.]
57 kai\ e@ti proswte/rw. These words are omitted in Codices Fulk, and Savil., as also by Christophorsonus; but are given in Codices Reg. Maz., and Med., and by Syncellus and Nicephorus.
58 Baronius infers from this epistle that at this date, about 259 A.D., the Oriental bishops had given up their "error," and fallen in with Stephen's opinion, that heretics did not require to be rebaptized,-an inference, however, which Valesius deems false. [Undoubtedly so.]
59 The name assigned by the pagans to Jerusalem was Aelia. It was so called even in Constantine's time as we see in the Tabula Peutingerorum and the Itinerarium Antonini, written after Constantine's reign. In the seventh canon of the Nicene Council we also find the name Aelia. [Given by Hadrian A.D. 135.]
60 The words koimhqentoj 'Aleca/ndrou are given in the text in connection with the clause Mari=noj e\n Tu/rw. They must be transposed however as in the translation; for Mazabanes had succeeded Alexander the bishop of Aelia, as Dionysius informs us in his Epistle to Cornelius. So Rufinus puts it also in his Latin version.-Vales.
61 Alluding to the generous practice of the church at Rome in old times in relieving the wants of the other churches, and in sending money and clothes to the brethren who were in captivity, and to those who toiled in the mines. To this effect we have the statement of Dionysius, bishop of Corinth, in his Epistle to Soter, which Eusebius cites in his fourth book. In the same passage, Eusebius also remarks that this commendable custom had been continued in the Roman church up to his own time; and with that object collections were made there, of which Leo Magnus writes in his Sermones.-Vales. [Note this to the eternal honour of this See in its early purity.]
62 [In vol. v., to illustrate the history of Cyprian, reference is made to this letter; and in the Clark edition another rendering is there given (a preferable one, I think) of this same letter, which I have thought better to reserve for this place. It belongs here, and I have there noted its appearance in this volume.]
63 [proestw=tej. See Euseb., Hist Eccles., book viii. capp. 2, 3 and 4; also vol. v., this series, as above mentioned.]
64 Dionysius mentions letters that had been written by him as well to the Presbyters Dionysius and Philemon as to Stephen, on the baptism of heretics and on the Sabellian heresy.
67 Of Sixtus, bishop of Rome. [A.D. 257].
68 1 Thess. v. 21. [Euseb., vi. 7. The apostle is supposed to refer to one of the reputed sayings of our Lord, gi/nesqe do/kimoi trapezitai = examinatores, i.e., of coins, rejecting the base, and laying up in store the precious. Compare Jer. xv. 19.]
69 [I find that it is necessary to say that the "Africans" of Egypt and Carthage were no more negroes than we "Americans" are redmen. The Carthaginians were Canaanites and the Alexandrians Greeks. I have seen Cyprian's portrait representing him as a Moor.]
71 At that time presbyter of Xystus, and afterwards his successor. He teaches that Novatian is deservedly to be opposed on account of his schism, on account of his impious doctrine, on account of the repetition of baptism to those who came to him.
72 Of a man who sought to be introduced to the Church by baptism, although he said that he had received baptism, with other words and matters among the heretics.
73 [Vol. v. See a reference to Cyril's Catechetical Lectures.]
74 Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., vi. 40, vii. 11.
75 ou0demi/an e0p' e0mautou= ballo/menoj. In Codex Fuk. and in the Chronicon of Syncellus it is e0p' e0mautw=.. In Codices Maz. and Med. it is e0p' e0mauto/n. Herodotus employs the phrase in the genitive form-ballo/menoj e0f' e0autou= peprhxe, i.e., seipsum in consilium adhibens, sua sponte et proprio motu fecit.
76 a9lla\ kai\ pro/tepon. Christophorsonus and others join the pro/teron, with the diwgmou=, making it mean, "before the persecution." This is contrary to pure Greek idiom, and is also inconsistent with what follows; for by the au0th=j w@raj is meant the very hour at which the edict was decreed, diwgmo/j here having much the sense of "edict for the persecution."-Vales.
77 There was a body of men called frumentarii milites, employed under the emperors as secret spies, and sent through the provinces to look after accused persons, and collect floating rumors. They were abolished at length by Constantine, as Aurelius Victor writes. They were subordinate to the judges or governors of the provinces. Thus this Frumentarius mentioned here by Dionysius was deputed in obedience to Sabinus, the praefectus Augustalis.-Vales.
78 oi= pai=dej. Musculus and Christophorsonus make it "children." Valesius prefers "domestics."
79 a0ph/nteto/ tij tw@n xwritw=n. In Codices Maz., Med., Fuk., and Savil., a0ph/nta is written; in Georgius Syncellus it is a0phnta=to.
80 xwritw=n rendered indigenarum by Christophorsonus, and incolarum, "inhabitants," by the interpreter of Syncellus; but it means rather "rustics." Thus in the Greek Councils the tw=n xwrw=n presbu/teroi, presbyteri pagorum, are named. Instead of xwritw=n, Codices Maz., Med., and Fuk. read xwrikw=n; for thus the Alexandrians named the country people, as we see in the tractate of Sophronius against Dioscorus, and the Chronicon of Theophanes, p. 139.
82 fora/dhn e0ch/gagon. The fora/dhn may mean, as Valesius puts it, in sella, "on a stool or litter."
84 to\ teleutaion e0pi to\ prw=ton a0natre/xonti, i.e., to begin by interdicting him from holding Christian assemblies, while the great question was whether he was a Christian at all, would have been to place first what was last in order and consequence.
88 Germanus had accused Dionysius of neglecting to hold the assemblies of the brethren before the persecutions broke out, and of rather providing for his own safety by flight. For when persecution burst on them, the bishops were wont first to convene the people, in order to exhort them to hold fast the faith of Christ; there infants and catechumens were baptized, to provide against their departing this life without baptism, and the Eucharist was given to the faithful.-Vales.
89 ai0sqhth=j meta\ tou= Kuri/ou sunagwgh=j.
90 w0j ei\pon. Codices Maz. and Med. give ei0pei=n, "so to speak;" Fuk. and Savil. give w0j ei\pen o a0po/stoloj, "as the apostle said." See on 1 Cor. v. 3.
91 [Acts xiv. 27; Rev. iii. 8. If the author here quotes the Apocalypse, it is noteworthy. Elucidation, p. 110.]
92 h9maj de\ mallon wn o0dw|= kai\ prw/touj katalhfhsome/nouj e$tacen.
93 ta0 Kollouqi/wnoj, supplying me/rh, as Dionysius has already used the phrase ta\ me/rh th=j Libu/hj. This was a district in the Mareotic prefecture. Thus we have mention made also of ta\ Bouko/lou, a certain tract in Egypt, deriving its name from the old masters of the soil. Nicephorus writes Kolou/qion, which is probably more correct; for Kollouqi/wn is a derivative from Colutho, which was a common name in Egypt. Thus a certain poet of note in the times of Anastasius, belonging to the Thebaid, was so named, as Suidas informs us. There was also a Coluthus, a certain schismatic, in Egypt, in the times of Athanasius, who is mentioned often in the Apologia; and Gregory of Nyssa names him Acoluthus in his Contra Eunomium, book ii.-Vales.
94 kata\ meroj sunagwgai. When the suburbs were somewhat distant from the city, the brethren resident in them were not compelled to attend the meetings of the larger church, but had meetings of their own in a basilica, or some building suitable for the purpose. The Greeks, too, gave the name proa/steion to places at some considerable distance from the city, as well as to suburbs immediately connected with it. Thus Athanasius calls Canopus a proa/steion; and so Daphne is spoken of as the proa/steion of Antioch, Achyrona as that of Nicomedia, and Septimum as that of Constantinople, though these places were distant some miles from the cities. From this place it is also inferred that in the days of Dionysius there was still but one church in Alexandria, where all the brethren met for devotions. But in the time of Athanasius, when several churches had been built by the various bishops, the Alexandrians met in different places, kata me/roj kai dih|rhme/nwj, as Athanasius says in his first Apology to Constantius; only that on the great festivals, as at the paschal season and at Pentecost, the brethren did not meet separately, but all in the larger church, as Athanasius also shows us-Vales.
96 Maximus, in the scholia to the book of Dionysius the Areopagite, De coelesti hierarchia, ch. 5, states that Dionysius was by profession a rhetor before his conversion: o9 gou=n me/gaj Dionu/sioj o0 'Alecandrewn e0piskopoj, o0 a9po\ r0hto/rwn, etc.-Vales.
97 tw=/n e0nanti/wn a9peilwsn.
98 This Sabinus had been prefect of Egypt in the time of Decius; it is of him that Dionysius writes in his Epistle to Fabius, which is given above. The Aemilianus, prefect of Egypt, who is mentioned here, afterwards seized the imperial power, as Pollio writes in his Thirty Tyrants, who, however, calls him general (ducem), and not prefect of Egypt.-Vales.
99 Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., vii. 1, 10, 23. Eusebius introduces this extract thus: "In an epistle to Hermammon, Dionysus makes the following remarks upon Gallus" the Emperor.
100 kata\ nou=n is the reading in the Codices Maz., Med., Fuk, and Savil., and adopted by Rufinus and others. But Robertus Stephanus, from the Codex Regius, gives kata\ r0ou=n, "according to the stream," i.e., favourably.
101 Eusebius prefaces this extract thus: "Gallus had not held the government two full years when he was removed, and Valerian, together with his son Gallienus, succeeded him. And what Dionysius has said of him may be learned from his Epistle to Hermammon, in which he makes the following statement."
102 e0co sia kai mh=nej tessarakontadu/o. Rev. xiii. 5. Baronius expounds the numbers as referring to the period during which the persecution under Valerian continued: see him, under the year 257 A.D., ch. 7. [See Introductory Note, p. 78, supra. Here is a quotation from the Apocalypse to be noted in view of our author's questionings, part i., i. 5, p. 83, supra]
103 The text is, kai tou/twn ma/lista ta\ pro\ au0tou= w9j ou@twj e@sxe sunnoei=u' e@wj h[pioj ,etc. Gallandi emends the sentence thus: kai au0tou= ta\ ma/lista pro\ tou/twn, w9j ou0x ou@twj e@sxe, sunnoei\n, ewj h[pioj, etc. Codex Regius gives w9j me\n h@pioj. But Codices Maz. and Med. give e/wj h\pioj, while Fuk. and Savil. give e@wj ga/r h@pioj.
104 He means the Emperor Philip who, as many of the ancients have recorded, was the first of the Roman emperors to profess the Christian religion. But as Dionysius speaks in the plural number, to Philip may be added Alexander Severus, who had an image of Christ in the chapel of his Lares, as Lampridius testifies, and who favoured and sustained the Christians during the whole period of his empire. It is to be noted further, that Dionysius says of these emperors only that they were said and thought to be Christians, not that they were so in reality.-Gallandi
106 Baronius thinks that this was that Magus who, a little while before the empire of Decius, had incited the Alexandrians to persecute the Christians, and of whom Dionysius speaks in his Epistle to Fabius. What follows here, however, shows that Macrianus is probably the person alluded to.
107 eu0daimh/sontaj. So Codices Maz., Med., Fuk. and Savil. read: others give eu0saimonh/santaj. It would seem to require eu0daimonh/sonta, "as if he would attain;" for the reference is evidently to Valerian himself.
108 By the au0toi=j some understand toi=j basileu=si; others better, toi=j daimosi. According to Valesius, the sense is this: that Macrianus having, by the help and presages of the demons, attained his hope of empire, made a due return to them, by setting Valerian in arms against the Christians.
109 e0pi tw=n kaqo/lou logwn. The Greeks. gave this name to those officials whom the Latins called rationales, or procuratores summae rei. Under what emperor Macrianus was procurator, is left uncertain here.
110 ou0de/n eu@logon ou0de\ kaqoliko\n efro/nhsen. There is a play here on the two senses of the word kaqoliko/j , as seen in the official title e0pi tw=n kaqo/lou logwn, and in the note of character in ou0de\ kaqoliko/n. But it can scarcely be reproduced in the English.
111 ouj0ai/ toi=j profhteu/ousin a0po\ kardiaj au0tw=n kai\ to\ kaqo/lou mh/ ble/pousin. The quotation is probably from Ezek. xiii. 3, of which Jerome gives this interpretation: Vae his qui prophetant ex corde suo et omnino non vident.
112 Robertus Stephanus edits th=j e9autou= e0kklhsi/aj, "from his Church," following the Codex Medicaeus. But the best manuscripts give swthri/aj.
113 A play upon the name Macrianus, as connected with makra/n, "at a distance." [This playfulness runs through the section.]
116 Christophorsonus refers this to Valerian. But evidently the ou[toj de/ introduces a different subject in Macrianus; and besides, Valerian could not be said to have been originally unworthy of the power which he aspired to.
117 to\n basi/leion u9podu=nai ko/smon.
119 Joannes Zonaras, in his Annals, states that Macrianus was lame.
120 w[n h0tu/xei. So Codex Regius reads. But Codices Maz., Med., and Fuk. give hu0tu/xei, "in which he succeeded."
122 Eusebius introduces the extract thus: He (Dionysius) addressed also an epistle to Hermammon and the brethren in Egypt; and after giving an account of the wickedness of Decius and his successors, he states many other circumstances, and also mentions the peace of Gallienus. And it is best to hear his own relation as follows.
123 This is rightly understood of Macrianus, by whose treachery Valerian came under the power of the Persians. Aurelius Victor, Syncellus, and others, testify that Valerian was overtaken by that calamity through the treachery of his generals.
125 prosta/j. But Valesius would read prossta/j, adstans.
126 prospela/saj is the reading of three of the codices and of Nicephorus; others give propela/saj.
127 [Rom xiii. 4, 6. St. Paul's strong expressions in this place must explain these expressions. A prince was, quoad hoc, comparatively speaking, godly and pious, as he "attended continually to this very thing." So, "most religious," In the Anglican Liturgy.]
128 Who ever expressed himself thus,-that one after his seven years was passing his ninth year? 'I'his septennium (eptaethri/j) must designate something peculiar, and different from the time following it. It is therefore the septennium of imperial power which he had held along with his father. In the eighth year of that empire, Macrianus possessed himself of the imperial honour specially in Egypt. After his assumption of the purple, however, Gallienus had still much authority in Egypt. At length, in the ninth year of Gallienus, that is, in 261, Macrianus the father and the two sons being slain, the sovereignty of Gallienus was recognised also among the Egyptians. And then Gallienus gave a rescript to Dionysius, Pinna, and Demetrius, bishops of Egypt, to re-establish the sacred places,-a boon which he had granted in the former year. The ninth year of Gallienus, moreover, began about the midsummer of this year; and the time at which this letter was written by Dionysius, as Eusebius observes, may be gathered from that, and falls consequently before the Paschal season of 262 A.D.-Pearson, p. 72. Gall.
129 Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., vii. 22. Eusebius prefaces the 21st chapter of his seventh book thus: "When peace had scarcely yet been established, he (Dionysius) returned to Alexandria. But when sedition and war again broke out, and made it impossible for him to have access to all the brethren in that city, divided as they then were into different parties, he addressed them again by an epistle at the Passover, as if he were still an exile from Alexandria." Then he inserts the epistle to Hierax; and thereafter, in ch. xxii., introduces the present excerpt thus: "After these events, the pestilence succeeding the war, and the festival being now at hand, he again addressed the brethren by letters, in which he gave the following description of the great troubles connected with that calamity."
130 ou0x o@pwj tw=n e\pilu/pwn is the reading of Codices Maz., Med., and Savil.; others give, less correctly, e0piloipwn.
131 The text gives, a0ll' ou0d' ei/ tij perixarh\j o@n oi/nqei=en ma/lista, which is put probably for the mere regular construction, o@n oi@ointo a0n ma/lista perixarh=. Nicephorus reads, ei@ tij perixarh\j w@n oihqei/h. The idea is, that the heathen could have no real festal time. All seasons, those apparently most joyous, no less than those evidently sorrowful, must be times void of all real rejoicing to them, until they learn the grace of God.
133 Dionysius is giving a sort of summary of all the calamities which befell the Alexandrian church from the commencement of his episcopal rule: namely, first, persecution, referring to that which began in the last year of the reign of Philip; then war, meaning the civil war of which he speaks in his Epistle to Fabius; then pestilence, alluding to the sickness which began in the time of Decius, and traversed the land under Gallus and Volusianus.-Vales.
134 a0namasso/menoi ta0j a0lghdo/naj. Some make this equivalent to mitigantes. It means properly to "wipe off," and so to become "responsible" for. Here it is used apparently to express much the same idea as the two preceding clauses.
135 mo/nhj filofrosu/nhj e@xesqai.
136 The phrase periyhma pa/ntwn refers to 1 Cor. iv. 13. Valesius supposes that among the Alexandrians it may have been a humble and complimentary form of salutation, e0gw/ eimi periyhma/ sou; or that the expression periyhma pa/ntwn had come to be habitually applied to the Christians by the heathen.
137 u9pti/aij xersi. [See Introductory Note, p. 77.]
140 Compare Defoe, Plague in London.]
141 Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., vii. 21. The preface to this extract in Eusebius is as follows: "After this he (Dionysius) wrote also another Paschal epistle to Hierax, a bishop in Egypt, in which he makes the following statement about the sedition then prevailing at Alexandria."
143 mesaita/th th=j po/lewj. Codex Regius gives tw= po/lewn. The sedition referred to as thus dividing Alexandria is probably that which broke out when Aemilianus seized the sovereignty in Alexandria. See Pollio's Thirty Tyrants.
144 a@peiroj. But Codices Fuk. and Savil. give a@poroj, "impracticable."
145 a0kroto/mou. It may perhaps mean "smitten" here.
147 Written I'hw/n in Codex Alexandrinus, but I'ew/n in Codex Vaticanus.
150 e0k th=j d' e9ortastikh=j e0pistolh=j. From the Sacred Parallels of John of Damascus, Works, ii. p. 753 C, edit. Paris, 1712. In his Ecclesiastical History, book vii. ch. 20, Eusebius says: "In addition to these epistles, the same Dionysius also composed others about this time, designated his Festival Epistles, and in these he says much in commendation of the Paschal feast. One of these he addressed to Flavius, and another to Domitius and Didymus, in which he gives the canon for eight years, and shows that the Paschal feast ought not to be kept until the passing of the vernal equinox. And besides these, he wrote another epistle to his co-presbyters at Alexandria."
1 See, in the Bibliotheca Veterum Patrum of Gallandi, the Appendix to vol. xiv., added from the manuscripts, after the editor's death by an anonymous scholar.
1 [Compare the Metaphrase, p. 9, supra. Query, are not these twin specimens of exegetical exercises in the school at Alexandria?]
7 ei[pe, for which ei\de, "discerned," is suggested.
14 Reading prostiqei=sa for protiqei=sa.
18 o@j e0leu/setai o0pi/sw th=j boulh=j su/mpanta o@sa e@poihsen au@th.
27 kaqo/ti h@dh ta\ pa/nta e0pelh/sqh.
31 The text gives, pw=j de0 kai\ ou0k pare0k Qeou= a0sw/twn brwma/twn kai\ meqh.
35 The fast of the Paschal week, and the feast that follows, are here referred to. Of course the religious saltation of the Hebrews (2 Sam. vi. 14) is the thought of Koheleth, and figuratively it is here adopted for holy mirth.]
37 Ps. cii. 24, th\n o0ligo/thta tw=n h0merw=n mou a0na/ggeilo/n moi.
2 ou0k e@sti. Migne suggests ou0ke/ti: "Let it no more come near me."
3 met' au0to/n. May it be, "and next to Himself" (the Father)?
7 The text gives ka@n tou=to pa/lin to\ ei0ktiko/n, etc. Migne proposes, ka@n toutw| pa/lin to\ eu0ktiko/n = and Matthew again describes the supplicatory and docile in Him.
15 The text is, h9ma=j u@gia e@deicen. Migne proposes u9gi/asen.
16 [Note this somewhat modern "explaining away." It proves the freedom of our author from any predisposition to exegetical exaggeration, if nothing more.
18 This sentence is supposed to be an interpolation by the constructor of the Catena.
19 The text is, t\j doule/iaj. Migne suggests, th=j deili/aj = "the feeling of our fear."
21 The text is, ou0de\ h9 sfo/dra deilo/tatoj, etc. We read, with Migne, ei0 instead of h9.
22 [Note the following sentence, without which, as explanatory, this might be quoted as a Monothelite statement. Garbling is a convenient resource for those who claim the Fathers for other false systems.]
24 [This seems to be a quotation from the Alexandrian Fathers showing how early such questions began to be agitated. Settled in the Sixth Council, A.D. 681, the last "General Council."]
27 ma/lista i@swj panti a0nqrw/pw|.
32 Some such clause as iaqh=nai du/natai requires to be supplied here.
34 Reading w9|tiniou=n for o9tiou=n.
1 Another fragment from the Vatican Codex, 1611, fol. 291. See also Mai, Bibliotheca Nova, vi. 1. 165. This is given here in a longer and fuller form than in the Greek of Gallandi in his Bibliotheca, xiv., Appendix, p. 115, as we have had it presented above, and than in the Latin of Corderius in his Catena on Luke xxii. 42, etc. This text is taken from a complete codex.
6 ei de/ ou0k e@pion au0to9 h\dh kai\ a/nh/lwsa' a0lla de/oj mh/ u9p' au0tou= plh/rhj epikeime/nou katapoqei/hn.
8 [In these allegorical interpretations we see the pupil of Origen.]
1 Another fragment, connected with the preceding on Christ's prayer in Gethsemane. Edited in a mutilated form, as given by Gallandi, in his Bibliotheca, xiv. p. 117, and here presented in its completeness, as found its the Vatican Codex 1611, f. 292, b.
1 A fragment. Edited from the Vatican Codex 1996, f. 78, belonging to a date somewhere about the tenth century.
2 Reading pollou= ge dei=. The text gives po/lu ge dei=.
3 a0tmi/j. If this strange reading a0tmi/j is correct, there is apparently a play intended on the two words pneu=ma and a0tmi0j, = if God is a pneu=ma, which word literally signifies Wind or Air, Christ, on that analogy, may be called a0tmi0j that is to say, the Vapour or Breath of that Wind.
1 That the Son is not different from the Father in nature, but connatural and consubstantial with Him. From the Panoplia of Euthymius Zigabenus in the Cod. xix. Nanianae Biblioth.
2 [See his explanations in the epistle to Dionysius p. 92, supra]
1 A fragment, probably by the Alexandrian Dionysius. This seems to be an excerpt from his works On Penitence, three of which are mentioned by Jerome in his De Script. Eccl., ch. 69. See Mai, Classici Auctores, x. 484. It is edited here from the Vatican Codex.
2 toi=j palamnaioij dai/mosi. Or, with the demons of vengeance.
1 Vol. ii. p. 87, this series.
1 This letter, as given by Eusebius, is acephalous. A large portion of it is supplied by Cardinal Angelo Mai in the Bibliotheca nova Patrum, vol. iv. pp. 231 and 273. We enclose in brackets the parts wanting in Gallandi, who copied Eusebius (Hist. Eccl., i. 7). On this celebrated letter of Africanus to Aristides, consult especially Eusebius (Hist. Eccl., i. 7); also Jerome, comm. on Matt. i. 16; Augustine, Retract., ii. 7; Photius, cod. xxxiv. p. 22; and in addition to these, Zacharias Chrysopol. in Bibl. P. P. Lugd., vol. xix. p. 751.
7 Here what is given in Eusebius begins.
8 Reading sunepepla/kh. Migne would make it equivalent to "superimplexum est." Rufinus renders it, "Reconjunctum namque est sibi invicem genus, et illud per Salomonem et illud quod per Nathan deducitur," etc.
9 a0nasta/sesin a0te/knwn. Rufinus and Damascenus omit these words in their versions of the passage.
10 The reading of the Codex Regius is a0kolouqi/an, i.e., succession; the other leading Mss. give e0pollagh/n, i.e. interchange or confusion.
11 But in our text in Luke iii. 23, 24, and so, too, in the Vulgate, Matthat and Levi are inserted between Heli and Melchi. It may be that these two names were not found in the copy used by Africanus.
12 Here Africanus applies the term "widow" (xhreu/ousan) to one divorced an well as to one bereaved.
14 Two things may be remarked here: first, that Africanus refers the phrase "as was supposed" not only to the words "son of Joseph," but also to those that follow, "the son of Heli;" so that Christ would be the son of Joseph by legal adoption, just in the same way as Joseph was the son of Heli, which would lead to the absurd and impious conclusion that Christ was the son of Mary and a brother of Joseph married by her after the death of the latter. And second, that in the genealogy here assigned to Luke, Melchi holds the third place; whence it would seem either that Africanus's memory had failed him, or that as Bede conjectures in his copy of the Gospel Melchi stood in place of Matthat (Migne). [A probable solution.]
15 Other Mss. read, "Adam the son of God."
16 The word "priest" is used here perhaps improperly for "servant of the temple," i.e., iereuj for i0ero/douloj.
17 So Josephus styles him "procurator of Judea, and viceroy" (e0pimelhth\j th=j 'Iouai/aj, and epi/tropoj).
18 This whole story about Antipater is fictitious. Antipater's father was not Herod, a servant in the temple of Apollo, but Antipater an Idumean, as we learn from Josephus (xiv. 2). This Antipater was made prefect of Idumea by Alexander king of the Jews, and laid the foundation of the power to which his descendants rose. He acquired great wealth, and was on terms of friendship with Ascalon, Gaza, and the Arabians.
19 Several Mss. read a0rxiproshlu/twn for a@xri proshlu/twn, whence some conjecture that the correct reading should be a@xri twsn a0rxiproshlu/twn, i.e., back to the "chief proselytes,"-these being, as it were, patriarchs among the proselytes, like Achior, and those who joined the Israelites on their flight from Egypt.
20 This word occurs in the Septuagint version of Ex. xii. 19, and refers to the strangers who left Egypt along with the Israelites. For Israel was accompanied by a mixed body, consisting on the one hand of native Egyptians, who are named au0to/xqonej in that passage of Exodus, and by the resident aliens, who are called geiw=rai. Justin Martyr has the form gho/ran in Dialogue with Trypho, ch. cxxii. The root of the term is evidently the Hebrew rn
, "stranger."
21 The word despo/sunoi was employed to indicate the Lord's relatives, as being His according to the flesh. The term means literally, "those who belong to a master," and thence it was used also to signify "one's heirs."
22 proeirhme/nhn. Nicephorus reads prokeime/nhn.
23 e0k te th=j biblou tw=n h9merw=n. By this "Book of Days" Africanus understands those "day-books" which he has named, a little before this, i0diwtika\j a0pografa/j. For among the Jews, most persons setting a high value on their lineage were in the habit of keeping by them private records of their descent copied from the public archives, as we see it done also by nobles among ourselves. Besides, by the insertion of the particle te, which is found in all our codices, and also in Nicephorus, it appears that something is wanting in this passage. Wherefore it seems necessary to supply these words, kai a0po\ mnh/mhj e0j o@son e\ciknou=nto, "and from memory," etc. Thus at least Rufinus seems to have read the passage, for he renders it: Ordinem supradictae generationis partim memoriter, partim etiam ex dierum libris, in quantum erat possibile, perdocebant (Migne).
1 Edited from two Munich codices by J. Chr. von. Aretin, in his Beiträge zur Geschichte und Literatur, anno 1804, p. ii. p. 49. [I place this apocryphal fragment here as a mere appendix to the Genealogical Argument. An absurd appendix, indeed.]
2 Which is extant in two Mss. in the Electoral Library of Munich, and in one belonging to the Imperial Library of Vienna.
4 The term in the original (a0lklari/aij) is one altogether foreign to Greek, and seems to be of Arabic origin. The sense, however, is evident from the use of synonymous terms in the context.
5 There is a play upon the words, perhaps, in the original. The Greek term for Juno (#Hra) may be derived from e@ra, terra, so that the antithesis intended is, "She is no longer called Earthly, but Heavenly."
6 i.e., Fountain, Spring, or Stream.
7 The initial letters of the Greek 'Ihsou=j Xristo\j Qeou= Ui0o9j Swth/r, i.e., "Jesus Christ the Son of God the Savior." when joined together, make the word ixqu/j, i.e., fish; and the fathers used the word, therefore, as a mystic symbol of Christ, who could live in the depth of our mortality as in the abyss of the sea. [Vol. ii. p. 297.]
8 i.e., as sea, land, and sky.
12 The text gives qrobadei=, for which Migne proposes qoru/bhqi.
14 ti/ to\ e0po/menon, perhaps meant for, What business brings you?
15 u9pe\r mantei/aj a0risthj w@sper katatoceuo/menoi.
18 makra\j ta\j xei=raj according to Migne, instead of the reading of the manuscript, makri\n th\n kh=ran e!xousa.
21 The manuscripts give a0nta/rtaj, for which Migne proposes a0nqrw/pouj or a/nterga/taj. [Unworthy, wholly so, of our author. This curious specimen of the romances of antiquity might better have found its place with other Protevangelia in vol. viii., this series.]
1 In Georgius Syncellus, Chron., p. 17, ed. Paris, 14 Venet.
2 The text is:...sumpi/ptousi tai=j o0ktw\ kai\ e0nne/a xilia/sin e0tw=n, a@j Aigutiwn oi para/ Platwni i0erei=j ei/j So/lwna katariqmou=tej ou/k a/lhqeu/ousi.
3 In Georgius Syncellus, Chron., p. 19, al. 15.
4 The text here is manifestly corrupt: e0pimixqe/ntwn au\tw=n, th\n a0gana/kthsin poih/sasqai to\n Qeo/n.
5 In Georgius Syncellus, Chron., p. 81, al. 65.
6 In Georgius Syncellus, Chron., p. 21, al. 17.
8 For there was a hill Ararat in Phrygia, from which the Marsyas issued, and the ark was declared to have rested there by the Sibylline oracles. [But see vol. v. p. 149.]
9 In Georgius Syncellus, Chron., p. 83, al. 67.
10 In the same, p. 86, al. 68.
11 In the same, p. 93, al. 74. [Compare vol. v. p. 148.]
12 In the same, p. 99, al. 79. [rbac/
13 In Georgius Syncellus, Chron., p. 100, al. 80.
14 lh/gei te panti\ u@dati pa/sxwn ta0e\na/ntia.
16 In Georgius Syncellus, Chron., p. 107, al. 86.
17 Heliogabalus is probably intended, in whose time Africanus flourished. At least so thinks Syncellus.
18 On this terebinth, see Scaliger (ad Graeca Euseb., p. 414); Franciscus Quaresimus, in Elucid. terrae sanctae; Eugenius Rogerius, etc.; and also Valesius, ad Euseb. De Vit. Constant., iii. 53, notes 3 and 5.
19 Scaliger acknowledges himself ignorant of this word e/ktena/j. In the Eastern Church it is used to denote protracted prayers (preces protensiores) offered by the deacon on behalf of all classes of men, and the various necessities of human life. See Suicer, sub voce. Allatius thinks the text corrupt, and would read, e0f' o@n ta/ o0lokautw/mata kai\ ta\j e9kato/mbaj a0neferon = on which they offered both holocausts and hecatombs. [Littledale, Eastern Offices, p. 253.]
20 In Georgius Syncellus, Chron., p. 106, al 85.
21 In the same, p. 148, al. 118, from the Third Book of the Chron. of Africanus.
23 Others write Ogyges. Josephus (in Apionem), Euseb. (de Praepar.). Tatian [vol. ii. p. 81], Clemens [not so, vol. ii. p. 324], and others write Ogygus.
24 The text is, o@j toy= prwtou= prwtou= kataklusmou= gegonen epw/numoj. The word e0pw/numoj is susceptible of two meanings, either "taking the name from" or "giving the name to." 'Wgugia kaka/ was a proverbial expression for primeval ills.
25 The text is here, kata\ th\n e9c Ai@gupton tou= laou= meta\ Mwu>\se/wj i@codon gene/sqai, for which we may read kata\ th\n e9c Ai0guptou, etc.
26 9Wgugon 9Aktai=on h= ta\ pgasso/mena tw=n o0noma/twn. Compare xiii. 6, where we have to\n ga\r meta\ 9Wgugon 9Aktai=on, etc.
27 From Georgius Syncellus, Chron., Third Book. In Euseb., Praepar., x. 40. [Compare vol. ii. pp. 324-334.]
29 There is a difficulty in the text; Viger omits "Athenian."
30 The Latin translator expunges the "and" (kai/), and makes it = more careful than all the Attic writers.
31 The original here, as in the same passage above, is corrupt. It gives kata\ thn Ai@gupton, which Migne would either omit entirely or replace by a0p' Ai@guptou.
32 These words are inserted according to Viger's proposal, as there is a manifest omission in the text.
33 From Georgius Syncellus, Third Book. In the Chron. Paschal., p. 104, ed. Paris, 84 Venet.
34 From the same, Book III., and from Book IV. In Syncellus p. 197, al. 158.
35 The text is, a0nagrafh=nai de\ prw/thn th\n tessareskaideka/thn. etc.
36 From Book v. In Eusebius, Demonst. Evang., Book VIII ch. ii. p. 389, etc. The Latin version of this section is by Bernardinus Donatus of Verona. There is also a version by Jerome given in his commentary on Dan ix. 24.
37 Jerome in his version gives the 15th (quintum decimum).
38 In Syncellus, p. 307, al. 244.
39 The sense is doubtful here: kai\ w9j ou0den h0ci/ou pisteu/esqai e@st' a@n kataxqh|\ ei0j tn\n e9autou= a0rxh/n, etc.
40 There is a break here in the original.
41 This is according to the rendering of the Latin version.
42 Here again there is a blank in the original.
43 The text is corrupt here. It gives, e0n tw|= mesaioli/w|, a word unknown in Greek. Scaliger reads Maisaio/lion. Goarus proposes Mauswlaion, which we adopt in the translation.
45 Samaria was so named in reference to its restoration by Gabinius, the proconsul of Syria. See Josephus (Antiq., book xiv. ch. x. ), who states that Gabinius traversed Judea, and gave orders for the rebuilding of such towns as he found destroyed; and that at this way Samaria, Azotus, Scythopolis, Antedon, Raphia, Dora, Marissa, and not a few others, were restored.
46 The text is: h@n 'Olumpia\j rpq 9, h@tij pro/j 9 kalansw=n Marti/wn kata\ 'Antioxei/j kd 9 e@tei h@cqh, di' h9j e0pi\ tw=n i/di/wn o9ri/wn w@sth o9 e\niauto/j. In every fourth year the 24th day of February ( = vi. Cal. Mart.) was reckoned twice. There were three different eras of Antioch, of which the one most commonly used began in November 49 B.C. Migne refers the reader to the notes of Goarus on the passage, which we have not seen. The sense of this obscure passage seems to be, that that period formed another fixed point in chronology.
47 In Georgius Syncellus, Chron., p. 322 or 256.
48 e@n kata\ th\n o@yin. [Vol. iii. p. 58, Elucid. V., this series.]
50 Or, on a table; w9j e0n grafh|=.
51 The text in the beginning of this section is hopelessly corrupt. Scaliger declares that neither could he follow these things, nor did the man that dreamt them understand them. We may subjoin the Greek text as it stands in Migne: Metacu/ de\ tou= le/gein to\n e0niauto\n h/merw=n tce, kai\ tetramori/ou, kai tw=n a0po\ iq' th=j nuxqhme/rou, merw=n e0...ei0j ta\ uoe/, hme/rai to\ para/llhlon ei0si\ j/, kai\ tetramorion. 9Eti ge mh\n to\n th=j selh/nhj mh=na kata\ th\n a0kribh= leptologi/an eu/ri/skomen kq', kai\ h\me/raj kai\ nukto/j diaireqei/shj ei/j me/rh se/, tou/twn ta\ o', kai\ h@misu ...a@ gi/netai e0nnenhkostotetarta tri/a.
56 In Basil, De Spiritu Sancto, ch. xxix. § 73; Works, vol. iii. p. 61, edit. Paris. [Elucidation II.]
57 For r0hmatwn, words, three Mss. give r/htw=n, sayings.
58 For h9mi=n Patri/ there is another reading, h9mwn patra/si = to Him who gave to our fathers.
59 These words, "and our Lord," are wanting in three mss..
1 Gallandi, Bibl. Patrum, vol. i. Proleg. p. lxxi. and p. 329.
2 See Eusebius, Life of Constatine, ii. 50.
3 The Martyrologies celebrate their memory on the 10th June: one of the Colbert Mss. gives Zoticus for Getulius.
4 A Colbert ms. gives "laudantes" = praising.
5 This response, along with the next interrogation, is wanting in the Colbert manuscript.
6 Sur., Card., and the Colbert Codex give "Zoticus."
7 The Colbert Codex reads "Extacteus;" Cardulus gives "Stacteus," by which name he is designated beneath by them all.
8 In one of the Colbert codices, and in another from the Sorbonne, there is a passage inserted here about the death of Adrian, which is said to have happened a little after that of these martyrs.
9 Routh, Reliqu. Sacrae, vol. ii. pp. 233, 339, 341, 355. Compare also vol. ii. 334 and 346, this series.
10 Also on the Seventy Weeks (p. 134, supra), vol i. pp. 227-240 and 322.
11 Origines Sacrae, vol. i. pp. 64-120.
12 Works, vol. ii. pp. 457-468.
13 See Introductory Notice, p. 123, note 4, supra.
1 First edited from ancient manuscript by Aegidius Bucherius, of the Society of Jesus.
2 Euseb., Hist. Eccles., vi. 11. [Narcissus must have been born about A.D. 121. Might have known Polycarp.]
3 Ibid., vi. 46. [Narcissus lived till A.D. 237, and died a martyr, aged 116.]
4 He was a pupil of Pantaenus, continued under Clement, and defended Origen against the severity of Demetrius. Two dates which are conjectural are adjusted to these facts. I find it difficult to reconcile them with those implied by Eusebius.]
1 Circulos [Note the reference to Hippolytus.]
2 Gressus. Vol. v. p. 3: also Bunsen, i. pp. 13, 281.]
3 [It seems probable that the hegemony which Alexandria had established in all matters of learning led to that full recognition of it, by the Council of Nicaea, which made its bishop the dictator to the whole Church in the annual calculation of Easter. Vol. ii. 343.]
4 i.e., "smith" or "brasier," probably from his assiduity.
5 Lunae vii. Perhaps, as Bucher conjectures, Lunae xiv., fourteen days, &c.
6 The text is doubtful and corrupt here.
8 [The Church's Easter-calculations created modern astronomy, which passed to the Arabians from the Church. (See Whewell's Inductive Sciences.) They preserved it, but did not improve it, in Spain. Christianity re-adopted it, and the presbyter Copernicus new-created it. The court of Rome (not the Church Catholic) persecuted Galileo; but it did so under the lead of professional "Science,'" which had darkened the human mind, from the days of Pythagoras, respecting his more enlightened system.]
9 The word is afesij, which Valesius makes equivalent to a0fethria, the rope or post from which the chariots started in the race, and so = starting-point.-Tr.
11 pro\j au0tw=n-others read pro/, before them.
12 Anatolius writes that there were two Agathobuli with the surname Masters; but I fear that he is wrong in his opinion that they were more ancient than Philo and Josephus. For Agathobulus, the philosopher, flourished in the times of Adrian, as Eusebius writes in his Chronicon, and after him Georgius Syncellus.-Vales.
13 Aristoboulou tou= pa/nu-Rufinus erroneously renders it Aristobulum ex Paneade, Aristobulus of Paneas. Scaliger also, in his Animadversiones Eusebianae, p. 130, strangely thinks that the text should be corrected from the version of Rufinus. And Bede, in his De Ratione Computi, also follows the faulty rendering of Rufinus, and writes Aristobulus et Paniada, as though the latter word were the proper name of a Jewish writer, finding probably in the Codex of Rufinus, which he possessed, the reading Aristobulus et Paneada, which indeed is found in a very ancient Paris manuscript, and also in the Codex Corbeiensis. But that that Aristobulus was not one of the seventy translators, as Anatolius writes, is proved by Scaliger in the work cited above. This Aristobulus was also surnamed dioa/skaloj, or Master, as we see from the Maccabees, ii. 1. For I do not agree with Scaliger in distinguishing this Aristobulus, of whom mention is made in the Maccabees, from the Peripatetic philosopher who dedicated his Commentaries on the Law of Moses to Ptolemy Philometor-Vales. [See vol. ii. p. 487, and Elucidation II. p. 520, same volume, this series.]
15 kuriaka\j a0podei/ceij-Christophorsonus renders it ratas; Rufinus gives validissimas assertiones. The Greeks use ku/rioj in this sense, kupi/ai di/kai, docai, &c., decisive, valid, judgments, opinions, &c.
16 The text gives a0paitw\n perih/|rhtai, &c.; various codices read a0p' au/twsn, &c. Valesius now proposes u@laj a0paitw=n 9 w\| perih/|rhtai, I shall pass on without...for the veil is removed from me.
17 An apocryphal book of some antiquity, which professes to proceed from the patriarch of that name, but of whose existence prior to the Christian era there is no real evidence. The first author who clearly refers to it by name is Tertullian. [Vol. iii. p. 62, and iv. 380.]
18 xiv. luna. The Romans used the phrase luna prima, secunda, &c., as meaning, the first, second day, &c., after new moon.-Tr.
20 Exod. xii. 15; Levit. xxiii. 6.
21 Matt. xxvi. 17; Mark xiv. 12; Luke xxii. 7.
23 [Vol. iii. p. 630. The convenire ad of Irenaeus is thus shown to be geographical, not ecclesiastical. Vol. i. pp. 415, 569.]
28 Celeberrimus, honoured, solemn.
30 [The sanctification of the Lord's Day is thus shown to be a Christian principle. The feast of Easter was the Great Lord's Day, but the rule was common to the weekly Easter.]
31 Annorum circuli principium inchoandum est.
32 In quo autumnalis novissima pars vincitur.
34 Diminuitur. [This year (1886) we have the lowest possible Easter.]
36 [Compare what is said of Hippolytus, vol. v. p. 3, this series. See the valuable work of Professor Seabury on the Calendar, ed. 1872.]
1 Fabricius, Biblioth. Graeca, ed. Harles, vol. iii. p. 462. Hamburg, 1793.
10 tou\j pro\j a@llhla lo/gouj.
13 pro\j th\n tw=n u9popipto/ntwn do/sin.
19 peripeteia, reversal of circumstances on which the plot of a tragedy hinges.
20 A native of Abdera, in Thrace, born about 460 B.C., and, along with Leucippus, the founder of the philosophical theory of atoms, according to which the creation of all things was explained as being due to the fortuitous combination of an infinite number of atoms floating in infinite space.
21 A famous physician, a native of Bithynia, but long resident in great repute at Rome in the middle of the first century B.C. He adopted the Epicurean doctrine of atoms and pores, and tried to form a new theory of disease, on the principle that it might be in all cases reduced to obstruction of the pores and irregular distribution of the atoms.
23 [Wisd xi. 20; Ecclus. xxxviii. 29 and xlii. 7.]
24 th\n e0pisthmonikh\ qewri/an.
25 sullh/bdhn katalabei=n po/sa th@ w0risme/nh| ou0sia| sumbe/bhken.
26 A native of Rhodes, a disciple of Aristotle, and editor of his works.
27 A native of Chios, mentioned by Plato in connection with Anaxagoras, and therefore supposed by some to have been a contemporary of the latter sage.
29 Of Miletus, one of the sages, and founder of the Ionic school.
30 Of Miletus, born 610 B.C., the immediate successor of Thales in the Ionic school of philosophy.
32 Of Miletus, the third in the series of Ionic philosophers.
1 De Decret. Nic. Syn., 25, Works, vol. i. part i. p. 230.
2 Epist. 4, to Serapion, sec. 9, vol. i. part ii. p. 702.
1 A fragment. In Eusebius Hist. Eccles., book vi. ch. xi.
2 It was the opinion of Jerome in his Catalogus that the Clement spoken of by Alexander was Clement of Alexandria. This Clement, at any rate, did live up to the time of the Emperor Severus, and sojourned in these parts, as he tells us himself in the first book of his Stromateis. And he was also the friend of bishop Alexander, to whom he dedicated his book On the Ecclesiastical Canon, or Against the Jews, as Eusebius states in his Eccles. Hist., book vi. ch. xiii. (Migne). [But from the third of these epistles one would certainly draw another inference. How could he, a pupil of Clement, describe and introduce his master in such terms as he uses here?]
3 In Euseb., Hist. Eccles., book vi. ch. xi.
4 sunectazomeno/j moi dia\ tw=n eu0xwn. Jerome renders it: Salutat vos Narcissus, qui ante me hic tenuit episcopalem locum et nunc mecum eundem orationibus regit.
6 The text gives o0moi/wj e0moi\ f@ronh=sai. Several of the codices and also Nicephorus give the better reading, o9moi/wj e0moi\ o9mofronh=sai, which is confirmed by the interpretations of Rufinus and Jerome.
7 In Euseb., Hist. Eccles., ch. xiv.
8 [This contemporary tribute confirms the enthusiastic eulogy of the youthful Gregory. See p. 38, supra]
9 In Euseb., Hist. Eccles., ch. xix.
10 Demetrius is, for honour's sake, addressed in the third person. Perhaps h9 sh\ a9gio/thj or some such form preceded.
12 [This precise and definite testimony is not to be controverted. It follows the traditions of the Synagogue (Acts xiii. 15), and agrees with the Pauline prescription as to the use of the charismata in 1 Cor. xiv. The chiefs of the Synagogue retained the power of giving this liberty, and this passed to the Christian authorities.]
1 [See Introductory Note, p. 143, supra; also p. 99, note 8, supra.]
3 [Perhaps only speculatively (see Frag. II. infra), not dogmatically. Compare Wordsworth's Platonic Ode on Immortality.]
4 Lardner (part ii. book i. chap. xxiv.) does not think that there was a commentary written by Pierius on this epistle, but only that the word of Paul, mentioned below, was expounded at length in some work or other by Pierius. Fabricius holds the opposite opinion.-Tr.
5 See Eusebius as above, Jerome in the preface to Hosea, Photius, cod. 118, 119; Epiphanius, 69, 2; Lardner, part ii. book i. chap. 24; &c.
1 From book ii. In Athanasius, On the Decrees of the Nicene Council, sec. xxv. From the edition BB., Paris, 1698, vol. i. part i. p. 230. Athanasius introduces this fragment in the following terms:-Learn then, ye Christ-opposing Arians, that Theognostus, a man of learning, did not decline to use the expression "of the substance" (e0k th=j ou0siaj). For, writing of the Son in the second book of his Outlines, he has spoken thus: The substance of the Son.-Tr.
5 The words in italics were inserted by Routh from a Catena on the Epistle to the Hebrews, where they are ascribed to Theognostus: "He Himself" is the Son.
7 In Athanasius, Epist. 4, to Serapion, sec. 11, vol. i. part ii. p. 703.
9 teleiw/sei. [i.e., making the disciples te/leioi. Jas. i. 4.]
11 From Athanasius, as above, p. 155.
13 Heb. vi. 4. [Compare Matt. xii. 31.]
3 See Neander's Church History, vol. i. p. 197 (Bohn). [Christians began to be preferred for their probity. Diocletian's reign at first gave the Church a long peace (see vol. iv. p. 126) of well-nigh ten years.]
1 This very brief quotation is preserved in Jerome's Second Epistle to Pammachius.
4 Vol. iv. p. 243, edit. Benedictin. [No doubt he does, as did his Master, Christ, before him, and under the same limitations. Matt. xix. 12.]
1 From the Bibliotheca of Photius, cod. 119, p. 300, ed. Hoeschel.
5 [e.g., his Platonic ideas, as explained in note 3, p. 156, supra]
6 upo/stasij. [See my remarks, vol. iv. p. v., introductory.]
7 [Photos must often be received with a grain of salt.]
8 ei0j ton lo/gon. [On images, etc., Photius is no authority.]
9 The text here is evidently corrupt. It runs thus: oi0konomiaj de\ lo/gw| sugxwrhqh=nai mataiologei= w\j ou0den h\san w\j e@tera ta\ gegenhme/na. w9j ou0de\ tupon a@llon e@fere morfh=j, a/lla\ mo/non pterugwn kenologei= ferein auta\ sxh=ma. Hoeschelius proposes w/j ou0den h\san, w9j e@teron h@san, w9j e@tera, &c., and he rejects the w/j in w9j ou0de\n tu/pon on the authority of four codices.-Tr.
2 Hist. Eccles., viii. 9 and 10.
3 His diocese belonged to the region over which Alexandria had the primacy by the "ancient usages."]
1 In Dacherii Spicilegium, iii. pp. 297-299.
2 In salutis nostrae unicum remedium.
5 [A beautiful concern of our author for the honour of the Master seems to have dictated this noble letter. Matt. v. 16.]
12 [A most important hint to the clergy in their accounts with the Church.]
14 Murrhine vessels were first introduced into Rome by Pompey. They were valued chiefly for their variegated colours, and were extremely costly. Some think they were made of onyx stone, others of variegated glass: but most modern writers suppose that what is meant was some sort of porcelain.
15 [A lofty spirit of liberal love for literature is here exemplified.]
16 It is from these words that the inference is drawn that this epistle was written by a Greek.
17 [The teachings of Clement had formed the minor morals of Christians, See vol. ii. book ii. pp. 237, 284.]
18 [Thus is reflected the teaching of St. Paul, 1 Tim. v. 2. All women to be honoured, and "all purity" to characterize society with them.]
23 [Blessed spirit of primitive piety! Is not this rule too much relaxed in our own Laodicean age?]
24 Phil. iv. 7. [How much there is in this letter which ought to prick the consciences of wealthy and "fashionable" Christians of our day!]
1 [Another glorious product of the school of Alexandria.]
2 Apol. contr. Ruf., book i. num. 9, Works, ii. p. 465.
3 Proprii operis nihil omnino scripsit, exceptis epistolis quas ad amicos forte mittebat; in tantum se humilitate dejecerat.
1 In Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., viii. 10.
3 xristofo/roi. So Ignatius of Antioch was called qeofo/roj, God-bearer. [Vol. i. pp. 45, 49, this series.]
5 culoij. What is meant, however, may be the instrument called by the Romans equuleus, a kind of rack in the shape of a horse, commonly used in taking the evidence of slaves.
7 The text gives a@munthri/oij e0ko/lazon, for which Nicephorus reads a0munthrioij ta\j kola/seij. The a0munthria were probably the Latin ungulae, an instrument of torture like claws. So Rufinus understands the phrase.
8 h0gemw/n. That is probably the Roman Praefectus Augustalis.
9 th=j e0para/tou e0leuqeri/aj.
10 [It is impossible to accept modern theories of the inconsiderable number of the primitive martyrs, in view of the abounding evidences of a chronic and continuous persecution always evidenced by even these fragments of authentic history. See vol. iv. p. 125.]
13 Eusebius, after quoting these passages, adds:-"These are the words of a true philosopher, and one who was no less a lover of God than of wisdom, which, before the final sentence of his judge, and while he lay yet in prison, he addressed to the brethren in his church, at once to represent to them in what condition he was himself, and to exhort them to maintain steadfastly, even after his speedy death, their piety towards Christ."-Tr.
1 This epistle was first edited by Scipio Maffeius from an ancient Verona manuscript in the Osserv. Letter, vol. iii. pp. 11-17, where is given the Fragment of a History of the Meletian Schism. See Neander's important remarks on this whole document, Church History, iii. p. 310 (Bohn).-Tr.
3 [Parishes = dioceses (so called now); but they were very small territorially, and every city had its "bishop." See Bingham, book ix. cap. 2, and Euseb., book v. cap. 23. Comp. note 1, p. 106, supra]
5 [The bishops of Alexandria are called popes to this day, and were so from the beginning. See vol. v. p. 154.]
6 [Peter succeeded Theonas as sixteenth bishop and primate of Alexandria. See vol. iv. p. 384; also Neale, Pat of Alex., i. p. 90.]
7 Oportuerat ex populo properare ac nos exigere pro merito.
9 The manuscript reads chrismata, for which schismata is proposed.
10 Provisoris-perhaps rather, The Provider-the saint who with careful forethought has mapped out our proper course in such matters.
13 The manuscript gives ordinando adnuntias, for which is proposed ordinandi. Adnuntiamus.
14 Reading studeas for studetur.
16 Ut cogniscatur concupiscentia Meletii.
17 The text is-Commendans ei occasionem Meletius, separavit eos, &c.; on which see especially Neander, iii. p. 311 (Bohn).
18 This epistle is given elsewhere. [This volume, infra]
2 a0nh\r ta/ te a!lla lo/gioj.
4 In Eusebius, vii. 30. [Elucidation I., p. 172.]
1 This e@kqesij was edited under the name of Euthalius, Bishop of Sulce, towards the end of the preceding century, by Laurentius Zacagnius, in the collection of Monumenta Vetera, p. 428, published at Rome. Fabricius also compared the edition of Montfaucon with the Roman. This collation is added here.-Migne.
2 The text is ne/oi xro/nw| te kai\ maqhma/twn, e9ka/stou, &c.; for which Euthal., xro/nwn te kai\ maqhma/twn par' u9mw=n e0ka/stou.
4 But Euthal., dia\ me\n tou= me/lanoj...dia\ de\ tou= kinnaba/rewj i.e., by the different colours of black and vermilion.
5 These marks are wholly wanting in the Coislin Codex, from which Montfaucon edited the piece. But they are found in the Vatican Codex.-Tr.
6 Euthal. adds, kai peri th=j e0ndo/cou kai deute/raj au0tou= parousiaj, i.e, and of His glorious and second coming.
8 But Euthal. a0postolh=j, apostleship.
11 But Euthal., au0twn, their.
13 Euthal. inserts peri\ a0peilh=j, and of the threatening of the chief priests.
14 e0pi\ tw= o0no/mati; but Euthal., e0pi\to\ o@noma.
15 Reading a0ne/sewj with Euthal., instead of a0nanew/sewj.
17 e0di/doto; Euthal., di/dotai is given.
18 o@ti ou0k a0rguriou; Euthal., ou0 di' a0rguri/ou.
19 Euthal., dia\ Barna/ban, on Barnabas's account.
20 Euthal. inserts pa/lin, again.
21 The text is w\n ei\pen o9 a@ggeloj, &c. But Euthal., w@n o9 a@ggeloj e@pemartu/rhse kai\ u\fhgh/sato, which the angel testified and showed.
22 diakriqei=si pro\j au0to/n.
23 The text gives oi0koumenikh=j; Euthal., oi0koume/nhj.
24 The text gives katasfagh=j; Euthal., katastrofh=j.
25 Euthal., eirga/santo, they did.
27 Reading fulakte/wn with Euthal., instead of fulake/wn.
28 The text gives paneu/tioj; Euthal., pane0stioj. Montfaucon reads panoiki/.
29 But Euthal., Kri/spou, Crispus.
30 prosxwrei=n; Euthal., e0gxeirei=n.
31 Euthal., parai/nesij poimantikh/, pastoral exhortation.
33 eu0qubo/lwj, perhaps here, as Montfaucon makes it, sagaciously.
34 Euthal., e0p' au0tou, before him.
35 Euthal., kata; Pau'lon, against Paul.
36 Euthal., dia\ kinnaba/rewj, with the vermilion.
1 Notes on English Divines, vol. i. p. 199.
1 In Eusebius, vii. 30. [Elucidation I., p. 172.]
2 paroiki/a| [= jurisdiction. See p. 163, note 3, supra]
4 katabrabeu/wn, perhaps = receiving bribes from.
6 doukhna/rioj, the name given under the Emperors to those procurators who received 200 sestertia of annual salary.
7 u0pagoreu/wn. [Letters, e.g. from Zenobia.]
8 sh/krhton (from the Latin secerno, to separate) was the name given to the elevated place, railed in and curtained, where the magistrate sat to decide cases.
9 kataseiousi tai=j o0qo/naij, alluding to the custom of shaking the oraria or linen handkerchiefs as a token of applause. [Elucid. II.]
10 suneisa/ktouj gunai=kaj, priests'-housekeepers. See Lange on Nicephorus vi. 30, and B. Rhenanus on Rufinus, vii. The third canon of the Nicene Council in the Codex Corbeiensis has this title, De subintroductis id est adoptivis sororibus, Of the subintroduced, that is, the adopted sisters. See also on the abuse, Jerome, in the Epistle to Eustochius. They appear also to have been called commanentes and agapetae. See the note of Valesius in Migne. [Vol. ii. p. 47, and (same vol.) Elucidation II. p. 57.]
12 Referring either to Proverbs vi. or to Ecclesiasticus xxv.
13 e0corxhsa/menon, danced away.
1 koinwnika\ gra/mmata. On this Valesius gives the following note:-The Latins call these litterae communicatoriae, the use of which is of very ancient date in the Church. They called the same also formatae, as Augustine witnesses in Epistle 163. There were, moreover, two kinds of them. For there were some which were given to the clergy and laity when about to travel, that they might be admitted to communion by foreign bishops. And there were others which bishops were in the way of sending to other bishops, and which they in turn received from others, for the purpose of attesting their inter-communion; of which sort the Synod speaks here. These were usually sent by recently-ordained bishops soon after their ordination. Augustine, Epistle 162; Cyprian, in the Epistle to Cornelius, p. 320; and the Synodical Epistle of the Council of Sardica, appear to refer to these, though they may refer also to the formatae. [Vol. i. p. 12, n. 9.]
2 In Leontius of Byzantium, contra Nestor., book iii., towards the end.
7 We say, that as the exterior and the interior man are one person, so God the Word and humanity have been assumed as one person, a thing which Paul denies.-Can.
9 Secundum disciplinam et participationem. Paul of Samosata used to say that the humanity was united with the Wisdom as instruction (disciplina) is united with the learner by participation.-Can. [See Hooker, book v. cap. 52, sec. 4.]
13 Secundario, i.e., kata\ deu/teron lo/gon.-Turrian.
1 sunousiwme/noj tw|= a0nqrwpi/nw|.
2 In Petrus Diaconus, De Incarnat. ad Fulgentium, ch. 6. Among the works of Fulgentius, Epistle 16.
3 Ex simplicibus fit certe compositum.
5 Quia sapientia dispendium patiatur et ideo composita esse non possit-the sense intended being perhaps just that Paul alleged that the divine Wisdom admitted of being dispensed or imparted to another, but not of being substantially united with him.-Tr.
1 Some read alter in altero, others alter in altera.
2 From the same Acts in Leontius, as above.
4 Thus Cyril of Jerusalem, in the sixth book of his Catecheses, §§ 27 and 30, tells us how Manes fled into Mesopotamia, and was met there by that shield of righteousness (o#plon dikaiosu/nhj) Bishop Archelaus, and was refuted by him in the presence of a number of Greek philosophers, who had been brought together as judges of the discussion. Epiphanius, in his Heresies, lxvi., and again in his work De Mensuris et Poderibus, § 20, makes reference to the same occasion, and gives some excerpts from the Acts of the Disputation. And there are also passages of greater or less importance in Jerome (De vir. illustr., ch. 72), Socrates (Hist. Eccles., i. 22), Heraclianus bishop of Chalcedon (as found in Photius, Bibliotheca, Cod. xcv.), Petrus Siculus (Historia Manichaeorum, pp. 25, 35, 37), Photius (Adversus Manichaeos, book i., edited in the Biblioth. Coislin., Montfaucon, pp. 356, 358), and the anonymous authors of the Libellus Synodicus, ch 27, and the Historia Haereseos Manichaeorum in the Codex Regius of Turin. [See Cyril's text in Routh, R. S., vol. v. pp. 198-205.]
5 As by Zacagnius at Rome, in 1698, in his Collectanea Monumentorum Veterum Ecclesiae Graecae ac Latinae; by Fabricius, in the Spicilegium Sanctorum Patrum Saeculi, iii., in his edition of Hippolytus, etc.
1 See vol. ii. p. 342, Elucidation II., this series. Note also, in the same volume, what is said, pp. 166-167.
2 Lewin, St. Paul, vol. ii. p. 340.
1 Of Archelaus, bishop of Caschar in Mesopotamia.
3 In Epiphanius, Haeres., lxvi. 10, it is Marsipus.
5 Nec numero aliquo nec discretione ulla distinguit. For distinguit, some propose distribuit.
6 Reading commonentur, as in the text. Commoventur is also suggested, = "were deeply moved."
7 On the attitude of the Christians of the primitive Church towards warfare, see Tertullian's De Corona Militis, ch. 11, and the twelfth canon of the Nicene Council.
8 [The similar institution of the Rogation fasts in the West is referred to the fifth century. Pellicia, p. 372; Hooker, book v. cap. xli. 2.]
9 Reading cervicibus degravatis et laxis, demisso capite, frontem genibus elidit. The text gives demerso.
10 At this point begins the portion of the work edited by Valesius from the Codex Bobiensis, which is preserved now in the Ambrosian Library.
11 The Codex Bobiensis reads Adda Turbonem. This Adda, or Addas, as the Greek gives it below in ch. xi., was one of those disciples of Manes whom he charged with the dissemination of his heretical opinions in the East, as we see from ch. xi.
12 Codex Bobiensis adds, ad vesperam, towards evening.
13 The text gives veluti peregrinans. The Codex Bobiensis has quippe peregrinans.
14 On the attention paid by the primitive Church to the duties of hospitality, see Tertullian, De Praescriptionibus, ch. 20 [vol. iii. p. 252, this series]: Gregory Nazianzenus, in his First Invective against Julian; also Priorius, De literis canonicis, ch. 5, etc.; and Thomassin, De Tesseris hospitalitatis, ch. 26.
15 In the text, ignotum; in the Codex Bobiensis, ignoratum.
16 This letter, along with the reply of Marcellus, is given by Epiphanius in his Heresies, n. 6, from which the Greek text is taken.
17 feido/menoj, The Latin gives subveniens, relieving.
18 The Greek text of Epiphanius gave pro\j to\ a0dia/kriton. Petavius substituted pro\j to\ mh\ a0dia/kriton; and that reading is confirmed by the Latin, uti ne indiscretos animos geras.
20 w\n to\ te/loj kata/raj e0ggu/j. Cf. Heb. vi. 8.
21 The text gives e0n toi=j ei0rhme/noij eu\aggeli/oij, for which toi=j ei0rhme/noij e0n toi=j eu0aggeli/oij may be proposed.
24 th=j a@llhj duswdi/aj tw=n gunaikw=n.
27 The text gives infrendebat; the Codex Bobiensis has infringebat. [It seems to be a proverb, and I have so marked it. We should say, "he chafed like a lion," etc.]
29 Epiphanius, under this Heresy, num. 7, says that this was a fort situated on the other side of the river Stranga, between Persia and Mesopotamia.
30 The section extending from this point on to ch. xii. is found word for word in the Greek of Epiphanius, num. 25.
32 proba/llein e\c au0tou= du/namin. But the Codex Bobiensis gives produxit ex virtute, put forth from His power one, etc. The Codex Casinensis has produxerit et esse virtutem, etc.
33 The text is simply kai\ au0th\n probeblhke/nai to\n prw=ton a@nqrwpon, ta\ pe/nte stoixe=ia. The Latin, with emendations from the Codex Bobiensis and Epiphanius, gives quâ virtute circumdedit primum hominem, quae sunt quinque elementa, etc., = with which power He begirt the first man, which is the same as the five elements, etc. With slight differences the Codex Bobiensis reads quâ circumdedit, and the Codex Casinensis, quae virtute. Petavius pointed out that there is probably an omission in the text here. And from a passage in Epiphanius, Hoer., lxvi. n. 45, it has been proposed to fill out the sentence thus: proba/llein e\c e9autou= du/namin mhte0ra th=j zwh=j, kai au0th\n probeblhke/nai to\n prw=ton a@nqrwpon, au0th\n de\ th\n mhte/ra th=j zwh=j to/n te prw=ton a@nqrwpon ta\ pe/nte stoixei=a. The sense might then be that the good Father put forth from Himself a power called the Mother of Life, that this Mother of Life put forth the first man, and that the said Mother of Life and the first man put forth (or constituted) the five elements. See the note in Routh's Reliquiae Sacrae, v. p. 49.
34 The Codex Bobiensis omits the ventus, wind.
35 The Greek gives e0stere/wsen e0n tw|= sterew/mati. The Latin version has, "crucifixit eos in firmamento." And Routh apparently favours the reading e0stau/rwsen = crucified them, etc. Valesius and the Codex Bobiensis have, "descendens eduxit principes Jesu, exiens in firmamentum quod est," etc.
36 ei0j ei@dh o0ktw/. The Latin however, gives et sunt octo, "and they are eight;" thus apparently having read ei0si/de' o0ktw/, instead of ei/j ei@dh o0ktw/.
37 i.e., one who bears on his shoulders, the upholder.
38 Reading e0k tw=n ko/lpwn, de sinibus suis. But the Codex Bobiensis gives de finibus, from His own territories.
39 The Greek text is, o@pwj au0tw\| thn prosh/kousan e0pitimi/an dw\|. The Latin gives, "quo illum, ut par erat, coerceret." The Codex Bobiensis reads, "quod illum, ut pareret, coerceret." It is clear also that Petavius read correctly e/pitimi/an for e0piqumi/an in Epiphanius.
41 e!dhsen. The Codex Bobiensis gives, "vexit animam in eo."
42 But certain codices read et parebat, "and was obedient," in stead of apparebat.
45 a0po/krousin. The Codex Casinensis has apocrisin; but the Codex Bobiensis gives apocrusin.
46 The text gives th=j yuxh=j. But from the old Latin version, which has animarum, we may conjecture that tw=n yuxw=n was read.
47 The Latin version has "vir perfectus",-a reading which is due apparently to the fact that the author had mistaken the a0h/r of the Greek for a0nh/r [See note 2, p. 176, supra]
48 o9 qerismo\j a@rxwn. The version of Petavius has "Sic et princeps alter, messor appellatus." Perhaps the reading should be o9 qerismou= a@rxwn.
49 loimo/n. Other codices give famem, as reading limo/n, famine.
50 e0a\n de\ ta\ a@nw th=j r9i/zhj po/nw| saleu/sh. It may be also = And if the upper parts of the root shake under the exertion.
51 pw=j metaggi/zetai h9 yuxh\ ei0j pe/nte sw/mata. But the Codex Bobiensis reads transferuntur; and the Latin version gives "quomodo et animae in alia quoque corpora transfunduntur" = how the souls are also transfused into other bodies.
52 The text gives kelefw=n, which is spoken of in Migne as an unknown animal, though ke/lefoj (thus accentuated) occurs in ecclesiastical writers in the sense of a leper. It is proposed to read e/lefantiw=n, "of elephants;" and so the Codex Bobiensis gives "elephantorum corpora," and Codex Casinensis has "in elefantia eorum corpora," which is probably an error for "in elephantiacorum corpora." Routh suggests e0lefanteiwn. [Reliqu. Sac., vol. v. p. 58.]
54 nou=j, e@nnoia, fronhsij, e0nqu/mhsij, logismo/j. The Latin version renders, mens, sensus, prudentia, intellectus, cogitatio. Petavius gives, mens, notio, intelligentia, cogitatio, ratiocinatio.
55 toi=j a0parxh=j ou\sin ei0j sko/toj. But the Latin version gives "qui ex materia orti," etc.-who, having sprung from matter, are in darkness.
57 Explained as a species of Egyptian tree, in which the fruit grows from the stem. The Codex Casinensis has the strange reading, per se ad illam, for perseam, etc. See also Epiphanius, num. 9.
59 ph/ssei. But the Latin version gives vulnerat, "wounds," from the reading plh/ssei. [Note 2, p. 176, supra]
60 eu0se/beian. But the Latin version gives alimenta.
61 ei/j ta\j genea/j. But the Latin version has "poenis subdetur gehennae" = will suffer the pains of hell. [Compare p. 185, infrainfra, "Gehen."]
62 But the Latin version gives, "respondet ad eum qui ei detulit" = he makes answer to the person who brought it to him.
63 The text is, kai\ pa/lin ei/lin ei0si\n e@teroi ko/smoi tine\j, tw=n fwsth/rwn duna/ntwn a0po\ tou/tou touj kosmou, e0c w\n a0nate/llousi. Routh suggests oi\j tine\j, deleting e0c w\n.
64 Reading ei@ tij, as in the text. Routh suggests ei@ ti, = As to everything existing in this world, I have told you that the body thereof does, etc.
65 But the Latin has "qui vocatur," etc. = which is called, etc. And Routh thereof proposes o@j kalei=tai for ou0 kalei=tai
66 The text gives simply h9 gnw=sij. The Codex Bobiensis has et scientia. Hence Routh would read kai\ h gnwsij, and the knowledge.
67 Retaining the reading u0mi=n, though Petavius would substitute h9mi=n, us [Routh corrects Petav., R. S., vol. v. pp. 63, 64.]
68 a9pla/rioi, in the Latin version Simpliciores, a name apparently given to the Catholics by thc Manichaeans. See Ducangii Glossarium mediae et infimae Graecitatis. [Routh, v. p. 65, worth noting.]
69 The text gives o0 e0sti\ prw=toj a@nqrwpoj. Routh proposes o@ e0sti\, etc.
71 met' au9tou= e@xousi deqh=nai.
73 The text is ka/qwj au0to\j e@grayen' 9O presbu/thj, etc. The Codex Bobiensis gives, "Sicut ipse senior scripsit: Cum manifestam feceris," etc., = As the elder himself wrote: When thou hast, etc. The elder here is probably the same as the third elder farther on.
74 The Greek is, a0fi/hsi t\on bwslon meta\ touj ne/on ai/wsnoj; but the Latin version has the strangely diverse rendering, "dimittunt animam quae objicitur inter medium novi saeculi" = they let go the soul that is placed in the midst of the new age. [Routh has th\n bw=lon.]
76 But the Latin gives, "cum statuta venerit dies" = when the appointed day has come.
78 ploi/w. [See Routh, p. 68, on this locus mire depravatus.]
81 tw=n du/o fu/sewn. But the Latin version gives duorum luminarium, and the Codex Casinensis has luminariorum, the two luminaries.
82 Reading kli/mata, with Petavius, for klh/mata.
83 The Codex Casinensis makes no mention of Thomas.
84 Here ends the Greek of Epiphanius.
85 The words, the bishop, are omitted in the Codex Bobiensis.
86 But Codex Bobiensis gives duodecim, twelve.
87 But the Codex Bobiensis gives trisolium, the trisole. Strabo, book xv., tells us that the Persians wore high shoes.
88 Aërina, sky-like. [This portrait seems from life.]
89 Ducange in his Glossary, under the word Ebe/llinoj, shows from Callisthenes that the prophets or interpreters of sacred things carried an ebony staff. [Ezek. xxvii. 15; Routh, p. 71.]
90 The text is, "vultus vero ut senis Persae artificis et bellorum ducis videbatur." Philippus Buonarruotius, in the Osservazioni sopra alcuni frammenti di vasi antichi di Vetro, Florence, 1716, p. 69, thinks that this rendering has arisen from the Latin translator's having erroneously read w/j dhmiourgou kai\ strathgou= instead of w9j dhma/rxou kai\ strathgou=. Taking strathgou=, therefore, in the civil sense which it bears in various passages, he would interpret the sentence thus: "His whole mien was like that of an old Persian tribune and magistrate." See Gallandi's note [in Routh, p. 71].
91 The text is secretius factum, etc. Routh suggests secretius factus, etc.
92 The Codex Bobiensis reads "Aegidius."
93 Epiphanius gives Kleo/bouloj.
94 Codex Casinensis reads rectores, governors. And Epiphanius, num. 10, makes the first a professor of Gentile philosophy, the second a physician, the third a grammarian, and the fourth a rhetorician.
95 For primum the Codex Casinensis reads plurima, = he began a lengthened statement, etc.
96 Thus far Valesius edited the piece from the Codex Bobiensis.
97 Reading emendato. Codex Casinensis gives enim dato.
98 John xvi. 8. Injustitia. This reading, de injustitia, may be due to an error on the part of the scribe, but is more probably to be referred to the practice pursued by Manes in altering and corrupting the sacred text to suit his own tenets. See Epiphanius on this heresy, num. 53, and cap. 53, infra ["He introduced much new matter."]
104 Referring, perhaps, to John i. 5.
105 The text gives, "ut insequerentur....Verbum, et inimicum," etc. The sense seems to be as above, supposing either that the verb insequerentur is used with the meaning of assailing, persecuting, or that the ut is put for ut ne, as is the case with the excaecat ut at the close of the sentence.
107 Eph. vi. 12; 2 Cor. iv. 4.
108 Reading differens. But Codex Casinensis gives disserens.
114 In inscitias ire vultis. It is proposed to read inficias = and yet ye desire to deny the truth. Routh suggests, et odistis et in inscitiam ire vultis = and ye hate it, and choose to take your way into ignorance.
115 Supplying observetis in the clause ut legem, etc.
116 Praevaricatorem. Gal. ii. 18 [Vulgate. But see p. 176].
121 Or, in the wicked one. 1 John v. 19.
122 The text gives "extra eum." Routh suggests Deum, outside of God.
124 The text gives simply "quod Dei substantia," etc. We may perhaps adopt, with Routh, "quod si Dei," etc.
125 Sedes. ["Thrones," as in Milton.] Routh suggests sidera, luminaries.
128 The reference is to the ancient custom of using wax and certain earths and clays for the purpose of affixing, by means of the ring, a seal with an impression on any object which it was desired to secure. Thus Herodotus, ii. 38, tell us how the Egyptians marked the pure victim by wrapping it round the horns with papyrus, and then smearing some sealing earth (gh=n shmantri/da) on it, and stamping it with a ring. See also Cicero, Pro Flacco, where he speaks of the laudatio obsignata cretâ illa Asiatica; and Plautus, Pseudolus, Scene i., where he mentions the expressam in cera ex annulo suam imaginem, etc. [Compare vol. v. p. 466, note 3, this series.]
129 The text is "quid dixerit adversarii;" some propose "quod" or "quia dixerit," etc.
130 The manuscript reading is, "tam si quidem ex hoc arbitratus est se affirmaturum." For this it is proposed to read, as in the translation, "tametsi quidem ex hoc arbitratus es me affirmaturum."
131 The text gives ingentem. Routh suggests inscientem, stupid.
132 [Vol. iii. 301-302. See Coleridge (on Donne), English Divines, vol. i. p. 87.]
133 Adopting the proposed reading, "et ideo duae, ingenitae naturae esse non possunt." The text omits the duae, however; and in that case the sense would be simply, And consequently there cannot be unbegotten natures; or perhaps, And so they (the creatures) cannot be of an unbegotten nature.
136 Didicisti. But perhaps we ought to read dixisti, which you have been uttering.
138 The text runs thus: "ut si dicamus, Judaeus, si velit fieri Christianus, aut si Christianus velit esse gentilis, haec species est convertibilitatis et causa."
139 The text gives convertibiles. Routh suggests inconvertibiles, inconvertible.
140 The text is unum dicamus ingenitum. Routh suggests unum bonum, etc. = Why should we not speak of only one unbegotten good?
141 The text is, "quod si suis eum dicas extitisse malum, sine dubio ergo ostenditur illum bonae esse naturae." Routh suggests, "quia istis suis adversatur qui mali sunt," etc. = The fact that he is adverse to those who are of his own kin, and who are evil, would be a proof that he comes of a good nature.
143 Or, kin to it, vicinum habet interitum.
145 The text is "creati hominis causa invenitur exstitisse malitiae," for which we read "creatio hominis," etc.
148 The text gives "quoniam quod futurum est nescio, homo enim sum, non tamen," etc. Routh suggests "quonam? quod futurum," etc. = What has that to do with the matter? The future I know not, etc.
149 The text is, "sed homo a mala natura plasmatus manifestum est quia ipse sit fructus," etc.
150 Routh, however, points differently, so that the sense is: Be assured that it is necessary to give some proof, etc....For the quality of a wine, etc.
151 The text is, "ex hominis tempore a se creati cur malus ostendatur," which is taken to be equivalent to, "ex tempore quo hominem ipse creavit," etc.
152 The reading adopted by Migne is, "si ergo ex eo homo est, mala natura, demonstratur quomodo suus fuit, ut frequenter ostendi," Others put the sentence interrogatively = If man takes his origin from him, (and) the evil nature is thus demonstrated, in what sense was man his own, etc.? Routh suggests ex quo for ex eo = If the evil nature is demonstrated just from the time of man's existence, how was man, etc.?
153 The reading is inutilitatem. But Routh points that this is probably the translation of th/n eu0te9leian, vilitatem, meanness.
155 Dominatione et observantiae usu.
158 1 Cor. iii. 17; 2 Cor. vi. 16.
159 The reading is scit et audit. Routh somewhat needlessly suggests scite audit = he who hears intelligently.
160 The codex gives "hic enim qui exstruis." It is proposed to read "sic enim qui exstruit" = For in this very way he who constructs.
161 The text gives "quod si dicat quis inimicum esse eum qui plasmaverit corpus; Deus qui Creator," etc. The Codex Casinensis reads Deum. We adopt the emendation Deo and the altered punctuation, thus: "quod si dicat quis inimicum esse eum qui plasmaverit corpus Deo qui creator est animae," etc.
162 Reading "per conjunctionem" for the simple conjunctionem.
163 Reading "natus est et creatus." The Codex Casinensis has "natus est creatus."
167 Codex Casinensis gives introduceret; but, retaining the reference to the Gentiles we read introducerent.
168 Matt. xxiii. 25; Luke xi. 39.
170 Matt. xxiii. 6; Mark xii. 38; Luke xx. 46.
171 The Codex Casinensis gives a strangely corrupt reading here: "primos discipulos subitos in coenis, quod scientes Dominus." It is restored thus: "primos discubitus in coenis, quos sciens Dominus," etc.
174 Reading majus for the inept malus of the Codex Casinensis.
175 Routh refers us here to Maximus, De Natura, § 2. See Reliquiae Sacrae, ii. 89-91.
176 The text is "multo inferior virtutis humanae," which is probably a Graecism.
177 Reading ceu for the eu of the Codex Casinensis.
178 The Codex Casinensis gives "nec quae vellem quidem," for which "nec aequalem quidem," etc., is suggested, as in the translation.
180 The text gives a quo si, etc. Routh suggests atqui si, etc.
182 Reading objectu...creaturarum, instead of obtectu, etc., in Codex Casinensis.
183 The text of this sentence stands thus in Migne and Routh: "cui enim non fiat manifestum, solem istum visibilem, cum ab oriente fuerit exortus, et tetenderit iter suum ad occidentem, cum sub terram ierit, et interior effectus fuerit ea quae apud Graecos sphaera vocatur, quod tunc objectu corporum obumbratus non appareat?" The Codex Casinensis reads quod nunc oblectu, etc. We should add that it was held by Anaximander and others that there was a species of globe or sphere (sfai=ra) which surrounded the universe [Vol. ii. p. 136. n. 2]
184 Reading ex suimet ipsius umbra for exuet ipsius umbra, which is given in the Codex Casinensis.
187 The text is "Sicut autem ante," etc. Routh suggests, Sole adeunte, etc.
188 Reading "ex aequo et justo, solis fulgore," etc. The Codex Casinensis has "ex ea quo solis fulgure."
189 The text is altogether corrupt-sed non intui hunc fieri ratus sum; so that the sense can only be guessed at. Routh suggests istud for intui.
190 Codex Casinensis gives "omni nisi," for which we adopt "omni nisu."
191 Reading utriusque majus. The Codex Casinensis has utrunque majus.
192 The text is dicit, for which dicitur may be adopted.
194 Reading "patefaceret" for the "partum faceret" of Codex Casinensis.
195 The text gives sine hoc uno. But perhaps Routh is right in suggesting muro for uno = without this wall.
196 Some suppose that Archelaus refers here to the taking of Charrae by the Persians in the time of Valerianus Augustus, or to its recapture and restoration to the Roman power by the Eastern king Odenathus during the empire of Gallienus.
197 The ballista was a large engine fitted with cords somewhat like a bow, by which large masses of stone and other missiles were hurled to a great distance.
198 The sense is obscure here. The text gives, "non substantia id est proposito adversarius quis dejecit," etc. Migne edits the sentence without an interrogation. We adopt the interrogative form with Routh. The idea perhaps is, Did no adversary with materials such as the kings of earth use, and that is as much as to say also with a determinate plan, overthrow, etc.?
199 The Codex Casinensis has "nec mirum putandum est consortio," etc. We read with Routh and others, si ejus consortio, or quod ejus consortio, etc.
201 The text gives simply, sicut enim haec. Routh suggests hae.
202 Reading illaesis oculis for the illius oculis of Codex Casinensis.
204 The text gives et jam quidem for the etiam quidem of the Cod. Casin.
206 Apprehensus est hoc ingenio. For hoc here, Routh suggests hic in reference to the leo so that the sense might be = But by this plan the lion was caught, and hereafter He will save the soul.
207 The text is, "Quando enim pastor, nonne David de ore leonis," etc. We adopt the amended reading, "Quando enim pastor hoc fecit? Nonne David," etc.
208 Routh would put this interrogatively = Can he bring out of the mouth or the belly of the lion what it has once devoured?
209 This seems to be the sense intended. The text in the Codex Casinensis runs thus: "Cur igitur quod possit non illud potius asseris quod poterit propria virtute vincere leonem, si et pura Dei potentia," etc. For si et pura we may read sive pura, or si est pura, etc.
210 Routh takes it as a direct assertion = It follows, then, that these two objects are of one substance, etc.
211 The text runs. "sed aliud alio longe differre ignorantiam pastori ascribimus;" for which we adopt the emendation, "sed alium ab alio longe differre si dicamus, ignorantiam pastori ascribimus."
212 Migne reads irrueret. Routh gives irruerat, had made an assault.
213 The text gives si causa traditus, etc. Routh suggests sive causa. Traditus, etc.; so that the sense would be, For on what creature can the shepherd of the kids and lambs pronounce judgment, seeing that he is himself proved to be in fault to them, or to be the cause of their position? For the lamb, having been given up, etc.
214 Reading eum ipse for eum ipsum.
215 Reading si quis for the simple quis of Codex Casinensis.
216 Reading "quaestione rejecta" for the relecta of Codex Casinensis.
217 This seems to be the general sense of the corrupt text here, et non longe possit ei Paulus, etc., in which we must either suppose something to have been lost, or correct it in some such way as this: "ut non longe post sit ei Paulus." Compare what Manes says also of Paul and himself in ch. xiii. above. It should be added, however, that another idea of the passage is thrown out in Routh. According to this the ei refers to Jesus, and the text being emended thus, etsi non longe post sit ei, the sense would be: although not long after His departure He had Paul as an elect vessel, etc. The allusion thus would be to the circumstance that Manes made such a claim as he did, in spite of the fact that after Christ's departure Paul was gifted with the Spirit in so eminent a measure for the building up of the faithful.
218 Reading aiebat for the agebat of Codex Casinensis.
219 2 Cor. xiii. 3. The reading here is, "Aut documentum quaeritis," etc. The Vulgate also gives An experimentum, for the Greek e0pei/, etc.
220 The text is, "et quidem quod dico tali exemplo sed clarius." For sed it is proposed to read fit, or sit, or est.
221 Codex Casinensis has quicunque. We adopt the correction, qui cum nec.
222 Reading confutatus for confugatus.
223 The text gives "et ideo ut consequenter erat," etc. Codex Casinensis omits the ut. Routh proposes, "et ideo consequenter thesaurus," etc. = and thus, of course, the treasure was preserved, etc. Comp. ch. xxvii. and xxxiv.
224 The text has, "sedens ipse per se," etc.; for which we adopt "sed et ipse," etc.
225 The Codex Casinensis gives, "deinde die moriturus," which may be either a mistake for "deinde moriturus," or a contraction for "deinde die qua moriturus"-then on the day that he was about to die, etc.
226 The codex has, "Sin autem conderem se dicens, exposceret, devitarent persequi," etc.; which is corrected to, "Sin autem cohaeredem se dicens exposceret, devitarent atque," etc., which emendation is followed in the translation.
227 Opus autem magis facere debere.
228 The same sort of argument is employed against the Montanists by Theodorus of Heracleia on John's Gospel, ch. xiv. 17.
229 It is remarked in Migne, that it is only in the heat of his contention that this statement is made by Archelaus as to the date of the appearance of Manes; for from the death of Christ on to the time of this discussion there are only some 249 years. [Is it not probable that here is a token of the spurious character of not a little of this work?]
232 Reading "sed absit hoc a Domino nostro Jesu Christo Salvatore omnis animae," instead of the codex's "sed absit hanc a Domino Jesu Christo Salvatore omne animae."
233 If the reference, however, is to 2 Pet. iii. 9, as Routh suggests, it may rather be = He was not slack concerning His promises. The text is, "non enim moratus est in promissionibus suis." [A noteworthy reference to the second Epistle of St. Peter. For, if this work be a mere romance, yet its undoubted antiquity makes it useful, not only in this, but in many other critical matters.]
235 Reading "abundantius vero conferens Paulo," instead of the corrupt text in the Codex Casinensis, "abundantibus vero confitens Paulo."
236 The opening sentences of this chapter are given in a very corrupt form in our Codex Casinensis. Its text stands thus: "Tuum et ipsius indicio comprehensus es; haec enim versum te locutus, ignorans, qui dum, me vis probra conjicere majori culpae se succumbit. Dic age mihi studias qua Tiberio usque ad Probum defuncti sunt, dicent ad Jesum nolite nos judicare," etc. We have adopted these emendations: tuimet for tuum et; adversum for versum; ignoras for ignorans; in me for me; succumbis for se succumbit; si, ut ais, qui a, for studias qua; and noli for nolite.
237 Supplying missurum, which is not in the codex.
238 Reading "noli nos tradere tormentis," instead of the meaningless "noli nostra de tormentis" of the codex.
239 Reading ut ais instead of ut eas.
241 Nec quemquam vivificat. 2 Cor. iii. 6.
247 Reading reliqui per ordinem for the qui per ordinem of the codex.
250 Reading "per hunc modum." But the Codex Casinensis gives "per hunc mundum"-through this world.
256 The text is "sufficit tibi haec sunt an habes et alia." Routh proposes "sufficientia tibi haec sunt," etc.
257 Routh would make it = You will come under the condemnation...you will have to bear: he suggests eris ergo for ero ego, and feras for feram.
260 Nec aliter nisi essent ingenita. Routh, however, would read esset for essent, making it = and that death could be nothing else than unbegotten.
261 Reading ex tempore for the corrupt exemplo re of the codex.
264 The text gives discere, to learn; but dicere seems the probable reading.
265 Reading inquam for the iniquam of the Codex Casinensis. But Routh suggests iniquae, in reference to what has been said towards the close of ch. xxviii.
266 The codex gives, "cum eas inimica semper memoriae ineresis sed oblivio;" which is corrected thus, "cum eis inimica semper memoriae inhaesisset oblivio."
269 This would appear to be the meaning of these words, "transferens semper usque ad tempus in similes illius," if we suppose the speaker still to be keeping Rom. v. 12-14 in view. Routh suggests transiens.
270 Referring perhaps to Ps. cv. 15.
271 Reading interitui tradens for the interit ut tradens of the codex.
272 Reading pacti for the acti of the codex.
276 Recte videre. But perhaps we should read "recte vivere," to lead a righteous life.
277 The phrase is imaginariam legem. On this expression there is a note in Migne, which is worth quoting, to this effect: Archelaus calls the Old Testament an emblematic or imaginary law, because it was the type or image of a future new law. So, too, Petrus de Vineis, more than once in his Epistles, calls a messenger or legate a homo imaginarius, as Du Cange observes in his Glossary, because he represents the person by whom he is sent, and, as it were, reflects his image. This word is also used in a similar manner by the old interpreter of Evagrius the monk, in the Disputation between Theophilus, bishop of Alexandria, and Simon the Jew, ch. 13, where the Sabbath is called the requies imaginaria of that seventh day on which God rested. Hence Archelaus, in his answer to the presbyter Diodorus, ch xli. beneath, devotes himself to proving that the Old Testament is not to he rejected, because, like a mirror, it gives us a true image of the new law.
279 Reading "invisibilia autem et intrinsecus." The Codex Casinensis has "invisibili autem et trinsecus."
280 Absurdam, standing probably for a@topon, which may also be = flagitious.
281 The codex reads, "ultionem fecerat retorquebat." We adopt either "ultionem quam fecerat retorquebat," or "ultionem fecit retorqueri."
286 This is one of those passages in which we detect the tendency of many of the early fathers to adopt the peculiar opinions of the Jewish rabbis on difficult points of Scripture. See also the Disputation between Theophilus of Alexandria and the Jew Simon, ch. 13. In accordance with the opinion propounded here by Archelaus, we find, for instance, in the Scemoth Rabba, p. 157, col. 1, that the making of the golden calf is ascribed to the Egyptian proselytes. See the note in Migne. [The passage is a note of antiquity and in so far of authenticity.]
287 The text is in quo nec scelerum poenas aliquando rependeret.
289 Reading commonens for communis ne. Communiens is also suggested.
291 We have another instance here of a characteristic opinion of the Jewish rabbis adopted by a Christian father. This notion as to the intercourse of the angels with the daughters of men was a current interpretation among the Jews from the times of Philo and Josephus, and was followed in whole or in part by Tertullian, Justin, Irenaeus, Clemens Alexandrinus, Athenagoras, Methodius, Cyprian, Lactantius, etc. Consult the note in Migne; [also p. 131, note 2, supra].
292 We give the above as a possible rendering. Routh, however, understands the matter otherwise. The text is, "alii vero in felicitate hominum filiabus admisti a dracone afflicti," etc. Routh takes the phrase in felicitate as = "adhuc in statu felici existentes:" so that the sense would be, "others, while they still abode in the blessed estate, had intercourse," etc. [Routh, R. S., vol. v. pp. 118-122.]
293 Archelaus seems here to assign a twofold etymology for the name devil, deriving the Greek dia/boloj, accuser, from diaba/llw, in its two senses of trajicere and traducere, to cross over and to slander.
298 Reading a nobis for the a vobis of the codex.
301 The sense is obscure here. The text runs, "Interimere debes judicii ratione ut quis nostrum fallat appareat." Migne proposes to read rationem, as if the idea intended was this: That, consistently with his reasonings, Manes ought not to admit the fact of a judgment, because the notions he has propounded on the subject of men and angels are not reconcilable with such a belief.-If this can be accepted as the probable meaning, then it would seem that the use of the verb interimere may be due to the fact that the Greek text gave a0na=irei=n, between the two senses of which-viz to kill and to remove-the translator did not correctly distinguish. Routh, however, proposes to read interimi, taking it as equivalent to condemnari, so that the idea might be = on all principles of sound judgment you ought to be condemned, etc.
302 The codex reads simply, Dei servare mandata. We may adopt either Dei non servare mandata, as above, or, Dei servare vel non servare mandata, in reference to the freedom of will, and so = they may or may not keep the commandments.
303 The codex has praecedit, for which procedit is proposed.
304 Reading "laederet-illuderetur." But might it not rather be "laederet-illidertur," not to bruise, but rather to be bruised, etc.?
306 This appears to be general sense of the very corrupt passage, "Quo videntur ostenso nulli dubium est unusquisque in quamcunque elegerit partem propria usus arbitrii potestate." In Migne it is amended thus: "Quo evidenter ostenso, nulli dubium est, quod unusquisque in quamcunque elegerit partem, propria usus fuerit arbitrii potestate."
307 Adopting the emendation, "si a Deo bonus, ut asseris, mendacem esse dixisti Jesum." In the Codex Casinensis it stands thus: "sic a Deo bonus ut as mendacem esse dixisti Jesus." But Routh woud substitute "si a Deo diabolus" = if the devil is from God.
308 The argumentation throughout this passage seems to rest on the fact that, in support of the dogma of the evil deity, Manes perverted, among other passages, our Lord's words in John viii. 44, as if they were not only "Ye are of your father the devil" but possibly also, "Ye are of the father of the devil;" and again, "He is a liar, and the father of him is the same." Thus what Manes urges against Archelaus is this: If only what is good proceeds from the Deity, and if He is the Supreme Good Himself, you make out Jesus to have spoken falsely, when in John's Gospel He uses expressions which imply that the devil's father is a liar, and also the Creator of the lying devil.
309 There are some words deficient in this sentence. The text reads, "Manes dixit:... dico: et adjecit, Omnis qui conditor est vel Creator aliquorum pater eorum...condiderit appellatur." It is proposed to supply jam before dico, and quae before condiderit.
310 Reading et effectum for the ut effectum of the codex.
311 Or it may be "cogitations," reading cogitata for agitata.
312 Conceptis in se doloribus.
314 The text gives parturies. Routh suggests parturiens. The sense then might be, But if you repent, you will also deliver yourself of your burden like one who brings to the birth.
315 Reading Domine for Dominum, which is given in the text.
316 The quotation may refer to Isa. xxvi. 18. [A curious version.]
321 Paenitentia. [2 Cor. vii. 10.]
322 Aetatis ac temporis privilegio.
325 The text gives "inter unius anni spatium," for which intra, etc., is proposed. With certain others of the fathers, Archelaus seems to assign but one year to the preaching of Christ and to His working of miracles. See ch. xlix. [Vol. i. p. 391, this series.]
326 Referring probably to Heb i. 3.
327 Migne gives this sentence as a direct statement. We adopt the interrogative form with Routh.
328 Eph. iii. 8. Mihi autem soli, etc.
330 The text reads, "quem misit ad nos Paulum in Spiritus influxit Spiritus," etc. We adopt the emendation, "quem misit ad nos Paulum in Spiritu. Influxit Spiritus," etc. Routh suggests, "Paulum cujus in spiritum influxit Spiritus" = this Paul, into whose spirit the Spirit was poured.
331 In conspectu regum et gentium. Acts ix. 15.
332 Consecrans. [Vol. v. p. 290, note 8; also p. 409.]
336 1 Cor. xv. 9, 10. Archelaus here gives "novissimus omnium apostolorum" for the e0la/xistoj of the Greek, and the "minimus" of the Vulgate. ["The last" instead of least.]
338 Reading "magnifico honore" for the "magnifico hoc ore" of the codex.
344 1 Cor. xv. 3-9. [Note 8, supra]
347 Nihil minus feci vobis a caeteris apostolis. 2 Cor. xi. 3-5.
348 2 Cor. ix. 14, 15. The text gives "velut angelum lucis," as if the Greek had read w9j. So also Cyprian, in the beginning of his book on The Unity of the Church. [Vol. v. p. 422, sec. 3.]
351 Infimo omnium apostolorum.
355 The Codex Casinensis gives, "de Persida venientem monet;" for which corrupt reading it is proposed to substitute "de Perside venientem Manem," etc.
356 Reading percipiendum with the Vulgate. But the Codex Casinensis has perficiendum.
358 These words falsi apostoli seem to be added by way of explanation, as they are not found either in the Greek or the Vulgate.
365 The text gives "circum cucurri," perhaps for "cursum cucurri." The Vulgate has "cursum consummavi."
367 The text gives "ex vobis." But perhaps we should read "ex nobis" = none of us.
368 The Codex Casinensis has "Galatain facies vicit, o nostras feras", for which we adopt the correction, "Galatam facies, nec ita nos."
369 O Satan! The Codex Casinensis gives "anathema esse ana," which may be an error, either for "anathema es, Satana," or for "anathema es et maranatha." ["O Satan" is less probable.]
370 The text is legum; for which regum, kings, is also suggested.
372 The text gives, "qui neque necessarium aliquem locum sortitus es," etc. Routh proposes "necessarii." The sense seems to be that Manes had nothing to prove any connection between him and Christ.
373 Reading "quos luto," etc., for the "quod luto" of the codex.
374 [Note, against Canon Farrar and moderns, the persuasion of antiquity as to the miraculous gift of tongues; the charismata of others, also, besides the Apostles.] The text is, "quae ne in numerum quidem aliquem ducitur."
376 The text gives "Quid dicabo," which may stand for "quid dicam;" or perhaps the translator intends to use "dicare" in the sense of urge.
377 Reading barbare, for which the text offers barba.
378 Conscium. [For Mithras, see vol. iii. p. 475.]
379 In this sentence the sense is somewhat obscure, in consequence of the corruptions of the text in the codex. We adopt the emendations "locorum mysticorum," for mysteriorum, and "apud eos ludes" for ludis. In the end of the clause Migne gives, as in the translation, "et tanquam minus elegans," etc. But Routh reads mimus = and like an elegant pantomimist, etc.
380 The Codex Casinensis gives the sentence thus: "...adveniat? suscitans mortuos? pene usque ad gehennam omnes persequens, qui si ut obtemperare noluerit, plurimos deterrens arrogantiae metu, Quod est ipse circumdatus, aliis adhibet minas vultus sui conversione circumdatio ludificat." The emendation adopted by Migne and Routh consist in removing these two interrogative marks, and in reading qui sibi for qui si ut, noluerint for noluerit, quo est for Quod est, adhibens for adhibet, and et circumductione ludificans for the last two words.
382 The sense is again obscure throughout this sentence, owing to the state of the text. The codex gives us this clause, "nulli alio atque posterum," etc., for which "nulli alii aeque in posterum" is proposed.
384 Reading "qui solus," for the sed, etc., of the codex. See also Luke x. 22.
387 Inducias fortassis aliquas quaerit.
388 Reading "non plane, non tam obscure," etc., instead of the "non plane nota," etc., of the Codex Casinensis.
389 "Protectores," on which term consult Duangius in his Glossary.
392 The text gives simply, sicut enim parva. We may adopt, with Routh, "sicut enim cum parva," etc.
393 Reading "sic ut istius comparatione," for the "sicut istius paratione" of the codex.
394 Reading se ductores, for the seductores, etc., of the codex.
398 The precise meaning and connection are somewhat obscure here. The text gives, "verbum enim ducis obtinet locum, opera vero regis." And the idea is taken to be, that the actual work of thoroughly doing away with the ignorance of men was something that suited only the perfect King who was expected, and that had not been accomplished by Manes.
401 Alluding to 2 Tim. iii. 6.
402 Routh inserts interdum poenitet = sometimes he uses the penitential style, which Migne omits.
404 Matt. xxv. 46; Luke xiii. 27.
405 The text gives the plural form stolas, perhaps for stolam.
406 The text gives fugere, apparently in the sense of fugare.
408 [Note the testimony against the persecution of heretics,-a characteristic of early Christians which too soon began to disappear, notably in Alexandria under Cyril.]
410 This Diodorus appears to be called Trypho by Epiphanius, on this Manichaean heresy, n. 11.
411 Reading concionaretur for continuaretur.
412 This epistle is also mentioned, and its argument noticed, by Epiphanius, Haeres., 11.
414 [Tertullian, vol. iii. p. 251, this series.]
416 [Against Scripture and the torrent of patristic testimony, the men of this generation have seen new dogmas imposed upon a great portion of Christendom by the voice of a single bishop, and without synodical deliberation or consent. The whole claim to "Catholicity" perishes wherever such dogmas are accepted.]
422 Reading cum populis for the cum populo of the text.
430 In litteris formatum in lapidibus.
439 Reading "praeparare et proximos fieri benignae ac diviti menti" for "praeparet proximus fieri benignae hac," etc., as it stands in the Codex Casinensis. Routh suggests "praeparare proximos fieri benignae ac diviti menti et continuo... consequemur" = to take care to draw near to the gracious and liberal mind, and then we shall forthwith receive steadily from it, etc.
440 This epistle is edited not only from the Codex Casinensis, but also by Valesius from the Codex Bobiensis. The most important varieties of reading shall therefore be noted.
441 Summum studium. But the Codex Bobiensis reads suum studium.
442 Reading "ex subtegmine atque stamine," etc., with the Codex Bobiensis, instead of "subtemine et, quae stamine," etc., as it is given in the Codex Casinensis. [A beautiful anticipation of Augustine's dictum, "The New is veiled in the Old, the Old unveiled in the New."]
443 We read here "gloriam enim Domini in eodem speculamur." The Codex Bobiensis is vitiated here, giving gloriam um Domini, which was changed by Valesius into gloriam Jesu, etc.
444 Reading, with the Codex Bobiensis, "speculum, cum nobis ipsam imaginem," etc., instead of "speculum nobis per ipsam imaginem," etc.
445 [Here is the literal use of the word "paedagogue," with which Clement took liberties. Vol. ii. p. 209, note 3, this series.] Adopting "qui ad doctores a paedagogo," instead of "qui a doctore iis a paedagogo."
446 "Dehonorare," or, as in the Codex Bobiensis, "dehonestare."
447 Reading "opera ejus non indiget." But the Codex Casinensis gives "ore ejus," etc.
448 The Codex Bobiensis reads here, "accidit vero post tempus ut is qui...requireret," etc. The other codex has, "accedit vero post tempus is qui ...requirere."
449 Reading pro respectu with Codex Bobiensis. The other codex gives prospectu.
450 Reading invenisse. The Codex Casinensis gives venisse.
451 Routh suggests pastor, the shepherd, for pater.
452 Reading cognata, with Codex Bobiensis, instead of cognita.
455 We adopt the reading vides, instead of the faulty unde of the Codex Casinensis.
459 Infernum. [Sheol, rather, or Hades.]
460 The reading of the Codex Casinensis is, "rogavit dives simul uno tempore ut edisceret majorem doctrinam." But the other codex gives, "uno tempore discere majorem doctrinam ab Abraham" = entreated that he might learn the superior doctrine of Abraham. For edisceret we may read with Routh ediscerent.
463 The Codex Casinensis gives, "exige ab eo illa quae fraudem interceperat;" the other codex gives, "et exigi ab eo illa quae fraude interceperat." The correct reading probably would be, "exigi ab eo illa quae per fraudem interceperat."
464 We adopt the conjecture of Valesius, viz., abstinentia. The Codex Bobiensis gives absentia.
467 Reading inflammantur. It may perhaps be inflantur = puffed up.
470 Reading et parum hoc est, with Codex Bobiensis, instead of the et pauperum hoc est of Codex Casinensis. We may also render it as = "but it is far from being the case that gifts are cast," etc.
471 The Codex Bobiensis reads inferuntur; the other codex gives offeruntur, offered.
474 The text gives sed abuti, and the Codex Bobiensis has sed et abuti. But the reading ought probably to be sed et uti, or sed etiam uti. Routh, however, notices that abutor is found with the sense of utor.
477 Mark ii. 19. [I have slightly accommodated the translation to this text.]
478 In semetipsum causam circumcisionis excepit.
479 [From Job (ii. 10) to St. Paul (Heb. iv. 15 and vi. to 8) Scripture abounds in this teaching. Comp. Lam. iii. 33.]
480 The Codex Bobiensis gives, "viae compendiosum nobis tramitem demonstrare." We adopt the reading, "viae spatia compendioso nobis tramite demonstrare."
488 Reading "praevaricator" instead of "praedicator." The sense would seem strictly to require, a debtor to the law.
491 The Codex Bobiensis gives, "figuli opus aufers aut fictilium." The Codex Casinensis has, "figuli opus et ars aut fictilium." We adopt "figuli opus aut ars fictilium."
492 Adopting "nequaquam" for "nec quemquam."
493 By this he means the Epistle to the Romans, to which the first place among the epistles of Paul was assigned from the most ancient times. In Epiphanius, under heresy 42, it is alleged as an offence against Marcion, that he put the Epistle to the Romans in the fourth place among Paul's epistles. See a note in Migne. [Again, this expression is a note of genuine antiquity.]
494 Reading "propositus" for "propheticus."
495 The Codex Casinensis has formatum; the other codex gives firmatum.
497 The text gives, "neque vero omnigene in ignobilitatem redigitur," etc. The Codex Bobiensis has, "neque vero omni genera in nobilitate."
498 Reading "scisse se differentias gloriae," etc. Codex Bobiensis gives scis esse, etc. = you know that there are differences.
500 Sicut et verbi ipsius natura persuadet. Reading "natura persuadet." But the Codex Bobiensis gives demonstrat, demonstrates.
502 Non revelatur quia in Christo destruitur.
504 Ex. xxxiv. 33; 2 Cor. iii. 13.
505 The text is, "hoc est velamen, quod erat positum super faciem Moysi, quod est testamentum ejus," etc.
507 The reading in the text is, "non deficiet princeps ex Juda, neque dux de femoribus ejus usquequo veniat," etc. Codex Bobiensis coincides, only giving "de femore ejus." On the whole quotation, which is given in forms so diverse among the old versions and fathers, see Novatian, De Trin., ch. 9 [vol. v. p. 618], and Cyprian, Adv. Judaeos, i. 21 [vol. v. p. 513].
508 The text gives, "veniat, cujus est." etc. Prudentius Maranus on Justin's Apology, i. § 32 [vol. i. p. 173, this series], thinks this was originally an error of transcription for cui jus est, which reading would correspond very much with the w\| a0po/keitai of some of the most ancient authorities. See Cotelerius on the Constitut. Apostol., i. 1, and the note in Migne.
509 Qui alligabit. But Codex Casinensis has "quia alligabit," and Codex Bobiensis "qui alligavit."
510 Suffusi oculi. Codex Bobiensis gives "effusi oculi." See, on the whole, Grabe's Dissert. De variis vitiis LXX. interpret., 19, p. 36.
512 We adopt ihe reading "Jesu Nave." But the Codex Bobiensis gives "Jesu Mane." See a discussion on this name by Cotelerius on the Epistle of Barnabas, ch. 12. [Vol. i. p. 145, this series.]
513 For circumcisionis Routh suggests circumstationis, which might perhaps be taken as = these surroundings do not suit him.
514 Gen. xxxviii. 26. We read "justificare." But the Codex Casinensis gives "justificari" = he (or she) could be justified.
515 The text is, "sed et videbitis vitam vestram pendentem ante oculos vestros." The reference is apparently to Deut. xxviii. 66.
517 Reading "sermonem, et ostendere ut intelligi dignum est." The Codex Bobiensis gives a mutilated version: "sermonem, ut intelligi, dignum est."
518 Reading "Moysi scientis," which is the emendation of Valesius. But Codex Casinensis gives "scientibus," and Codex Bobiensis has "scientes."
524 Adopting "satiavit." The Codex Bobiensis gives "saturavit."
539 Reading "in mari." But the Codex Bobiensis has in navi = on a ship.
542 The text gives in justis. But the Codex Bobiensis has in istis = in those men. The true reading may be in injustis = in the unrighteous. See Eph. ii. 2.
543 But the Codex Casinensis gives "Deus omnium" = the God of all.
545 Ex nominibus. The Codex Bobiensis offers the extraordinary reading, ex navibus.
547 We read, with the Codex Bobiensis, "dicat homini, Loca mihi," etc. The Codex Casinensis has the meaningless reading, "homini diviti," etc.
549 The text of this obscure passage runs thus: "Quia ex quo duo sunt, ingenitam habentes naturam, ex eo necesse est etiam habere unumquemque ipsorum vetus Testamentum. et fient duo vetera 'I'estamenta; si tamen ambos antiquos et sine initio esse dicis." The Codex Bobiensis gives a briefer but evidently corrupt reading. "ex quo duo sunt ingenita habentes naturam ipsorum Testamentum, et fient," etc.
550 Jamnem dico et Mambrem. [So in Vulg., except "Jannes."]
552 Gratiam gratia praestare et differre. John i. 16.
554 The Codex Bobiensis gives, "exponere et a Patre ut convenit." For these meaningless words Valesius proposed to read, "exponere et aperire ut convenit." The Codex Casinensis, however, offers the satisfactory reading, "exponere et aptare convenit."
555 Here ends the section edited by Valesius.
556 Castellum. [Note, infra, the "holy kiss."]
557 The text runs: "tametsi prudentiam, gloriam etiam, nostrorum nonnulli assecuti sunt, tamen hoc vos deprecor ut eorum quae ante me dicta sunt, testimonium reservetis." Routh suggests prudentia = Although by their prudence some have gained glory, etc.
558 Pro ipsius impossibilitate. But Routh suggests that the impossibiIitate is just an inexact translation of the a0dunati/a = impotentia, incapacity, which may have stood in the Greek text.
559 Reading "Marcelli viri illustris gratia." The Codex Casinensis has, "viri in legis gratia."
561 The text gives "similis facere astrologo," for which Routh proposes "similis factus est," etc.
563 The text is, "quibus utique repensari non possunt," etc. Routh proposes repensare.
564 Reading "sicut vox Jesu." The Codex Casinensis gives, "sicut vos Jesu." Routh suggests servator.
570 The text gives, "Virgo castissima et immaculata ecclesia," = the most pure virgin and spotless church. But the word "ecclesia" is probably an erroneous addition by the hand of the scribe. Or, as Routh hints, there may be an allusion, in the word ecclesia, to the beginning of the twelfth chapter of the Apocalypse. [See Pearson, On the Creed, art. iii. p. 290.]
571 From this it may perhaps be gathered that Marcellus had now come along with Archelaus to the residence of Diodorus.
572 Scribere ausas est. Compare (note 1) p. 224, infra.
573 Matt. xxii. 42. We read Davidis esse for David Jesse.
575 The text gives, "Quod si prior fefellit, causa ad scriptorem rejicienda est." [i.e., to the copyist; in this case the corrupter.]
579 Secundum id quod scriptorem fefellit. [i.e. on that supposition.]
582 Reading "debuitne etiam" for the bad version of the Codex Casinensis, "debuit et etiam."
583 The text gives, "se ipso judicante," for which "te ipso," etc., may be substituted.
584 In the Codex Casinensis the sentence stands in this evidently corrupt form: "cum enim peccatis bonus et gravatus ad discipulatum diligit." We adopt the emendation given in Migne: "cum enim peccatis onustos et gravatos ad discipulatum delegit."
588 Matt. xvi. 22. [Possibly the first words by which Satan fell.]
590 Matt. xvi. 23. [Satan seems to have rebelled against man's creation.]
591 Luke iv. 34, reading sanctus Deus [i e., not the received text.]
592 Reading silere. The Codex Casinensis gives sinire, which may be meant for sinere = give over.
594 We have adopted Migne's arrangement of these clauses. Routh, however, puts them thus: And that it may be made more intelligible to you, etc.,... (for in forgetfulness, etc., you have turned off, etc.), listen to me now for a brief space.
595 Reading "pondus belli toleraverant," instead of the "pondus bellico tolerarant" of the Codex Casinensis.
598 Gal. iv. 4. The reading is, "cum autem fuit Dei voluntas in nobis." The Vulgate, following the ordinary Greek text, gives, "at ubi venit plenitudo temporis." And so Irenaeus, Tertullian, Cyprian, etc. [This should have been in the margin of the Revised Version.]
600 1 Cor. vi. 14. The text here inserts the words cum illo, which are found neither in the Greek, nor in the Vulgate, nor in Irenaeus, Adv. Haeres., v. 6, 7 [vol. i. pp. 530, 532, this series], nor in Tertullian, Adv. Marc., v. 7, etc. [vol. iii. p. 443, this series]. According to Sabatier, however, they are found in Jerome, Ep. ad Amand.
601 Reading in vobis. But the Codex Casinensis seems to give in nobis, amongst us.
602 But the Codex Casinensis seems to make it fides nostra, our faith.
606 Gal. iii. 1. The word in the text is rescriptus est. The Vulgate gives praescriptus est. The Vetus Itala proscriptus est.
609 It would seem that Archelaus read the passage in Matthew as meaning, notwithstanding, he that is less, is, in the kingdom of heaven, greater than he. Thus, he that is less is understood to be Jesus in His natural relations. [A very lean and hungry proculdubio of the author.]
610 Routh appends a note here which may be given. It is to this effect: I am afraid that Archelaus has not expressed with sufficient correctness the mystery of the Divine Incarnation, in this passage as well as in what follows; although elsewhere he has taught that the Lord Jesus was conceived by divine power, and in ch. xxxiv. has called the Virgin Mary Dei genetrix, Qeoto/koj. For at the time of the Saviour's baptism the Holy Spirit was not given in His first communication with the Word of God (which Word, indeed, had been united with the human nature from the time of the conception itself), but was only received by the Christ a0nQrwpi/nwj and oi0konomikw=j, and for the sake of men. See Cyril of Alexandria, De Rectâ Fide, xxxiv. vol. v. 2, p. 153, editio Auberti. [Routh, R.S., vol. v. p. 178.]
617 Hominem eum tantummodo ex Maria.
618 Or, effect, per profectum.
619 Effect. [i.e., progressively.]
620 Routh puts this interrogatively = Is it then your position that He really is a man, that is to say, one who is flesh and blood' Well, but if so, then it will follow, etc.
622 Reading "sicut homo, hac opinione," for the "sicut homo ac opinione" of the Codex Casinensis.
623 The Codex Casinensis reads, "hanc quaestionem diffigenter aptare tam manifestarem atque manifeste dissolverem." We follow the emendation, "hanc quaestionem diligenter aptatam manifestarem," etc.
624 [A signum verecundiae which rebukes the awful inquisitiveness concerning the conception of Mary which disgraced the late pontiff, Pius IX. To what blasphemous pruriency of thought and expression has not such an invasion of decency given rise! See St. Bernard, Opp. tom. i. p. 392. He rebukes the heresy as profane.]
625 The text gives tempus recusat. Routh proposes tempus requirit = which the occasion requires.
626 This is a purely conjectural reading, "ut dicam silex," etc. The Codex Casinensis gives, "ut dicam dilere non homo." But Routh, in reference to ch. xv., throws out the idea that we should read delire = thou dotard, or, lunatic. [P. 190, supra, as if Manes = maniko\j.]
628 The text gives suae. Routh suggests tuae.
629 The text is, "non solum autem, sed adventus nomen delebitur." It may perhaps be = and not the foundation, but the name, of an advent would be done away.
631 The text gives "quo magnum," etc., for which we adopt "quod magnum," etc.
633 Or perhaps, = which was also, quod erat tabernaculum, etc.
634 The Codex Casinensis gives "Ignorabat autem propter qui genuisset Filium Dei praedicabat regnum coelorum, qui erat," etc. We follow generally the emendations adopted in Migne: "Ignorabat autem propter quid genuisset Filium Dei, qui praedicabat regnum coelorum, quod erat habitaculum magnum," etc. Routh would read "genitus esset Filius Dei," etc.
637 Pugillum plenum solis mihi affer aut modium plenum.
640 The text is, "et ultra ei non sinerent ad propria remeare." Routh suggests ultro for ultra.
641 Reading unus, instead of "vos, comitibus," etc.
642 Reading "quem etiam" instead of "quae etiam."
643 Th; Codex Casinensis gives, "ipse quidem me dicere recusavit," etc. We adopt the correction in Migne, "sed ne ipse quidem dicere recusavit," etc.
644 Superiores quidem causas Domini, etc.
645 Reading "sed et optimus architectus ejus, fundamentum," etc. The Codex Casinensis has the corrupt lection, "sed et optimos architectos ei fundamentum," etc. [Had this been said of Peter?]
646 Cf. 1 Cor. iii. 10. [Had this been said of Peter, what then?]
648 Cf. 1 Tim. iii. 1. [Clement cap. xliv., vol. 1. p. 17, this series.]
649 Various other forms are found for this name Scythianus. Thus we find Scutianus and Excutianus,-forms which may have arisen through mere clerical errors. The Codex Reg. Alex. Vat. gives Stutianus. [But see Routh, R.S., vol. v. p. 186.]
650 This seems the general idea meant to be conveyed. The text, which is evidently corrupt, runs thus: "in qua cum eum habitaret cum Aegyptiorum sapientiam didicisset." The Codex Reg. Alex. Vat. reads, "in qua cum habitaret, et Aegyptiorum," etc. In Migne it is proposed to fill up the lacunae thus: "in qua cum diu habitaret, depravatus est, cum Aegyptiorum sapientiam didicisset." Routh suggests, "in qua cum ea habitaret," etc.
651 The Codex Casinensis reads Terbonem for Terebinthum. But in Cyril of Jerusalem, in his Catechesis, 6, as well as in others, we regularly find Te/rbinqon, Terbinthum, or Terebinthum, given as the name of the disciple of Scythianus. The form Tereventus is also given; and the Codex Reg. Alex. Vat. has Terybeneus. The statement made here as to these books being written by Terebinthus is not in accordance with statements made by Cyril and others, who seem to recognise Scythianus alone as the author. As to the name Terebinthus itself, C. Ritter, in his Die Stupa's, etc., p. 29 thinks that it is a Graecized form of a predicate of Buddha, viz, Tere-hintu, Lord of the Hindoos. Others take it simply to be a translation of the Hebrew hl/)
, the terebinth. See a note on this subject in Neander's Church Hist., ii. 166 (Bohn). [Routh, ut supra, p. 187.]
654 The Codex Reg. Alex. Vat. inserts here, "omnibus quaecunque ejus fuerant congregatis" = gathering together all that was his.
655 Reading "habetur." But Codex Reg. Alex. Vat. gives habitatur, is inhabited.
656 The Codex Casinensis gives, "sed aliud cujusdam homine." We adopt "sed alium Buddam nomine," with which the narratives of Cyril, Epiphanius, and others agree. Routh proposes "alio Buddam nomine" = by another name, Buddas. [Buddha is a title, not a name.]
657 The text gives "natum esse, simul et ab angelo." The Codex Reg. Alex. Vat. reads, "natum se esse simulabat et ab angelo."
658 On these Persian priests, see Epiphanius on this heresy, num. 3.
659 Reading arguebant, with Routh, for arguebat.
662 Or, in the origins of things, principiis.
665 Solarium quoddam excelsum.
666 The Codex Casinensis gives, "ut inde ab aliquo convinci possit." But the Codex Reg. Alex. Vat. reads, "ut ne ab aliquo," etc. We adopt, therefore, "ne ab aliquo," etc., taking the idea to be, as is suggested in Migne, that Manes went up alone, because he feared that, if observed by Parcus and Labdacus, the priests of Mithras, he might expose himself to punishment at the hands of the Persian rulers for an offence against their religion. [Manes here seems put for Terebinthus.]
667 Sub terras eum detrudi per spiritum.
668 But the Codex Reg. Alex. Vat. reads, "erat enim multum pecuniae arida"-for she had a great greed for money.
669 But Cyril, Epiphanius, and others, make the name Cubricus (Kou/brikoj).
671 This may express with sufficient nearness the original, "nec Manem sed Manes."
672 The Codex Casinensis gives sexaginta regularly. The Codex Reg. Alex. Vat. reads septuaginta, seventy.
673 Transfert eos. It may be also "translated them."
674 The text gives, "edictum proposuit in vita," etc. For in vita it is proposed to read invitans; and that is confirmed by the Codex Reg. Alex. Vat.
675 We adopt the reading "qui cubum, guod nomen est tali, ludere solent." The text gives, "qui cibum quod nomen est tale eludere solent." The Codex Reg. Alex. Vat. seems to read, "qui cubum quod nomen est aleae ludere solent."
677 The text gives, "quique fugientes licet nunquam cessarunt," etc. Codex Reg. Alex. Vat has, "licet nunquam cessarent" etc.
678 Reading "dicebam." But the Codex Casinensis gives "dicebant," and the Codex Reg. Alex. Vat. has "decebat"-as became them.
679 Reading "converti ad salutem," for "conventi," etc., as it is given in the Codex Casinensis.
680 Conscribebantur. [Note this concerning the Christian books.]
681 Nuntios. But Codex Reg. Alex. Vat. gives "novitios," novices.
682 The text gives "fatigarent." But Codex Reg. Alex. Vat. gives "fugarent"-expel.
683 The text gives "invenientes." The Codex Reg. Alex. Vat. more correctly has "inveniens"-when he came upon.
684 But Codex Reg. Alex. Vat. reads "Stracum fluvium."
685 The text gives, "evadere potuit dum nemo eum insequeretur. Sed populus, cum Archelai quem libenter audiebant relatione teneretur." etc. The Codex Reg. Alex. Vat. reads "evadere potuit dum ne eum insequeretur is populus, et Archelai quem libenter audiebant relatione tenerentur." Routh suggests, "dum eum nemo insequeretur, sed populus Archelai," etc.
686 The same Codex Vat. reads Adrabion here.
687 'I'he Codex Reg. Alex. Vat. ends with these words.
688 [See p. 177, supra A fair discussion as to authenticity.]
690 Codex Casinensis reads, "non ex Manen originem mali hujus Manes esse." We adopt the conjecture, "non ex Mane originem mali hujus manasse."
691 The following note on this Basilides may be given from Migne:-"Although Eusebius (Hist. Eccles., iv. 7) tells us that the Basilides who taught heresy shortly after the times of the apostles was an Alexandrian, and opened schools of error in Egypt, the Basilides mentioned here by Archelaus may still be one and the same person with that Alexandrian, notwithstanding that it is said that he taught his heresy among the Persians. For it may very well be the case that Basilides left Alexandria, and made an attempt to infect the Persians also with his heretical dogmas. At the same time, there is no mention among ancient authorities, so far as I know, of a Persian Basilides. The Alexandrian Basilides also wrote twenty-four books on the Gospel, as the same Eusebius testifies; and these do not appear to be different from those books of Tractates which Archelaus cites, and from the Exegetics, from the twenty-third book of which certain passages are given by Clement of Alexandria in the fourth book of his Stromateis. It is not clear however, whether that Gospel on which Basilides wrote was the Gospel of the Apostles, or another which he made up for himself, and of which mention is made in Origen's first Homily on Luke, in Jerome's prologue to his Commentary on Matthew, and in Ambrose's prologue to the Gospel of Luke." We may add that Gieseler (Studien und Kritiken, i. 1830, p. 397) denies that the person meant here is Basilides the Gnostic, specially on account of the peculiar designation, Basilides quidam antiquior. But his objections are combated by Baur and Neander. See the Church History of the latter, ii. p. 50, ed. Bohn.
692 The text is, "aliis dictis proposuit adversariis." Perhaps we may read. "aliorum dicta," etc.
693 The text is, "necessarium sermonem uberemque salutaris sermo praestavit." May it be = the word of salvation furnished the word which was requisite, etc.?
694 The text is, "per parvulam divitis et pauperis naturam sine radice et sine loco rebus supervenientem unde pullulaverit indicat." The reading seems defective. But the general intention of this very obscure and fragmentary sentence appears to be as given above. So Neander understands it as conveying a figurative description of the two principles of light and darkness, expressed in the Zoroastrian doctrine immediately cited,-the rich being the good principle, and the poor the evil. He also supposes the phrase "without root and without place" to indicate the "absoluteness of the principle, that springs up all at once, and mixes itself up with the development of existence."-See Church History, ii. 51 (Bohn). Routh confesses his inability to understand what can be meant by the term parvulam, and suggests parabolam.
697 Routh adopts the interrogative form here, so as to make the connection stand thus: But is this the only topic which the book contains? Does it not also contain another discussion, etc.?
700 By the barbari here are evidently meant the Persians.
702 The text is, "non quae esse dicebantur." Routh proposes, "non quae factae, or genitae, esse dicebantur," = which were not declared to have been made.
703 From Cyril of Jerusalem, Catecheses, vi. § 27-29. [And see the Introductory Notice, p, 175.]
704 Reading o@plon dikaiosu/nhj Others read o@plw| = Archelaus met him with the buckler of righteousness.
714 Matt. x. 34. Various of the Mss. add, e0pi\ th\n gh=n, upon the earth.
715 The text gives kaloi/. Routh seems to prefer kakoi/, evil.
718 Matt. xiii. 13. The text is, i@na ble/pontej mh\ ble/pwsi.
720 For ei/ de\ dei kai w9j, etc., various codices read ei0 de\ dikai/wj, etc.
725 Translated from Gallandi, Vet. Patr. Biblioth. The reverend translator is styled in the Edinburgh edition, "Curate of Ilminster, Somerset."
726 Cf. Combef., Auctar. Noviss., part ii. p. 2; Cav., Dissert. de. Script. Eccl., incert. aetat. p. 2; Fabricius, Bibl. Gr., tom. v. p. 287; Montfaucon, Bibl. Coisl., p 349, seqq.
727 Photius, Epist. de Manich., Bibliotheca Coisliniana, p. 354.
728 Epiph., Haer., lxviii. n. 1, lxix. n. 2; Le Quien, Oriens Christianis, tom. ii. p. 597.
729 Meletius of Lycopolis, a schismatical bishop of the third and fourth centuries. Athanasius tells us that Meletius, who was Bishop of Lycopolis in Upper Egypt at the time of the persecution under Diocletian and his successors, yielded to fear and sacrificed to idols: and being subsequently deposed, on this and other charges, in a Synod over which Peter, Bishop of Alexandria, presided, determined to separate from the Church, and to constitute with his followers a separate community. Epiphanius, on the other hand, relates that both Peter and Meletius, being in confinement for the faith, differed concerning the treatment to be used toward those who, after renouncing their Christian profession, became penitent, and wished to be restored to the communion of the Church. The Meletians afterwards co-operated with the Arians in their hostility to Athanasius.-See Art. Meletius, in Smith's Biograph. Dict.-Tr.
1 A treatise on their tenets by Alexander of Lycopolis, who first turned from paganism to the Manichaean opinions.
2 [Note the practical character of Christian ethics, which he so justly contrasts with the ethical philosophy of the heathen. This has been finely pointed out by the truly illustrious William Wilberforce in his Practical View, cap. ii. (Latin note), p. 25, ed. London, 1815.]
3 e0n to=ij e0ristikoi=j. The philosophers of the Megarean school, who were devoted to dialectics, were nicknamed oi9 'Eistikoi/. See Diog. Laertius.
4 Manes, or Manichaeus, lived about A.D. 240. He was a Persian by birth, and this accounts for the Parseeism which can be detected in his teaching. He was probably ordained a priest, but was afterwards expelled from the Christian community, and put to death by the Persian government. His tenets spread considerably, and were in early youth embraced by St. Augustine. [See Confess., iii. 6.]
6 In substance, but not in words, Aristotle, Met., Book A 4 (1070´ b).
11 This passage and the following sentences are corrupt. Possibly something is wanting.-Tr.
14 Mosheim, E. H., vol. i. p 383, note 5, Murdock's edition, New York, 1844. His references to Lardner in this case do not accord with my copy.
15 Histoire des Manichéens (Lardner's reference), pp. 236-237.
16 Credib., vol. vii. p. 574, ed. London, 1829.
17 Lardner's reference is: Bib. G., lib. v. c. 1, tom. 5, p. 290.
18 Long extract from Cave ubi supra. He quotes the Latin of Cave's Diss. on Writers of Uncertain Date.
19 Lardner's reference is to Photius, Contra Manich., i. cap. 11.
20 Lardner quotes from the Hist. des Manich., art. 16., Memoires, etc., tom. iv.
21 Reference defective. See Lardner, Credib., vol. iii. 269. Here will be found (p. 252) a learned examination of Archelaus, and what amounts to a treatise on these Manichaeans.
22 For Beausobre's summary of Alexander's deficiencies, see condensed statement in Lardner, vol. iii. p. 575.
23 Cap. i. p. 241, supra. A beautiful exordium. A recent writer, speaking of Potamiaena and Herais, virgin martyrs, and catechumens of Origen, remarks, that "the number of young women of high character who appreciated the teachings of this great master, many of whom were employed as copyists of his works, is creditable to the state of Christian society at that period " (Mahan, Church Hist., p. 237). It was to avoid scandal as well as temptation in his relations with these that he fell into his heroic mistake.
24 Cap. xxiv. p. 251, supra. Who can imagine that the author of this chapter is not a Christian? Observe what he says of "the Word."
32 Note the reference to the Old and New Testaments entire, p. 243, supra
1 This first date is conjectural.
2 [After Gallandi, by the translator, the Rev. James B. H. Hawkins, M.A.]
3 qei=on e0pisko/pwn xrh=ma, bi/ou te kai\ a0reth=j e#neka kai\ th=j tw=n i9erw=n lo/gwn sunaskh/sewj. Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., lib. ix. cap. 6; lib. viii. cap. 13; lib. vii. cap. 32, towards the end.
4 pro\ tou= diwgmou= tri/sin ou0d' o#loij h9ghsa/menoj th=j Ekklhsi/aj.
5 Dodwell, Dissert. Sing. ad. Pears., cap. 6, sec. 21, p. 74.
6 Lequien, Oriens Christ, tom. ii. p. 397.
7 Renaudot, Hist. Patriarch. Alex., p. 60.
8 Sunodiko\n. Vol. ii. p. 8, fol., Oxon., 1672.
9 Tillemont, Mem., tom. v. p. 450.
10 Renaudot, l.c., p. 61, seqq.
11 Maffei, Osservazione Letterarie, tom. iii. p. 17.
12 Athanasius, Apol. contra Arian, sec. 39, tom. i. p. 177.
14 Baronius, Ad Annum, 306, sec. 44.[Elucidation I.]
15 Luke i. 80, ix. 10; Gal. i. 17. But compare 1 Kings xix. 9.
16 Patriarchate, etc., vol. i. p. 107. Antony was born circa A.D. 251, died A.D. 356.
18 Matt. xix. 21 and Matt. vi. 34.
19 Montalembert's Monks of the West is but a fascinating romance, but is well worthy of attention.
1 As interpreted by Anastasius Bibliothecarius. Apud Maium, Spioilegii, tom. iii. p. 671. That Anastasius Bibliothecarius translated from the Greek the Passion of St. Peter, Bishop of Alexandria, is affirmed by Anastasius himself in his prologue, Ad Passionem Martyrum, MCCCCLXXX., published by Mabillon in the Museum Italicum, tom. i. part ii, p. 80: "Post translatam a me ad petitionem sanctitatis tunae (he is addressing Peter, Bishop of Gavinum), passionem praecipui doctoris et martyris, Petri Alexandrinae urbis episcopi." And then an anonymous biographer of John viii., in Muratori R. I. S., tom. iii. p. i. p. 269, confirms the same. Anastasius, the librarian of the Roman church, translated from the Greek into Latin the Passion of St. Peter, Archbishop of Alexandria. But it is a matter of conjecture which of the different Passions of St. Peter Anastasius translated. Of the Acts of St. Peter, there are three different records:-(1) Acta Sincera, which, according to Baronius, are the most genuine. (2) A shorter Latin version, by Surius. (3) A Greek version, by Combefis.
2 [Significant to find this term applied from Western thought to this great bishopric by such a translator as Anastasius.]
3 [See p. 257, supra, and p. 263, infra, note 2. Not his final rejection after the Nicene Council.]
4 [He is here speaking of its civil importance only.]
6 [Anastasius, more Romano, uses the Middle-Age terminology as if it had existed in the Ante-Nicene period. So all the successors of the apostles at Rome, including St. Peter himself, are transformed into "Popes." We owe this abuse to the "False Decretals," of which we treat hereafter. But why is exploded fiction and demonstrated untruth perpetuated by enlightened historians? See vol. v. p. 155.]
8 [Post-Nicene terminology, condemned even by the Gallicans, as, e g., Dupin. Alexandria, founded by St. Mark, was virtually an Apostolic See, though commonly called the Evangelic See.]
9 Thus watched the faithful at Milan around Ambrose, their bishop, against whom the wrath of the Arian Empress Justina was directed, according to the testimony of Augustine, who was an eye-witness. Cf. Confess., lib. ix. cap. 7.
10 [i.e, deacon; Isa. lxvi. 21. So Clement of Rome, cap. xl. p. 14, vol. i., this series.]
11 The Acta Combefisiana add, "quemadmodem ille Dei Filium a paterna gloria et substantia sequestravit," even as he has separated the Son of God from the glory and substance of His Father. But Arius had not as yet laid bare his heresy, but had been excluded from the Church for joining in the Meletian schism, and a suspicious course of action.
12 ["The dying are wont to vaticinate;" but the prophetic charismata (1 Cor. xiv. 31) were not yet extinct in the Church, in all probability, hence this conjecture was natural.]
13 kolo/bion-this is the tunicle, tunica, tunicella, dalmatica. It originally had no sleeves; it is said that wide sleeves were added in the West about the fourth century; and the garment was then called dalmatic, and was the deacon's vestment when assisting at the holy communion; while that worn by sub-deacons, called by the Anglo-Saxons "roc", and "tunicle" generally after the 13th century, was of the same form, but smaller and less ornamented (Palmer, Orig. Liturgicae, vol. ii. p. 314). The word, in its classical use, meant an under-garment with its sleeves curtailed (kolobo/j)-i.e., reaching only half down to the elbow, or entirely without sleeves. [But the reference here is clearly to St. John xix. 23; and the introduction of the mediaeval dalmatic, to translate kolo/bion, is out of place.]
16 [Another anachronism, but noteworthy as applied to the See of Alexandria. See p. 261, note 2.]
17 Cf. St. Paul's farewell address to the elders at Miletus, Acts. xx. 28. [Acts xx. 32. The whole of this affecting address is borrowed from the touching eloquence of St. Paul.]
18 [Acts xx. 38. The spirit of Ignatius and of Polycarp is here clearly to be recognized in the fourth century.]
19 [Another anachronism; but, as applied to the Alexandrian primate, it is a concession to truth. The word was already used in the West, but not exclusively with respect to the Apostolic Sees. See vol. v. p. 270, note 1.]
22 [Another anachronism. No such invocation of saints at this period. See note 6, p. 261, supra]
23 [Wholly apocryphal in all probability, or based on a mere apostrophe. Such "patronage" was yet unknown.]
25 The Latin reads here: "Spread out, ye aged men, the skins which ye are carrying."
26 a0gwnoqe/thj-the president of the Grecian games, the judge.
27 [Probably he wore ordinarily what afterwards became an ecclesiastical ornament. So the casula and other vestments were retained by the clergy after they ceased to be commonly worn. Marriott, Vestiar. Christian., p. 198.] The omophorion, which is worn by every Eastern bishop, resembles the Latin pallium, except that it is broader, and tied round the neck in a knot. Cf. following passage from Neale's Introduction to the Translation of the Eastern Liturgies: "But while the Gospel is being read, the bishop lays aside his omophorion, thereby making profession of his service to the Lord. For since it is the Lord who is represented as speaking by the Gospel, and is, as it were, Himself present, the bishop at that time ventures not to be arrayed with the symbol of His incarnation-I mean, the omophorion, but taking it off from his shoulders, he gives it to the deacon, who holds it folded in his right hand, himself standing near the bishop, and preceding the holy gifts. When he has finished the liturgy, and comes to the communion, he again assumes the omophorion, manifesting that before this he was one of the ministers, and was afraid to put upon himself that holy garment. But when the work is accomplished, and he goes on to elevate the bread, and to divide it into parts, and to receive it himself, and distribute it to others, it is necessary that he should put on all the sacred symbols of his dignity; and since the omophorion is the principal vest of a pontiff, he necessarily assumes that, and in that is partaker of the most divine things." [All this unknown to antiquity.]
28 A solidus or aureus worth 25 denarii, being 8 1/2d.; it was worth 17s. 8 1/2d.; five solidi, £4, 8s. 61/2d. [More than $20.]
29 Virgil, Aen., book iii. 56:-
" O sacred hunger of pernicious gold,
What bands of faith can impious lucre hold?"
\special rtab\-Dryden.
30 [Here "standing" = continuing. He knelt, no doubt, to be beheaded; but the corpse remained in this posture. A noble horse, shot on the field of Antietam, remained on the field in an attitude of raising himself from the ground, as I saw it myself.]
31 [This may be credited. See Cyprian's Passion. But the technical names which follow seem an anachronism if technically understood. I say this with no spirit of objection to these vestments, however.]
32 [See Kingsley's Hypatia. In Cyril's time this might have happened: one trusts that for Peter's day this, too, is an anachronism.]
33 [Another anachronism, and Occidental also.]
34 [See vol. v. p. 256, note 6, and p. 259, Elucidation II. Missa, a Latin word, has clearly no place here save by the Roman rule of reading modern rites into antiquity. Thus, in Raphael's picture illustrating the story of 2 Macc. iii. 15, the Jewish high-priest is made a Roman pontiff. (Compare note 6, p. 261, supra]
35 [See note 2, p. 265, supra]
36 Achillas, the successor of Peter, admitted Arius to the priesthood.
38 Perhaps Absalom, or it may be Ziba, is referred to. (2 Sam. xiv. 33, xvi. 3.)
1 [The Canonical Epistles of Basil have been heretofore mentioned. Vol. v. p. 572, elucidation.]
2 These Canons of Peter of Alexandria are interesting as bearing upon the controversy between Cyprian and the clergy of Carthage, with regard to the treatment of the lapsed. They also bear upon the subject-matter of the Novatian schism.
3 Another reading is a0nhke9stouj, "which cannot be cured."
4 The marks of Jesus, sti9gmata. Cf. Gal. vi. 17.
6 Isa. lxi. 1, 2; Luke iv. 18, 19.
37 Cf. St. Paul's description of charity, 1 Cor. xiii. 4: "Charity vaunteth not itself," ou0, perpereu/etai.
38 A digression which follows is entirely directed against Muzalon.
55 Isa. viii. 3, 4. The literal meaning of the name Maher-shalal-hash-baz is, "In speed spoil, booty hastens."
60 The sixth day, the day before the Hebrew Sabbath.-Tr. [The Parasceve.]
61 [Stationary days. See Vol. ii. p. 33, note 6.]
62 [Vol. v. pp. 382, 571, the notes.]
63 [So called. Vol. viii., this series. Elucidation II.]
64 Luke i. 80, ix. 10; Gal. i. 17. But compare 1 Kings xix. 9.
65 Patriarchate, etc., vol. i. p. 107. Antony was born circa A.D. 251, died A.D. 356.
67 Matt. xix. 21 and Matt. vi. 34.
68 Montalembert's Monks of the West is but a fascinating romance, but is well worthy of attention.
2 [See p. 240, supra But note, the parish was greater than the diocese in ancient terminology.]
5 A fragment from his book, from the Acts of the Council of Ephesus, i. and vii. 2.-Galland.
12 A fragment from the homily. Apud Leontium Byzant., lib. i., contra Nestor. et Eutych., tom. i. Thes. Canis., p. 550.
14 A fragment from the homily. Ex Leontio Hierosolymitano, contra Monophysitas, Ap. Mai. Script. Vet., tom. vii. p. 134.
15 Apud Galland, Ex Chronico Paschal., p. 1, seqq., edit. Venet., 1729.
19 Gen. i. 11, 12. [As "in summer-time," probably.]
20 Rom. xi. 7. ["Our holy festivity" = Easter.]
22 [Vol. ii. p. 333, note 4. Clement is always worth noting, for his influence is thus traceable very widely in the early literature.]
25 [But compare Browne, On the Thirty-nine Articles, p. 717, note 3, American edition, 1874.]
27 John xix. 13, 14. And about the sixth hour is the reading of our English version. According to St. Mark, the crucifixion took place at the third hour (chap. xxv. 25). Eusebius, Theophylact, and Severus (in the Catena, ed. Lücke, ii.) suppose that there has been some very early erratum in our copies. See Alford's note on the passage.
30 [Compare Anatolius, p. 15l, supra]
31 Apud Galland, Ex Chronico Paschal., p. 175, D.
32 [Adored, i.e., etymologically, = kissed.]
33 Ex Leontii et Joannis Rer. Sacr., lib. ii. Apud Mai, Script. Vet., tom. vii. p. 85. From his demonstration that the soul was not pre-existent to the body.
35 Ex Leontio et Joanne Rer. Sacr., lib. ii. Apud Mai, Script. Vet., tom. vii. p. 96.
36 From the Treatise of the Emperor Justinian against the Monophysites. Apud Mai, Script. Vet., vii. 306, 307.
37 Or, from a treatise on theology.
41 He reported to the Nicene Council that he had ordained twenty-eight bishops and eight priests or deacons.
42 Patriarchate of Alexandria, vol. i. pp. 91, 146.
44 Eccl. Hist. Cent. IV., sub tit. "Peter of Alexandria."
1 The first date is conjectural.
3 For liberal references, consult Hagenbach, Text-Book of the History of Doctrine; by all means using Professor Smith's edition, New York, 1861.
4 For the matters touching the theology of the period, the student should prepare himself by consulting Waterland, History of the Athanasian Creed (Works, vol. iv., London), and Van Oosterzee, Christian Dogmatics, New York, 1874. I wonder that Professor Smith could, so unreservedly, commend Hagenbach.
5 [Here given Achilles; but I preserve unity of usage in this respect, the rather as Achilles is the name of a contemporary heretic.]
6 [i.e., in his great and final heresy. Of his former condemnation, see pp 262-263, supra.]
8 [To which Achilles had admitted him. See p. 268, supra. In spite of the warnings, pp. 263- 265, supra]
1 [A.D. 321.] Apud. Theodoritum, Hist. Eccl., book i. chap. 4.
3 Colluthus, being a presbyter of Alexandria, puffed up with arrogance and temerity, had acted as a bishop, and had ordained many priests and deacons. But in the synod that was assembled at Alexandria all his acts of ordination were rescinded; and those who had been ordained by him degraded to the rank of laymen.-Tr.
4 [Perhaps a quotation, and hence a token of verity as to what is narrated of Peter, p. 263, note 4, supra]
5 It is inferred from these words that this letter of Alexander was written after the Synod of Alexandria in which Arius and his companion were condemned. But Alexander convened two synods of the bishops of Egypt against Arius and his friends.-Tr.
8 [The two tests, or criteria, of Arianism. The Arians affirmed (1) the formula e\c ou0k o$ntwn , and (2) the h\n pote o@te ou0k h\n .
11 Ecclus. iii. 22. [Compare the canonical equivalent, Ps. cxxxi. 1.]
27 [By the canons three bishops were necessary to ordain one to the episcopate, nor was communion with fewer than these Catholic.]
28 [See p. 292, note 3, supra]
43 Taken from the Works of St. Athanasius, vol. i. part i. p. 397, seqq., edit. Benedic. Paris, 1698.
45 [Imagining. Compare Hippolytus, vol. v. pp. 156 and 158, supra This expression seems to have been a sort of formula.]
46 [See p. 290, note 1, supra]
61 [See the signators to this decree in the subjoined fragment.]
66 [See p. 291, note 3, supra]
68 Athanas. ibid., p. 396. On the deposition of Arius and his followers by Alexander, archbishop of Alexandria.
69 Two fragments from an epistle. St. Maxim., Theological and Polemical Works, vol. ii. pp. 152-155. Edit. Paris, 1675.
70 Many writings of the ancients, as Cardinal Mai has remarked, may be disinterred from the Oriental manuscripts in the Vatican library, some of which have been brought to light by that eminent scholar. In an Arabic ms. he discovered a large portion of the following discourse by St. Alexander, the patriarch of Alexandria, which he afterwards met with entire in the Syrian Vatican manuscript 368. The Greek version being lost, Mai, with the assistance of the erudite Maronites, Matthaeus Sciahuanus, and Franciscus Mehasebus, translated the discourse into Latin, and his version has been chiefly followed in the following translation. Of its genuineness there is no doubt, and it is quite worthy of a place among his other writings.
72 The passage, as far as to "rise again the third day from the dead," is generally marked with inverted commas, and Mai remarks that it had been already brought to light by him under the name of the same Alexander, in the Spicileg. Roman., vol. iii. p. 699, amongst some extracts of the Fathers from the Arabic Vatican Codex, 101, in which is contained the celebrated Monophysite work entitled Fides Patrum. It is established therefore that this discourse was written in Greek by Alexander, and afterwards translated not only into the Syriac, but also into the Arabic language. [I have made this passage into a paragraph distinct from the rest.]
75 [Vol. iii. 58, this series. The patristic testimony is overwhelming and sufficient. See Africanus, p. 136, supra, and a full discussion of his statement in Routh, R. S., ii. p. 477.]
77 Here, again, we have this fact insisted on. See p. 301, note 4.
78 See, against Petavius and others, Dr. Holmes's learned note, vol. iii. p. 628, Elucidation I.
79 Vol. iv. p. 343, this series; also Elucidation II. p. 382.
80 On Tertullian's orthodoxy, see notes, vol. iii. p. 600, etc.
81 When we consider his refinements about the words substance, idea, image, etc., in the dispute with Celsus, while yet these terms were not reduced to precision, we cannot but detect his effort to convey an orthodox notion. Observe Dr. Spencer's short but useful note, vol. iv. p. 603, note 3.
82 See vol. iv. p. 382, Elucidations I., II., and III.
83 Vol. v. p. 390, this series.
84 See the force of this spelling, p. 240, supra.
1 [The idea, and some of the ideas borrowed from the Symposium of Plato, but designed to furnish a contrast as strong as possible between the swinish sensuality of false "philosophy" in its best estate, and the heavenly chastity of those whom the Gospel renders "pure in heart," and whose life on earth is controlled by the promise, "they shall see God."]
2 In Migne's ed. Euboulion, but apparently with less authority; and probably because the name is connected with that of Gregorion. Euboulios is a man, and Gregorion a woman.
3 [Gregorion answers to the Diotima of Socrates in Plato's Banquet, and talks like a philosopher on these delicate subjects.]
5 A personification of virtue, the daughter of philosophy. [i.e., of philosophy not falsely so called.]
7 "A tall tree like the willow, the branches of which were strewn by matrons on their beds at the Thesmophoria, vitex agnuscastus. It was associated with the notion of chastity, from the likeness of its name to a9gno/j."-Liddell and Scott.
8 [Much of this work suggests a comparison with the Hermas of vol. ii., and Minucius Felix seems not infrequently reflected.]
9 [Virtue presides, and "to the pure all things are pure;" but the freedoms of the converse must offend unless we bear in mind that these are allegorical beings, not women in flesh and blood.]
10 [See the oration on Simeon and Anna, cap. 10, infra]
3 [I think evidence abounds, in the course of this allegory, that it was designed to meet the painful discussions excited in the Church by the fanatical conduct of Origen, vol. iv. pp. 225-226.]
6 Ps. xxxvii. 6 (LXX.), xxxviii. 5 (E. V.).
11 [Contending with the worse than bestial sensuality of paganism, and inured to the sorrows of martyr-ages, when Christian families could not be reared in peace, let us not wonder at the high conceptions of these heroic believers, based on the words of Christ Himself, and on the promise, "Blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall see God."]
19 [This seems to me admirable. Our times are too little willing to see all that Scripture teaches in this matter.]
20 A distinction common among the Fathers.
24 [Compare Cyprian, vol. v. p. 475, this series.]
2 e@wj a@rti, even until now. John v. 17.
5 Remark the connection, e@kstasij and eci/statai.
11 [Bastardy seems to have been regarded as washed out by baptism, thousands of pagan converts having been born under this stain.]
14 [This language shows that it is not cited as Holy Scripture. It confirms St. Jerome's testimony, Prolog. in Libros Salomonis.]
17 His virgin. [St. Paul was married, and then a widower, in the opinion of many of the ancients. See Euseb., H. E., iii. 30.]
22 Ps. xlv. 10 (xliv. 10, LXX.).
1 Gen. ii. 23, 24, and Eph. v. 28-32.
2 Eph. v. 32. [A forcible argument.]
4 Eph. v. 28-32. [Compare the next chapter, note 4.]
5 This is the obvious English equivalent of the Greek text.-Tr. [A singularly cautious testimony against Origen, whom our author follows too closely in allegorizing interpretations of Scripture. Origen, having literalized so sadly in one case, seems to have erred ever afterward in the other extreme. Here is a prudent caveat.]
12 The obscurity of this chapter is indicated in the heading placed over it by the old Latin translator. The general meaning, however, will be clear enough to the theological reader.-Tr.
19 Here, as in the previous chapter, and in many other passages, I have preferred the text of Jahn to that of Migne, as being generally the more accurate.-Tr.
21 1 Cor. xv. 22. The words are, "Neither doth corruption inherit incorruption."
26 Commonly used by the Greek Fathers for the Baptized. [Following Holy Scripture, Heb. x. 32, and Calvin's Commentary, ad loc. Also his comment on Tit. iii. 5.]
27 Jahn's reading, a0naplhsqei/j. Migne has a0naplasqei\j, moulded.
36 [Laver (Gr loutro\n). Compare Tit. iii. 5 and Calvin's comment, Opp., tom. ii. p. 506, ed. 1667.]
37 Eph. v. 25, 26. [Baptismus = lavacrum animae.-Calvin, Ib., p. 350.]
39 1 Cor. vii. 1. [All vulgar familiarity included.]
40 In the original the two words are different. In the quotation from St. Paul it is a@ptesqai; here it is prosyau/ein. Nothing could be gained by using two words in the translation.-Tr.
42 1 Cor. vii. 1. [All vulgar familiarity included.]
44 E. V. "Fasting and prayer." As in the best Mss., th=| nhstei/a| kai/ is wanting in the text.
47 [See p. 316, supra (note), and also Eusebius, there cited. Per contra, see Lewin, vol. i. 382, 386.]
48 Kalo/n. It is the same word which is translated good in ver. 1. "It is good for a man."
49 i.e., participate in the same ordinances, and in their fruits.
54 1 Cor. vii. 29. [Nobody can feel more deeply than I do the immeasurable evils of an enforced celibacy; nobody can feel more deeply the deplorable state of the Church which furnishes only rare and exceptional examples of voluntary celibacy for the sake of Christ. On chastity, see Jer. Taylor's Holy Living, Works, i. p. 424.]
56 A clause is omitted here in the text.
58 1 Cor. vii. 36. [On virginity, see Taylor, i. 426, ed. London, 1844.]
60 polumerw=j kai\ polutro/pwj. Heb. i. 1.
63 Ps. cxxxvii. E. V., and in Heb. [Does not our author follow the Hebrew here? I must think his reference here is to the cxxxvith Psalm as we have it. It is Eucharistic, and verses 10-16 seem to be specially referred to.]
67 "By the waters of Babylon," etc. [He passes to the next psalm.]
68 Ps. cxxxvii. 1, 2. [Here is a transition to Psalm cxxxvii., which has been the source of a confusion in the former chapter. This psalm is not Eucharistic, but penitential.]
71 o@rganon. The word used for harp above, and here employed with a double meaning. ["Body" here = man's physical system.]
72 In Hebrew the word means simply "a memorial."
75 Amos iv. 5 (LXX.). The E. V. is, "Offer a sacrifice of thanksgiving in the leaven."
82 Commentators have remarked the allusion to Phil. iii. 11. See Migne's note. The thought of the marriage of the heavenly bridegroom, Christ, to His virgin bride, the Church, at the second Advent, when "the dead shall be raised," was obviously present to the mind of the writer.
83 Jer. ii. 32. The author, in quoting from the LXX., slightly alters the text, so as to make it almost a command, instead of a question. The original has e0pilh/setai; in the text it is e0pilaqe/sqai.
1 [Compare vol. v. p. 587, this series.]
3 Lit. shall greatly vow a vow to offer, with sacrifices of purification, chastity to the Lord. Num. vi. 1, 2.
4 There are two readings. The above rendering may fairly embrace them both.
5 Gen. xv. 9. [Our author has in mind (the triad) 1 Thess. v. 23.]
6 Luke xii. 35-38. The author apparently quotes from memory.
9 1 Cor. vii. 34; quoted from memory.
10 Cf. Ps. cxxxix. 4, and cxli. 3.
12 Isa. viii. 1. The LXX is quoted from memory. The meaning, however, is nearer the original than the E. V. Cf. Keil and Delitzsch, Bib. Com., in loc.
14 to\ poreutiko/n, the power of going.
20 Lev. xi. 29; not an exact quotation.
22 Heb. x. 1. The apostle says, "a shadow," and "not the very image." The difference, however, is verbal only.-Tr.
26 An apparent confusion between the altar of incense, to which the author refers, and which stood in the Holy Place, and the Mercy-Seat, which was within the vale in the Holy of holies.-Tr.
2 pneumatika\ th=j ponhri/aj (Eph. vi. 12). In E. V. "spiritual wickedness."
4 [Which has suggested the form of this allegorical work.]
6 In Greek i/ = ten. The word employed signifies the index of a sun-dial.-Tr. [The lamps found in the Roman catacombs have this mark (X), which is at once a monogram for Christ and a reference to the ten virgins. In the Greek the accented Iota might yet be associated with the initial of Jesus.]
7 Luke xii. 49. The Latin version is certainly more accurate, "Quid volo nisi ut accendatur?"-Tr. [A visionary interpretation follows. But has not this text been too much overlooked in its literal significance? "It is the last time." The planet is now on fire.]
13 Matt. xxv. 6. [This parable greatly stimulated primitive celibacy.]
17 1 Thess. iv. 17. Commentators have remarked on the peculiarity of the interpretation. We give simply the writer's meaning.-Tr.
19 Although the Greek word is not the same as in 1 Tim. vi. 16, the meaning is probably this rather than unquenchable, as it is rendered in the Latin.-Tr. [See Discourse XI. cap. 2, infra]
1 pneu=ma here and for wind above.
2 Literally, only begotten. Wisd. vii. 22.
4 [That the Canticles demand allegorical interpretation, we may admit; nor can I object to our author's ideas here.]
13 [Here allegorizing is refuted and perishes in fanciful and over-strained analogies.]
15 This was Eve's testimony to the serpent, not the original command.-Tr. [But I do not see the force of this note. Eve in her innocency is surely a competent witness.]
18 Here, and in many other places, the prevalent millenarian belief of the first centuries is expressed by Methodius.-Tr. [See Barnabas, vol. i. p. 147, this series; also Irenaeus (same vol.), p. 562, at note 11.]
19 This word, as being that employed in the E. T. of the Canticles, is adopted throughout. It must be remembered, that, in this connection, it stands for nea/nidej, and not for parqe/noi.-Tr.
22 The forty-fifth in our arrangement.
6 Than of the most ordinary things of life.
7 The influence of Plato is traceable, here and elsewhere, throughout the works of Methodius. It has been fully examined in the able work of Jahn, Methodius Platonizans.-Tr. [ Elucidation I.]
9 Baruch iii. 14, 15. The apocryphal book of Baruch, as bearing the name of the companion of Jeremiah, was usually quoted, in the second and third centuries, as the work of that great prophet.-Tr.
11 The same word in the text which is translated wind: pneu=ma. The play upon the word cannot be preserved in the translation.-Tr.
14 [i.e., the Church. See p 337, note 4, infra]
19 It is hardly necessary to observe, that amid many interpretations of the passage, this which Methodius condemns is probably the true one, as it is certainly the most natural.-Tr. [It is certainly worth observing, that Methodius has on his side a strong following among the ancients; the interpretation the translator favours having little support save among modern defenders of the late pontiff's bull Ineffabilis. Elucidation II.]
29 Certain phrases like this have led to the opinion that Methodius was inclined to Arianism. There is no ground for the supposition. In the writer's mind, as is clear from the previous statements, the previous generation was eternal.-Tr.
31 Patripassianism: nearly the same as Sabellianism.-Tr.
32 Dokh/sei, hence Docetae.-Tr.
35 Methodius is not the first or the last who has sought to explore the mystery of numbers. An interesting and profound examination of the subject will be found in Bähr's Symbolik; also in Delitzsch's Bib. Psychology.-Tr. [On the Six Days' Work, p. 71, translation, Edinburgh, 1875.]
36 i.e. in a regular arithmetical progression.
37 i.e. its divisors or dividends.
38 "Make Himself of no reputation."-E. T., Phil. ii. 7.
45 ["As they think." Had Methodius any leaning to Pythagoras and his school? To "science" the world owes its rejection of the true theory of the universe for two thousand years, till Copernicus, a Christian priest, broke that spell. Could the Christian Fathers know more than science taught them? Methodius hints it.]
47 We cannot preserve the play upon words of the original. There it is-maqhmatikh\n and kataqematikh/n.-Tr.
49 ge/nesij = birth i.e., our life is not controlled by the star of our nativity.-Tr. [See Hippolytus, vol. v. p. 27, this series.]
51 ge/nesij = birth, h. the star of man's nativity, h. destiny.
1 The LXX. adds "And of the Agnos." See note on this tree at the beginning of the treatise, p. 310, note 2.]
3 [Methodius did not adopt the errors of the Chiliasts, but he kept up the succession of witnesses to this primitive idea. Coleridge's remarks on Jeremy Taylor, touching this point, may be worth consulting. Notes on Old English Divines, vol. i. p. 218.]
18 1 Cor. xiii. 2, 3. Quoted from memory and in meaning, not verbally.-Tr.
19 Isa. xliv. 4. The reading of the LXX.
20 [See Jer. Taylor, Holy Living, cap. ii. sec. 3, Works, vol. i. p. 427, ed. Bohn, 1844. This is a token of antiquity.]
22 In Hebrew, Succoth. Num. xxxiii. 5.
2 For this use of heart, cf. 2 Cor. iv. 6.-Tr. [See Coleridge on Leighton, Old English Divines, vol. ii. p. 137.]
8 Jahn's reading is here followed. [This is a puzzle as well as a parable; the Seventy give r0a/mnoj, which is not = a@gnoj. It spoils the force of Jotham's caustic satire to adopt this conception of our author.]
11 [Diabolus simia Dei, an idea very common to the Fathers. He is the malignant caricature of the Most High, exulting in the deformity which he gives to his copies. Exod. vii. 11.]
16 Joel ii. 21-23. The last words of the quotation are from the LXX. version.-Tr.
19 2 Kings xx. 7; Isa. xxxviii. 21.
23 E. V. "Anointed ones," ver. 14.
24 sxoi/nisma: same word as that translated "wick."-Tr.
2 [Compare our Lord's wisdom and mercy, Matt. xix. 11.]
3 The text of Jahn is here followed.-Tr. [I have been obliged to arrange this hymn (so as to bring out the refrain as sung by the chorus of virgins) somewhat differently from the form in the Edinburgh edition. I invite a comparison.]
10 [The only one. See p. 355, Elucidation II., infra]
11 In Jahn, Telmesiake.-Tr. [Comp. p. 356, n. 2, infra]
12 [Contrast the shameful close of Plato's Symposium.]
14 [Recur to what is said of Origen and his epoch on p. 224, vol. iv. of this series.]
15 [Recur to what is said of Origen and his epoch on p. 224, vol. iv. of this series.]
16 [Here is our author's conclusive condemnation of Origen, whose great mistake, I have supposed, gave occasion to this extraordinary work. Possibly the epoch of Anthony had revived such discussions when this was written.]
17 Introduction to the Dialogues, etc. Dobson's translation, Cambridge, 1836.
18 See his work On the Apocalypse, Lecture IX. p. 198, ed Philadelphia, 1852.
20 Vol. v. p. 217, this series.
21 Works, vol. i. p. 447, ed. Paris, 1845.
23 See The Eirenicon of Dr. Pusey, ed. New York, 1866.
1 [This debate between Orthodoxus and a Valentinian reminds us of the Octavius of Minucius Felix, vol iv.]
6 Iliad, ix. 4, H. (Cowper's Tr.).
8 [See the essay of Archbishop King On the Origin of Evil, ed. Cambridge, 1739. Law's annotations in this edition are valuable. See also Dr. Bledsoe, Theodicy, and Elucidation VIII. p. 522, vol. ii, this series. Of Leibnitz (refuting Bayle), no need to speak here. Comp. Addison, Spectator, Nos. 237 and 519; also Parnell's Hermit; also Jer. xii. 1.]
9 The reader will here naturally think of the great and long-continued Manichaean controversy.-Tr.
10 [See Routh, R. S., tom. ii. p. 98, and note p. 115, and all Routh's notes on Maximus, the original of Methodius, of whom see Eusebius, H. E., book v. cap. 27.]
11 Jahn's reading is here followed.
12 The text is here in an uncertain state. Cf. Migne and Jahn.
13 Imperfect. The rest from the Bibliotheca of Photius.
14 The whole of this work, as preserved, is in a very fragmentary state. We have followed Migne in general, as his edition is most widely known, and but little is gained by adopting Jahn's, which is somewhat more complete.-Tr.
15 Of the bestowal of free-will.
1 [Compare Athenagoras, vol. ii. p. 149, and other Fathers passim.]
3 Cf Anastasius, in Doctrina Patrum de Verbi Incarnatione, c. 25.-Jahn.
4 By Epiphanius, Haer., lxiv. n. 22.-Migne.
7 [See vol. iv. p. 38, this series.]
9 [i.e., "in the courts of the Lord's house;" among the buildings.]
14 [Greek, creation, kti/sij. The English version faulty arid confusing.]
15 [Greek, creation, kti/sij. The English version faulty arid confusing.]
16 [Greek, creation, kti/sij. The English version faulty arid confusing.]
18 The reading and punctuation of Jahn are here adopted.
27 When tempted by the Sadducees.
35 [A play on the Greek a0nastasij, but good exegesis.]
46 [See part ii. cap. viii., p. 375, infra What he testifies may be accepted, at least, as his genuine conviction.]
50 From St. John Damascene, Orat. 2, De Imagin., tom. i. p. 389, ed. Paris, 1712.
51 From Photius, Bibliotheca, cod. 234.
52 Gregory, surnamed Theologus, commonly known as Gregory Nazianzen.
53 [Athenagoras, Plea, cap. xxiv. vol. ii. p. 142, this series.]
54 [Athenagoras, Plea, cap. xxiv. vol. ii. p. 142, this series.]
56 [Gregory's opponent, not St. Paul's.]
59 From Photius, Bibliotheca, cod. 234.
70 Jer. xxi. 8; Ecclus. xv. 8; Deut. xxx. 15.
89 The Word means literally, "by an abuse, or misapplication;" but the author's meaning is very nearly that expressed in the text.-Tr.
93 e0pendu/sasqai. 2 Cor. v. 2, 3.
102 Commonly known as St. Justin Martyr.-Tr. [See his treatise On the Resurrection, vol. 1. p. 295; also On Life, p. 198, this series.]
104 Cf. p. 368, supra [Pyragnos = fire-proof agnos.]
109 [Justin Martyr, vol. i. p. 295, this series.]
111 Dan. ix. 23, marginal reading.
115 1 Sam. xxviii. 12. [See vol. v. p. 169, note 11, this series.]
116 The reading of Jahn, "kaq' e9auth/n," is here adopted.-Tr.
1 [A fragment given by Combefis, in Latin, in the Bioliotheca Concionatoria, t. ii. p. 263, etc. Published in Greek from the Vatican ms. (1611), by Simon de Magistris, in Acta Martyrum ad ostia Tiberina sub Claudio Gothico. (Rome, 1792, folio. Append. p. 462.)]
2 [Matt. xii. 40. This history comes to us virtually from the Son of God, who confirms the testimony of His prophet. See the very curious remarks of Edward King in his Morsels of Criticism, vol. i. p. 601, ed. 1788.]
5 From Photius, Bibliotheca, cod. 235.
14 From the Parallels of St. John Damascene, Opera, tom. ii, p. 778, ed. Lequien.
17 From Theodoretus, Dial., 1, 'Atrept. Opp., ed. Sirmond, tom. iv. p. 37.
19 Murdock's Mosheim, Eccles. Hist., ii. 51.
21 The Jonah Fragment, p. 378, supra.
22 The sense, that is, of the golden image of God in angels, and "in clay or brass, as ourselves" See p. 378, supra.
23 See pp. 131, 132, edition of the London Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge.
1 The oration likewise treats of the Holy Theotocos. [Published by Pantinus, 1598, and obviously corrupt. Dupin states that it is "not mentioned by the ancients, nor even by Photius." The style resembles that of Methodius in many places.]
7 John i. 11; Ps. l. 3. h\lqen-e0mfanw=j. The text plainly requires this connection with evident allusion to Ps. l. "Our God will manifestly come" e0mfanw=j h@cei, which passage our author connects with another from John i.-Tr.
10 th\n a0ki/nhton h\ttan e0gkauxhsa/menoi. It seems better to retain this. Pantinus would substitute a0ni/khton for a0ki/nhton, and render less happily "invicto hoc certamine victos."
11 [See p. 309, note 1, supra, and the reflection upon even the Banquet of Philosophers, the Symposium of Plato.]
13 Isa. vi. 1-9. The quotations are from LXX. version.
14 musth/rion is, in the Greek Fathers, equivalent to the Latin Sacramentum.-Tr.
16 i0era/teuma. Perhaps less definitely priesthood. Acc. Arist. it is h9 peri\ tou\j qeou\j e0pime/leia. The cult and ordinances of religion to be observed especially by the priests, whose business it is to celebrate the excellence of God.-Tr.
17 kata\ th\n eu0doki/an. Allusion is made to Eph. i. 5, According to the good pleasure of God, and His decree for the salvation of man. Less aptly Pantinus renders, ob propensam secaem in nos voluntatem.-Tr.
18 "One and the same essence." This is the famous o9moousioj of the Nicene Council.-Tr.
19 i9erofa/nthj, teacher of the divine oracles. This, which is the technical term for the presiding priest at Eleusis, and the Greek translation of the Latin "Pontifex Maximus," is by our author applied to St. Paul.-Tr.
24 u9poti/tqion tugxa/nonta. It is an aggravation, so to speak, that He not only willed to become an infant, and to take upon Him, of necessity, the infirmities of infancy, but even at that tender age to be banished from His country, and to make a forcible change of residence, me/toikoj gene/sqan. me/toikoi are those who, at the command of their princes, are transferred, by way of punishment, to another State. Their lands are confiscated. They are sometimes called a0na/spastoi. Like to the condition of these was that of Jesus, who fled into Egypt soon after His birth. For the condition of the me/toikoi at Athens, see Art. Smith's Dict. Antiq.-Tr.
30 [Here seems to me a deep and true insight regarding the scriptural topics and events touched upon.]
32 The quotation from the prophet Habakkuk is from the LXX. version.-Tr.
38 [Note "made worthy;" so "found grace" and "my Saviour," in St. Luke. Hence not immaculate by nature.]
40 to\n th=iplasiasmo\n th\j a9gio/thtoj, Pantinus translates triplicem sanctitatis rationem, but this is hardly theological. Allusion is made to the song of the seraphim, Isa. vi.; and our author contends that the threefold hymn sung by the angels at Christ's birth answers to that threefold acclamation of theirs in sign of the triune Deity.-Tr.
42 to\n ta\ pa/nta e0n a0katalhyi/a u9peridrume/non. Cf. 1 Tim. vi. 16, fw=j oi0kw=n a0pro/siton, o@n ei\den ou0dei\j a0nqrw/pwn ou0de\ i0dei=n du/natai.-Tr.
43 [This apostrophe is not prayer nor worship. (See sec. xiv., infra) It may be made by any orator. See Burgon's pertinent references to Legh Richmond and Bishop Horne, Lett. from Rome, pp. 237, 238.]
46 o9 tw=n teloume/nwn teleiwth/j, initiator, consummator. dia\ tou= Pneu/matoj a9gi/ou is to be referred to suneka/lesen, rather than to tw=n prattome/nwn.-Tr.
47 to\n au0qe/nthn dida/skalon. The allusion is to Mark i. 22.
51 Ps. cxviii. 22; Isa. xxviii. 16; 1 Pet. ii. 6.
53 Exod. xv. 2; Isa. xxv. 1; Ps. civ. 1.
66 Isa. ix. 2, xlii. 7; Luke i. 79.
70 Isa. lxiii. 9, Sept. version.
84 [The feast of the Purification. Here follows an impassioned apostrophe, which apart from its Oriental extravagance is full of poetical beauty. Its language, however, like that of other parts of this Oration, suggests at least interpolation, subsequent to the Nestorian controversy. Previously, there would have been no call for such vehemence of protestation.]
96 [Apostrophes like the above; panegyrical, not odes of worship.]
99 [This must have been interpolated after the Council of Ephesus, A.D. 431. The whole Oration is probably after that date.]
103 Isa. vi. 9; Acts xxviii. 26.
104 Ps. xlvi. 8; Isa. vii. 11.
111 Ps. xlviii. 2; Matt. v. 35; Isa. i. 26.
112 Isa. lx. 1; Ps. lxxxvii. 3; Ps. cxxxii. 16.
116 [Here is an apostrophe to the Church, a hymn to "the Elect Lady." See, illustrating note 17, p. 390, supra]
117 trikumi/aj, stormy waves. Latin, decumani fluctus. Methodius perhaps alludes to Diocletian's persecution, in which he perished as a martyr.-Tr.
121 [He again apostrophizes the Blessed Theotocos, but in language hardly appropriate to the period preceding Cyril of Alexandria.]
122 [Not so, for he ends with a noble strain of worship to the Son of God. This expression suggests interpolation.]
1 [Dupin hardly credits this oration to Methodius. See elucidation, p. 398.
4 [Evidently a homily for Palm Sunday, the first day of the Paschal week.]
5 Ps. lxxxv. 9, xcv. 1, xlvii. 1.
8 Ps. cxviii. 26; Matt. xxi. 9; Mark xi. 9; Luke xix. 38; John xii. 13.
62 Ecclesiastical Writers, vol. i. p. 161.
63 He was a Dominican, and learned in Greek. Died 1679.
1 Apud. Gretserum, De Sancta Cruce, p 401, tom. ii. Nov. edit. Ratisb., 1754. [Concerning which I quote from Dupin as follows: "The Père Combefis has collected some other fragments, attributed to Methodius, cited by St. John Damascene and by Nicetas as drawn out of his books against Porphyry. But, besides that, we cannot depend upon the authority of these two authors, who are not very exact; these fragments have nothing considerable and we think it not worth while to say anything more concerning them."]
2 Apud. Gretserum, De Sancta Cruce, tom. ii. p. 403.
3 Apud. Allatium, Diatr. de Methodiorum scriptis, p. 349.
1 Ex Nicetae Catena on Job, cap. xix. p. 429, edit. Londin., 1637. All the shorter fragments collected in the editions of Migne and Jahn are here appended.
3 Ex Nicetae Catena on Job, cap. xxvi. p. 538.
4 Ex Nicetae Catena on Job, p. 547.
6 Ex Nicetae Catena on Job, cap. xxviii. p. 570.
8 Ex Nicetae Catena on Job, cap xix. p. 418, ex Olympiodoro.
9 Wisd. xii. 1. ["The Spirit of Christ," given to all; John i. 9.]
10 Ex Parallelis. Damascen., Opp., tom. ii. p. 331, D.
12 [Such is the fact, no doubt, as to the ancestors of the Jewish race; the fatherly character of Abraham, the filial character of Isaac, and the missionary offices of Jacob-whose wisdom and organizing faculties are so conspicuous-interpreting, in some degree, "the Holy and Consubstantial Trinity." This seems to be hinted, indeed, in the formula, "I am the God of Abraham, and the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob." Isaac's submission to be sacrificed upon Mount Moriah, and Jacob's begetting and sending forth the twelve patriarchs, singularly identify them as types of the Atoning Son and the regenerating Spirit, whose gifts and mission were imparted to the twelve Apostles.]
14 [Note the single procession. The formula of the Hebrews, however, above noted, supplies a type of the Filioque and the ab utroque in the true sense of those terms.]
15 [Recur to chap. v. of The Banquet, p. 333, supra]
16 See vol. i. p. 181, this series.
17 See p. 285, supra, under the Emperors.
1 Lardner's Testimony of Ancient Heathenism, Works, vol. vii. p. 17.
3 Cat. Script. Eccl., lxxix. f. 121, Bened. ed. tom. iv.
6 Cat. Script. Eccl., lxxx. F. 121, ep. lxxxiii.
9 As "vain." [But see p. 405, supra.]
10 Book i. sec. 39, p. 423, infra
15 Cf. note on book vii. sec. 36, infra [It is not at all improbable that some sketch of his convictions, written to assure the bishop of his conversion, was the foundation of what afterwards grew into a work.]
16 [Conf. Constantine's "vision."]
19 Cf. book vii. cap. 36, note, and Ib. cap. 51, note, with the Appendix.
21 Cf. book vii., on sacrifices generally. [Proves nothing.]
26 Book i. cap. 46; cf. 1 Cor. xv. 6.
31 [Compare the Exhortation of Clement, vol. ii. p. 171, passim; and Tertullian, vol. iii. and passim.]
32 Book iii. cap. 7, and book iv. cap. 13, note.
33 Arnobii Disputationum adversus Gentes, libri octo, nunc primum in lucem editi Romae, apud Franc. Priscianum Florentinum, 1542.
36 Romae, 1583. This is the second Roman edition, and restores the Octavius to Minucius Felix.
37 Hanoviae, 1603: dedicated to Joseph Scaliger.
39 Paris, 1605. This edition, which is of great value, and shows great learning and ability, was completed in two months, as Heraldus himself tells us.
40 Lugduni Batavorum 1651, containing the notes of Canterus, Elmenhorst, Stewechius, and Heraldus.
41 Salmasius purposed writing commentaries for this edition, but died without doing more than beginning them.
42 Wirceburgi. 1783, 8vo, preceded by a rambling introductory epistle.
47 [This section (8) appears as a "Preface" to the Edinburgh edition.]
1 The words insanire, bacchari, refer to the appearance of the ancient seers when under the influence of the deity. So Virgil says, Insanam vatem aspicies (Aen., iii. 443), and, Bacchatur vates (Aen., vi. 78). The meaning is, that they make their asseverations with all the confidence of a seer when filled, as he pretended, with the influence of the god.
2 Et velut quiddam promptum ex oraculo dicere, i.e., to declare a matter with boldness and majesty, as if most certain and undoubted.
3 Popularia verba, i.e., rumours arising from the ignorance of the common people.
4 The Christians were regarded as "public enemies," and were so called.
6 So Meursius,-the ms. reading is inusitatum, "extraordinary."
7 So Gelenius; ms., coartatur, "pressed together."
8 Or, "race," gens, i.e., the Christian people.
9 The verb mereri, used in this passage, has in Roman writers the idea of merit or excellence of some kind in a person, in virtue of which he is deemed worthy of some favour or advantage; but in ecclesiastical Latin it means, as here, to gain something by the mere favour of God, without any merit of one's own.
10 See Livy, i. 31, etc.; and Pliny, Nat. Hist., ii. 38.
11 The ms. reads, flumina cognoverimus ingentia lim-in-is ingentia siccatis, "that mighty rivers shrunk up, leaving the mud," etc.
12 So Tertullian, Apologet., 40, says,-"We have read that the islands Hiera, Anaphe, Delos, Rhodes, and Cos were destroyed, together with many human beings."
13 Arnobius, no doubt, speaks of the story of Phaethon, as told by Ovid; on which, cf. Plato, Tim., st. p. 22.
14 Nourry thinks that reference is here made to the contests of gladiators and athletes with lions and other beasts in the circus. But it is more likely that the author is thinking of African tribes who were harassed by lions. Thus Aelian (de Nat Anim., xvii. 24) tells of a Libyan people, the Nomaei, who were entirely destroyed by lions.
15 The city of Amyclae in Italy is referred to, which was destroyed by serpents.
16 In the Timaeus of Plato, c. vi. st. p. 24, an old priest of Saïs, in Egypt, is represented as telling Solon that in times long gone by the Athenians were a very peaceful and very brave people, and that 9,000 years before that time they had overcome a mighty host which came rushing from the Atlantic Sea, and which threatened to subjugate all Europe and Asia. The sea was then navigable, and in front of the pillars of Hercules (Strait of Gibraltar) lay an island larger than Africa and Asia together: from it travellers could pass to other islands, and from these again to the opposite continent. In this island great kings arose, who made themselves masters of the whole island, as well as of other islands, and parts of the continent. Having already possessions in Libya and Europe, which they wished to increase, they gathered an immense host; but it was repelled by the Athenians. Great earthquakes and storms ensued, in which the island of Atlantis was submerged, and the sea ever after rendered impassable by shoals of mud produced by the sunken island. For other forms of this legend, and explanations of it, see Smith's Dictionary of Geography, under Atlantis; [also Ancient America, p. 175, Harpers, 1872. This volume, little known, seems to me "stranger than fiction," and far more interesting].
18 The ms. here inserts a mark of interrogation.
19 So the ms. si facto et, corrected, however, by a later copyist. si facio ut, "if I cause that," etc.
21 "To analyze"-dissolvere- is in the ms. marked as spurious.
22 In the ms. we find "to chill and numb"-congelare, constringere; but the last word, too, is marked as spurious.
23 ms. sustinere (marked as a gloss), "to sustain;" perferre, "to endure."
25 [Our author thus identifies himself with Christians, and was, doubtless, baptized when he wrote these words.]
26 Sine ullis feriis, a proverbial expression, "without any holidays;" i.e. without any intermixture of good.
27 For qui durare Ursinus would read quiret durare; but this seems to have no ms. authority, though giving better sense and an easier construction.
29 Alemanni, i.e., the Germans; hence the French Allemagne. The ms. has Alamanni.
30 ["Innumerable Christians:" let this be noted.]
31 The Gaetuli and Tinguitani were African tribes. For Tinguitanos, another reading is tunc Aquitanos; but Tinguitanos is much to be preferred on every ground.
33 Defendere is added in the ms., but marked as a gloss.
34 Consumere is in like manner marked as a gloss.
35 So Orelli, for the ms. judicationis, "judgment."
36 The carelessness of some copyist makes the ms. read ve-st-ri, "your," corrected as above by Ursinus.
37 So Ursinus, followed by Heraldus, LB., and Orelli, for the ms. errores, which Stewechius would change into errones-"vagrants"-referring to the spirits wandering over the earth: most other edd., following Gelenius, read, "called demigods, that these indeed"-daemonas appellat, et hos, etc.
38 So the ms.,which is corrected in the first ed. "us to be willing"-nos velle: Stewechius reads, "us to be making good progress, are envious, enraged, and cry aloud," etc.-nos belle provenire compererunt, invident, indignantur, declamitantque, etc.; to both of which it is sufficient objection that they do not improve the passage by their departure from the ms..
39 A beautiful appeal, and one sufficient to show that our author was no longer among catechumens.]
40 So LB. and Orelli; but the ms. reads, "himself to be like a god by his prophets," etc.-se esse similem profiteatur in vatibus.
41 So corrected by Pithoeus for the ms. profanus.
42 [Evidences of our author's Christian status abound in this fine passage.]
43 So Gelenius, followed by Orelli and others, for the ms., reading divini interpretes viri (instead of juris)-"'O men, interpreters of the sacred and divine," which is retained by the 1st ed., Hildebrand, and Oehler.
44 Aii Locutii. Shortly before the Gallic invasion, B.C. 390, a voice was heard at the dead of night announcing the approach of the Gauls, but the warning was unheeded. After the departure of the Gauls, the Romans dedicated an altar and sacred enclosure to Aius Locutius, or Loquens, i.e., "The Announcing Speaker," at a spot on the Via Nova, where the voice was heard. The ms. reads aiaceos boetios, which Gelenius emended Aios Locutios.
45 So emended by Ursinus for the ms. libentinos, which is retained in the 1st ed., and by Gelenius, Canterus, and others. Cf. iv. 9, where Libentina is spoken of as presiding over lusts.
46 As a soul was assigned to each individual at his birth, so a genius was attributed to a state. The genius of the Roman people was often represented on ancient coins.
47 Thus the Athenians paid honours to Leaena, the Romans to Acca Laurentia and Flora.
48 The superstitions of the Egyptians are here specially referred to.
49 That is, by whose pleasure and at whose command they are preserved from annihilation.
50 So Orelli, adopting a conjecture of Meursius, for the ms. nobis.
51 That is, not self-existent, but sprung from something previously in being.
52 Columen is here regarded by some as equal to culmen; but the term "pillar" makes a good sense likewise.
53 This is according to the doctrine of Pythagoras, Plato, Origen, and others, who taught that the souls of men first existed in heavenly beings, and that on account of sins of long standing they were transferred to earthly bodies to super punishment. Cf. Clem. Alex. Strom. iii. p. 433.
54 The Peripatetics called God the locus rerum, to/poj pa/ntwn, the "locality and the area of all things;" that is, the being in whom all else was contained.
55 [This prayer of Arnobius is surely worthy of admiration.]
56 Diagoras of Melos and Theodorus of Cyrene, called the Atheists. The former flourished about B.C. 430, the latter about B.C. 310. See Cic., Nat. Deor., i. 2. [Note the universal faith, cap. 34, infra]
57 Protagoras of Abdera, b. B.C. 480, d. 411.
58 Democritus of Abdera, b. B.C. 460, and Epicurus, b. B.C. 342, d. 270.
59 Obstinatione, literally "stubbornness;" Walker conjectures opinatione, "imaginings," which Orelli approves.
60 So the ms.; for which Meursius would read, nobis vobisque, communis esset (for cessat)- "is to us and to you, the anger of the gods would be shared in common."
61 So Ursinus, followed by most edd., for the reading of the ms. Fenta Fatua, cf. v. 18. A later writer has corrected the ms. Fanda, which, Rigaltius says, an old gloss renders "mother."
62 So restored by Salmasius for Dioscuri, and understood by him as meaning Dea Syria, i.e. Venus, because it is said that a large egg having been found by the fish in the Euphrates, was pushed up by them to the dry land, when a dove came down, and sat upon it until the goddess came forth. Such was the form of the legend according to Nigidius; but Eratosthenes spoke of both Venus and Cupid as being produced in this manner. The Syrian deities were therefore Venus, Cupid, and perhaps Adonis. It should be remembered, however, that the Syrians paid reverence to pigeons and fish as gods. (Xen., Anab., i. 4, 9), and that these may therefore be meant.
63 So all edd., except those of Hildebrand and Oehler, for the ms. censum-"list."
64 That is, that God is a Spirit. [Note our author's spirit of faith in Christ.]
65 Orelli would refer these words to God; he thinks that with those immediately following they may be understood of God's spiritual nature,-an idea which he therefore supposes Arnobius to assert had never been grasped by the heathen.
66 So Gelenius, followed by Orelli and others, for the corrupt reading of the ms., idem ne quis; but possibly both this and the preceding clause have crept into the text from the margin, as in construction they differ from the rest of the sentence, both that which precedes, and that which follows.
67 The phrase animalibus causis is regarded by commentators as equal to animatis causis, and refers to the doctrine of the Stoics, that in the sun, moon, stars, etc., there was an intelligent nature, or a certain impulse of mind, which directed their movements.
68 Lit. "shall see"-visuri, the reading of the ms.; changed in the first ed. and others to victuri-"shall live."
69 Some have suggested a different construction of these words-memoriam nullam nostri sensus et recordationis habituri, thus-"have no memory of ourselves and senses of recollection;" but that adopted above is simpler, and does not force the words as this seems to do.
70 The ms. and 1st and 2d Roman edd. read, qui constringit- "who restrains."
71 It was a common practice with the Romans to hang the spoils of an enemy on a tree, which was thus consecrated to some deity. Hence such trees were sacred, and remained unhurt even to old age. Some have supposed that the epithet "old" is applied from the fact that the heathen used to offer to their gods objects no longer of use to themselves; thus it was only old trees, past bearing fruit, which were generally selected to hang the spoila upon.
72 [This interesting personal confession deserves especial note.]
74 So all the later edd.; but in the ms., 1st and 2d Roman edd., and in those of Gelenius and Canterus, this clause reads, cruciatoris perpetitur saevitatem-"but suffers the cruelty of his persecutor."
75 The words post paenas in the text are regarded as spurious by Orelli, who supposes them to have crept in from the preceding sentence: but they may be defended as sufficiently expressing the agonies which Hercules suffered through the fatal shirt of Nessus.
76 The words deum propitium are indeed found in the ms., but according to Rigaltius are not in the same handwriting as the rest of the work.
77 Cybele whose worship was conjoined with that of Atys.
78 So Orelli, but the ms. Attis.
79 This refers to the practice of placing the images of the gods on pillows at feasts. In the temples there were pulvinaria, or couches, specially for the purpose.
80 The phrase potentiarum interiorum is not easily understood. Orelli is of opinion that it means those powers which in the Bible are called the "powers of heaven," the "army of heaven," i.e., the angels. The Jews and the early Fathers of the Church divided the heaven into circles or zones, each inhabited by its peculiar powers or intelligent natures, differing in dignity and in might. The central place was assigned to God Himself, and to Christ, who sat on His right hand, and who is called by the Fathers of the Church the "Angel of the Church," and the "Angel of the New Covenant." Next in order came "Thrones," "Archangels," "Cherubim and Seraphim," and most remote from God's throne the "Chorus of Angels," the tutelar genii of men. The system of zones and powers seems to have been derived from the Chaldeans, who made a similar division of the heavens. According to this idea, Arnobius speaks of Christ as nearest to the Father, and God of the "inner powers," who enjoyed God's immediate presence. Reference is perhaps made to some recondite doctrine of the Gnostics. It may mean, however, the more subtile powers of nature, as affecting both the souls of men and the physical universe.
81 So Orelli with most edd., following Ursinus, for the ms. suo ge-ne-ri-s sub limine, which might, however, he retained, as if the sense were that these ordinances were coeval with man's origin, and translated, "tribes saw at the beginning of their race."
82 Magus, almost equivalent to sorcerer.
83 Arnobius uses nomina, "names," with special significance, because the Magi in their incantations used barbarous and fearful names of angels and of powers, by whose influence they thought strange and unusual things were brought to pass.
84 All these different effects the magicians of old attempted to produce: to break family ties by bringing plagues into houses, or by poisons; open doors and unbind chains by charms (Orig, contra Cels., ii.); affect horses in the race-of which Hieronymus in his Life of Hilarion gives an example; and use philters and love potions to kindle excessive and unlawful desires.
85 So Orelli and most edd., following a marginal reading of Ursinus, auxiliaribus plenum bonis (for the ms. nobis).
86 In the height of his indignation and contempt, the writer stops short and does not apply to his opponents any new epithet.
87 This is contrasted with the mutterings and strange words used by the magicians.
88 So the ms. according to Oehler, and seemingly Heraldus; but according to Orelli, the ms. reads immoderati (instead of-os) cohibebant fluores, which Meursius received as equivalent to "the excessive flow stayed itself."
89 Penetrabilis, "searching," i.e., finding its way to all parts of the body.
90 So Orelli, LB., Elmenhorst, and Stewechius, adopting a marginal reading of Ursinus, which prefixes im-to the ms. mobilitates- "looseness"-retained by the other edd.
91 Cf. John ii. 25. [He often replies to thoughts not uttered.]
92 No such miracle is recorded of Christ, and Oehler suggests with some probability that Arnobius may have here fallen into confusion as to what is recorded of the apostles on the day of Pentecost.
93 The Latin is, per purae speciem simplicitatis, which is not easily understood, and is less easily expressed.
94 [I have already directed attention to Dominic Diodati's essay, De Christo Graece loquente. ed. London, 1843.]
95 So almost all edd.; but the ms. and 1st and 2d Roman edd. read scire-"to know," etc.
96 See book ii. chap. 36, infra
97 The gods in whose temples the sick lay ordered remedies through the priests.
98 So all edd. except LB., which reads with the ms. superponere- "that (one) place the juices," etc.
100 So the edd. reading tri-v-erunt, for the ms. tri-bu-erunt- "given up," which is retained in the first ed.
101 Pietatis, "of mercy," in which sense the word is often used in late writers. Thus it was from his clemency that Antoninus, the Roman emperor, received the title of Pius.
102 So most edd., following a marginal reading of Ursinus, which prefixes in-to the ms. firmitate.
103 "They, too,...those labouring under the inflictions of these:" so LB., with the warm approval of Orelli (who, however, with previous edd., retains the ms. reading in his text) and others, reading sub eorum t-ortantes (for ms. p-) et illi se casibus; Heraldus having suggested rotantes. This simple and elegant emendation makes it unnecessary to notice the harsh and forced readings of earlier edd.
104 So understood by Orelli, who reads quo Dius est, adopting the explanation of Dialis given by Festus. The ms., however, according to Crusius, reads, Dialem, quod ejus est, flaminem isto jure donavit; in which case, from the position of the quod, the meaning might be, "which term is his," or possibly, "because he (i.e. the priest) is his," only that in the latter case a pronoun would be expected: the commentators generally refer it to the succeeding jure, with this "right" which is his. Canterus reads, quod majus est, i.e., than the Pontifex Maximus. [Compare vol. iv. p. 74, note 7.]
105 So the ms. reading aequalitas, which is retained by Hild. and Oehler; all other editions drop ae- "that the quality of deed and doer might be one."
106 This passage has furnished occasion for much discussion as to text and interpretation. In the text Orelli's punctuation has been followed, who regards Arnobius as mentioning four Zoroasters-the Assyrian or Chaldean, the Bactrian (cf. c. 5 of this book), the Armenian, and finally the Pamphylian, or Pamphilos, who, according to Clem. Alex. (Strom. [vol. ii. p. 469]), is referred to in Plato's Republic, book x., under the name Er; Meursius and Salmasius, however, regarding the whole as one sentence, consider that only three persons are so referred to, the first being either Libyan or Bactrian, and the others as with Orelli. To seek to determine which view is most plausible even, would be a fruitless task, as will be evident on considering what is said in the index under Zoroaster. [Jowett's Plato, ii. 121.]
107 So Orelli, reading veniat qu-is su-per igneam zonam. LB. reads for the second and third words, quae-so per- "let there come, I pray you, through," etc., from the ms. quae super; while Heraldus would change the last three words into Azonaces, the name of the supposed teacher of Zoroaster. By the "fiery zone" Salmasius would understand Libya; but the legends should be borne in mind which spoke of Zoroaster as having shown himself to a wondering multitude from a hill blazing with fire, that he might teach them new ceremonies of worship, or as being otherwise distinguished in connection with fire. [Plato, Rep., p. 446, Jowett's trans.]
108 So Stewechius, Orelli, and others, for the ms. Zostriani- "grandson of Zostrianus," retained in the 1st ed. and LB.
109 So the edd., reading in rebus eximiis for the ms. exi-gu-is, which would, of course, give an opposite and wholly unsuitable meaning.
110 So generally, Heraldus having restored delitu-it in Christo from the ms., which had omitted -it, for the reading of Gelenius, Canterus, and Ursinus, delicti-"no deceit, no sin was," etc.
111 So emended by Salmasius, followed by most later edd. In the earlier edd. the reading is et merito exutus a corpore (Salm. reading at instead of a, and inserting a period after mer.)-"and when rightly freed from the body," etc.
112 It may be instructive to notice how the simpler narrative of the Gospels is amplified. Matthew (xxvii. 51) says that the earth trembled, and Luke (xxiii. 45) that the sun was darkened; but they go no further. [ See p. 301, note 4, supra]
113 Or, "which if...itself, would never," etc. [Note the confidence of this appeal to general assent.]
114 That is, by the climate and the inclination of the earth's surface.
115 So the 1st ed., Ursinus, Elmenhorst, Orelli, and Hildebrand, reading munerandis, which is found in the ms. in a later handwriting, for the original reading of the ms. munera dis.
116 According to Rigaltius the ms. reads ista promiserunt in immensum-"have put forth (i.e. exaggerated) these things to an immense degree falsely, small matters and trivial affairs have magnified," etc.; while by a later hand has been superscribed over in immensum, in ink of a different colour, extulere-"have extolled."
117 So the ms., 1st ed., and Hildebrand, while all others read atqu-i-"but."
118 So LB., reading quo for the ms. quod.
119 So most edd., reading intercipere for the ms. intercipi-"it is that the progress be obstructed," etc.
120 So Orelli and Hildebrand, reading glabre from a conjecture of Grotius, for the ms. grave.
121 i.e., that the one should be masculine, the other feminine.
122 i.e., does not one of you make the plural of uter masc., another neut.? [Note the opponent's witness to the text of the Gospels.]
123 So the ms., followed by Hildebrand and Oehler, reads and punctuates quis mortuus? homo, for which all edd. read mortuus est? "Who died?"
124 Here, as in the whole discussion in the second book on the origin and nature of the soul, the opinions expressed are Gnostic, Cerinthus saying more precisely that Christ having descended from heaven in the form of a dove, dwelt in the body of Jesus during His life, but removed from it before the crucifixion.
125 So the ms. by changing a single letter, with LB. and others, similitudine proxim-a (ms. o) constitutum; while the first ed., Gelenius, Canterus, Ursinus, Orelli, and others, read -dini proxime- "settled very closely to analogy."
126 In the original latronibus; here, as in the next chapter, used loosely to denote lawless men.
127 So emended by Mercerus for the ms. vatis.
128 So read in the ms.-not -tius, as in LB. and Orelli.
129 Lit., "the ways of things"-vias rerum.
130 The ms. reads unintelligibly , which was, however, retained in both Roman edd., although Ursinus suggested the dropping of the o, which has been done by all later edd.
131 The ms. reads, quam nec ipsam perpeti succubuisset vis-"would his might," i.e., "would He with His great power have stooped." Orelli simply omits vis as Canterus, and seemingly the other later edd. do.
132 The ms. and 1st ed. read sati-s, which has clearly arisen from f being confounded with the old form of s.
133 The construction is a little involved, quae nulli nec homines scire nec ipsi qui appellantur dii mundi queunt-"which none, neither men can know, nor those...of the world can reach, except those whom," etc.
134 In the Latin, vel potestate inversa, which according to Oehler is the ms. reading, while Orelli speaks of it as an emendation of LB. (where it is certainty found, but without any indication of its source), and with most edd. reads universa- "by His universal power."
135 So the ms. according to Hildebrand, reading praecipi=bat. Most edd., however, following Gelenius, read faciebat-"made them lame."
136 Lit., "to bind fast the motions of the members," adopting the reading of most edd., motus alligare membrorum (ms. c-al-igare).
137 The ms. reads nervorum duritiam, for which Ursinus, with most edd., reads as above, merely dropping m; Hildebrand and Oehler insert in, and read, from a conjecture of Ursinus adopted by Elmenhorst, c-ol-ligare-"to bind into stiffness."
138 Ursinus suggested di, "most terrible," for the ms. durissimis.
139 So the ms. reading, multa mala de illarum contra insinuator (mala is perhaps in the abl., agreeing with a lost word), which has been regarded by Heraldus and Stewechius, followed by Orelli, as mutilated, and is so read in the first ed., and by Ursinus and LB. The passage is in all cases left obscure and doubtful, and we may therefore be excused discussing its meaning here.
140 Lit., "to the ends of fitting duties."
141 In the original, seminaria abscidit,-the former word used of nurseries for plants, while the latter may be either as above (from abscindo), or may mean "cut off " (from abscido); but in both cases the general meaning is the same, and the metaphor is in either slightly confused.
142 Lit., "familiar to be accosted,"-the supine, as in the preceding clause.
143 So the edd., reading corporalibus affectos malis, but the ms. inserts after malis the word morbis ("with evil bodily diseases"); but according to Hildebrand this word is marked as spurious.
144 So the edd., reading nemo h-om-i-n-um, except Hildebrand and Oehler, who retain the ms. om-n-i-um-"no one of all."
145 John viii. 46: "Which of you convinceth me of sin?"
146 So Heraldus and LB., followed by later edd., reading exiliis for the ms. ex-uis, for which Gelenius, Canterus, and Ursinus read et suis-"and by their slaughters."
147 Here, as frequently in Arnobius, the comparative is used instead of the superlative.
148 "To posterity evil reports of their own time"-sui temporis posteris notas-so emended by Ursinus, followed by Orelli and Hildebrand, for the ms. in temporis posteri-s, retained by LB., and with the omission of s in the 1st ed.; but this requires our looking on the passage as defective.
149 The reference is clearly to the well-known passage in Plato's Republic. [See the sickening details, book v. p. 282, Jowett's trans.]
150 So Gelenius, LB., and Orelli, reading con-v-ell-e-re for the ms. con-p-ell-a-re, "to accost" or "abuse," which is out of place here. Canterus suggested com-p-il-are, "to plunder," which also occurs in the sense "to cudgel."
151 Supply, "do you pursue Him so fiercely?"
152 These words are followed in the edition of Gelenius by ch. 2-5 of the second book, seemingly without any mark to denote transposition; while Ursinus inserted the same chapters-beginning, however, with the last sentence of the first chapter (read as mentioned in the note on it)-but prefixed an asterisk, to mark a departure from the order of the ms. The later editors have not adopted either change.
153 So Ursinus suggested in the margin, followed by LB. and Orelli, reading in privatam perniciem p-a-r-atum for the ms. p-r-iv-atum, which is clearly derived from the preceding privatam, but is, though unintelligible also, retained in the two Roman edd. The conclusion of the sentence is, literally, "obstinacy of spirit."
154 In the original, spe salutis proposita atque amore incolumitatis.
156 So all the edd., reading fastidi-os-um supercilium, which Crusius says the ms. reads with os omitted, i.e., "pride, scorn."
157 So the edd., reading fatuita-tem, for the ms. fatuita-n-tem, which may, however, point to a verb not found elsewhere.
158 i.e., to friends and foes alike. The ms. reads aequaliter benignus hostibus dicere, which is retained by Orelli, supporting an ellipsis of fuerit, i.e. "He was kind to say," which might be received; but it is more natural to suppose that -t has dropped off, and read diceret as above, with the two Roman editions and LB. Gelenius, followed by Ursinus, emended omnibus docuerit-"with uniform kindness taught to all." It may be well to give here an instance of the very insufficient grounds on which supposed references to Scripture are sometimes based. Orelli considers that Arnobius here refers (videtur respexisse, he says) to Col. i. 21, 22, "You, that were sometimes alienated and enemies in mind by wicked works, yet now hath He reconciled in the body of His flesh through death," to which, though the words which follow might indeed be thought to have a very distant resemblance, they can in no way be shown to refer.
159 i.e., from His resurrection, which showed that death's power was broken by Him.
1 There has been much confusion in dealing with the first seven chapters of this book, owing to the leaves of the ms. having been arranged in wrong order, as was pointed out at an early period by some one who noted on the margin that there was some transposition. To this circumstance, however, Oehler alone seems to have called attention; but the corruption was so manifest, that the various editors gave themselves full liberty to re-arrange and dispose the text more correctly. The first leaf of the ms. concludes with the words sine ullius personae discriminibus inrogavit, "without any distinction of person," and is followed by one which begins with the words (A, end of c. 5) et non omnium virtutum, "and (not) by an eager longing," and ends tanta experiatur examina, "undergoes such countless ills" (middle of c. 7). The third and fourth leaves begin with the words (B. end of c. 1) utrum in cunctos...amoverit? qui si dignos, "Now if He was not worthy" (see notes), and run on to end of c. 5, quadam dulcedine, "by some charm;" while the fifth (C, middle of c. 7) begins atque ne (or utrumne) illum, "whether the earth," and there is no further difficulty. This order is retained in the first ed., and also by Hildebrand, who supposes three lacunae at A, B, and C, to account for the abruptness and want of connection; but it is at once seen that, on changing the order of the leaves, so that they shall run B A C, the argument and sense are perfectly restored. This arrangement seems to have been first adopted in LB., and is followed by the later editors, with the exception of Hildebrand.
2 Lit., "boil up with the ardours of furious spirits."
4 So Meursius, reading a- for the ms. o-ptaret, which is retained by LB., Orelli, and others. The ms. reading is explained, along with the next words vota immortalitatis, by Orelli as meaning "sought by His prayers," with reference to John xvii. 24, in which he is clearly mistaken. Heraldus conjectures p-o-r-ta-s a-p-er-taret, "opened paths...and the gates of immortality."
5 The words which follow, ut non in cunctos, etc., have been thus transposed by Heraldus, followed by later editors; but formerly they preceded the rest of the sentence, and, according to Oehler, the ms. gives utrum, thus: "(You ask) whether He has both extended to all...ignorance? who, if He was not," etc. Cf. book i. (this page) note 3, supra
6 So the ms., reading periculum i-g-n-ora-tionis, for which Meursius suggests i-n-teri-tionis-"danger of destruction.."
8 This seems the true rationale of the sentence, viewed in relation to the context. Immediately before, Arnobius suggests that the hatred of Christ by the heathen is unjustifiable, because they had suffered nothing at His hands; now an opponent is supposed to rejoin, "But He has deserved our hatred by assailing our religion." The introductory particles at enim fully bear this out, from their being regularly used to introduce a rejoinder. Still, by Orelli and other editors the sentence is regarded as interrogative, and in that case would be, "Has He indeed merited our hatred by driving out," etc., which, however, not merely breaks away from what precedes, but also makes the next sentence somewhat lame. The older editors, too, read it without any mark of interrogation.
9 i.e., according to Orelli, to the wants of men; but possibly it may here have the subjunctive meaning of "more full of service," i.e., to God.
10 So the ms., reading perpetuarum pater, fundator conditor rerum, but all the editions pa-ri-ter, "alike," which has helped to lead Orelli astray. He suggests et fons est perpetu us pariter, etc., "perpetual fountain,...of all things alike the founder and framer." It has been also proposed by Oehler (to get rid of the difficulty felt here) to transfer per metathesin, the idea of "enduring," to God; but the reference is surely quite clear, viewed as a distinction between the results of God's working and that of all other beings.
11 So the ms. and almost all edd, reading da verum judicium, for which Heraldus suggested da naturae, or verum animae judicium, "give the judgment of nature," or "the true judgment of the soul," as if appeal were made to the inner sense; but in his later observations he proposed da puerum judicem, "give a boy as judge," which is adopted by Orelli. Meursius, merely transposing d-a, reads much more naturally ad-"at a true judgment."
12 The ms. reading is illum testem d-e-um constituimus improbarum, retained in the edd. with the change of -arum into -orum. Perhaps for deum should be read r-e-r-um, "make him witness of wicked things." With this passage compare iii. 31-33.
13 It seems necessary for the sake of the argument to read this interrogatively, but in all the edd. the sentence ends without any mark of interrogation.
15 Lit., "He chose...to stand."
16 Lit. "the ignorance of wretched men from the worst robbers," i.e., the false prophets and teachers, who made a prey of the ignorant and credulous. John viii. 46.
17 Lit., "Are the things clear with you which," etc.
18 So the ms., followed by both Roman edd., Hildebrand and Oehler, reading passa, which Cujacius (referring it to patior, as the editors seem to have done generally) would explain as meaning "past," while in all other editions cassa, "vain," is read.
19 Lit., "the touching of no anticipation."
21 Lit., "that is." This clause Meursius rejects as a gloss.
22 i.e., If you believe Christ's promises, your belief makes you lose nothing should it prove groundless; but if you disbelieve them, then the consequences to you will be terrible if they are sure. This would seem too clear to need remark, were it not for the confusion of Orelli in particular as to the meaning of the passage.
23 Lit., "most worthy even of weeping and pity."
24 Redarguat. This sense is not recognised by Riddle and White, and would therefore seem to be, if not unique, at least extremely rare. The derivative redargutio, however, is in late Latin used for "demonstration," and this is evidently the meaning here.
25 Fidem vobis faciunt argumenta credendi. Heraldus, joining the two last words, naturally regards them as a gloss from the margin; but read as above, joining the first and last, there is nothing out of place.
26 Lit., "tranquillity being assumed, passed to placid feelings."
28 Lit., "on chance encounters."
29 Rationes cognitas. There is some difficulty as to the meaning of these words, but it seems best to refer them to the argumenta credendi (beginning of chapter, "do not even these proofs"), and render as above. Hildebrand, however, reads tortiones, "they accept the tortures which they know will befall them."
30 The ms. reads et non omnium, "and by a love not of all the virtues," changed in most edd, as above into atque omnium, while Oehler proposes et novo omnium, "and by fresh love of all," etc. It will be remembered that the transposition of leaves in the ms. (note on ii. 1) occurs here, and this seems to account for the arbitrary reading of Gelenius, which has no ms. authority whatever, but was added by himself when transposing these chapters to the first book (cf. p. 432, n. 14), atque nectare ebrii cuncta contemnant-"As if intoxicated with a certain sweetness and nectar, they despise all things." The same circumstance has made the restoration of the passage by Canterus a connecting of fragments of widely separated sentences and arguments.
31 Lit., "all the things of the world." Here the argument breaks off, and passes into a new phase, but Orelli includes the next sentence also in the fifth chapter.
32 Lit., "to the assent of that credulity."
33 So the ms., reading conditi vi mera, for which Orelli would read with Oudendorp, conditae-"by the pure force of recondite wisdom." The ms., however, is supported by the similar phrase in the beginning of chap. 8, where tincti is used.
34 So the ms., reading aliud, for which Stewechius, adopting a suggestion of Canterus, conjectures, altius et profundius-"something deeper and more profound." Others propose readings further removed from the text; while Obbarius, retaining the ms. reading, explains it as "not common."
35 Lit., "because you are, etc."
36 Lit., "either yourselves to utter," etc.
37 Incomptus, for which Heraldus would read inconditus, as in opposition to "harmonious." This is, however, unnecessary, as the clause is evidently opposed to the whole of the preceding one,
38 No trace of either of these works has come down to us, and therefore, though there has been abundance of conjecture, we can reach no satisfactory conclusion about them. It seems most natural to suppose the former to be probably part of the lost satires of Lucilius, which had dealt with obscene matters, and the author of the latter to be the Atellane poet of Bononia. As to this there has been some discussion; but, in our utter ignorance of the work itself, it is as well to allow that we must remain ignorant of its author also. The scope of both works is suggested clearly enough by their titles-the statue of Marsyas in the forum overlooking nightly licentious orgies; and their mention seems intended to suggest a covert argument against the heathen, in the implied indecency of the knowledge on which they prided themselves. For Fornicem Lucilianum (ms. Lucialinum) Meursius reads Caecilianum.
39 Lit., "Has that thing published never struck," etc. There is clearly a reference to 1 Cor. iii. 19, "the wisdom of this world." The argument breaks off here, and is taken up from a different point in the next sentence, which is included, however, in this chapter by Orelli.
40 So Gelenius, followed by Canterus and Orelli, reading primum et ipsi, by rejecting one word of the ms. (et quae). Canterus plausibly combines both words into itaque-"therefore." LB. reads ecquid-"do you at all," etc., with which Orelli so far agrees, that he makes the whole sentence interrogative.
41 So restored by Stewechius; in the first ed. perspiciam (instead of am-us) "if I perceive the truth," etc.
42 So the ms. very intelligibly and forcibly, res...invida, but the common reading is invid-i-a-"whom something...with envy." The train of thought which is merely started here is pursued at some length a little later.
43 The ms. gives fedro, but all editions, except the first, Hildebrand, and Oehler, read Phaedone, referring, however, to a passage in the first Alcibiades (st. p. 129), which is manifestly absurd, as in it, while Alcibiades "cannot tell what man is," Socrates at once proceeds to lead him to the required knowledge by the usual dialectic. Nourry thinks that there is a general reference to Phaedr., st. p. 230,-a passage in which Socrates says that he disregards mythological questions that he may study himself. [P. 447, note 2, infra.]
44 Lit., "changed with the rottenness of some moisture." The reference is probably to the statement by Socrates (Phaedo, st. p. 96) of the questions with regard to the origin of life, its progress and development, which interested him as a young man.
45 So the ms., LB., and Oehler, but the other edd. make the verb plural, and thus break the connection.
46 Lit., "established in the common senses."
47 Arnobius overstates the fact here. In the passage referred to (Th., st. p. 158), Socrates is represented as developing the Protagorean theory from its author's standpoint, not as stating his own opinions.
48 Lit., "by the stretching out of rays and of light." This, the doctrine of the Stoics, is naturally contrasted in the next clause with that of Epicurus.
49 Lit., "oil refuses to suffer immersion into itself," i.e., of other fluids.
50 So LB., followed by Orelli, reading impenetrabil-em, for the ms. impenetrabil-is, which is corrected in both Roman edd. by Gelenius, Canterus, and Elmenhorst -e, to agree with the subject oleum-"being impenetrable is ever," etc.
52 So the edd., generally reading fatua for the ms. futura, which is clearly corrupt. Hildebrand turns the three adjectives into corresponding verbs, and Heinsius emends deliret (ms. -ra) et fatue et insane-"dotes both sillily and crazily." Arnobius here follows Lucr., iii. 445 sqq.
53 Lit., "something of truth."
54 The ms. has a t-tor-o-s, corrected by a later writer a-c-tor-e-s, which is received in LB. and by Meursius and Orelli.
55 Lit., "unite marriage partnerships."
57 Or, "in successive battles"-praeliorum successionibus.
58 Lit., "with ocular inspection, and held touched."
59 "Fire" is wanting in the ms.
60 Arnobius here allows himself to be misled by Cicero (Tusc., i. 10), who explains e0ntele/xeia as a kind of perpetual motion, evidently confusing it with e0ndele/xeia (cf. Donaldson, New Crat., § 339 sqq.), and represents Aristotle as making it a fifth primary cause. The word has no such meaning, and Aristotle invariably enumerates only four primary causes: the material from which, the form in which, the power by which, and the end for which anything exists (Physics, ii. 3; Metaph., iv. 2, etc.).
61 I.it., "with indivisible bodies."
63 So the ms., LB., and Hildebrand, reading Archesilae, while the others read Archesilao, forgetting that Arcesilas is the regular Latin form, although Archesilaus is found.
64 Sententiarum is read in the first ed. by Gelenius, Canterus, and Ursinus, and seems from Crusius to be the ms. reading. The other edd., however, have received from the margin of Ursinus the reading of the text, sectarum.
65 In the first ed., and that of Ursinus, the reading is, nonne apud ea, "in those things which they say, do they not say," etc., which Gelenius emended as in the text, nonne ipsa ea.
66 Cf. Diog. Laert. ix. 9, where Heraclitus is said to have taught that fire-the first principle-condensing becomes water, water earth, and conversely; and on Thales, Arist., Met., A, 3, where, however, as in other places, Thales is merely said to have referred the generation and maintenance of all things to moisture, although by others he is represented as teaching the doctrine ascribed to him above. Cf. Cic., de Nat. Deor., i. 10, and Heraclides, Alleg. Hom., c. 22, where water evaporating is said to become air, and settling, to become mud.
67 There is some difficulty as to the reading: the ms., first ed., and Ursinus give numero s-c-ire, explained by Canterus as meaning "that numbers have understanding," i.e., so as to be the cause of all. Gelenius, followed by Canterus, reads -os scit-"does Pyth. know numbers," which is absurdly out of place. Heraldus approved of a reading in the margin of Ursinus (merely inserting o after c), "that numbers unite," which seems very plausible. The text follows an emendation of Gronovius adopted by Orelli, -o ex-ire.
68 So the ms., reading ut; but Orelli, and all edd. before him, aut-"or do they."
69 i.e., that truth knowable by man exists.
70 So the ms. reading nostra in-credulitate, for which Ursinus, followed by Stewechius, reads nostra cum. Heraldus conjectured vestra, i.e., "in your readiness of belief," you are just as much exposed to such ridicule.
71 Heraldus has well suggested that plurimum is a gloss arising out of its being met with in the next clause.