1 The Rev. C. W. Hayes, M.A., Of Westfield, N.Y.
2 The Boston Press of Rand Avery Company.
3 John Fiske, The Idea of God, Boston, 1886, pp. 73, 86.
2 Credib., vol. ii. pp. 345-364.
4 The honour done to St. Paul is enough to settle any suspicion d this sort.
5 See vol. i. p. 270, note 2, this series.
6 Rev. vii. 4. Dan is excepted.
7 Rev. iv. 4. See vol. vii. p. 348, this series.
9 See The Christ of Jewish History in Stanley Leathes' Bampton Lectures, p. 51, ed. New York, 1874: aIso Westcott, Introduction to Study of the Gospels, 3d ea., London, Macmillans, 1867. Note, on the Book of Henoch, pp. 69, 93-101; on the Book of Jubilees p. 109. He puts this book into the first century, later than Henoch, earlier than the Twelve Patriarchs. Consult this work on the Alexandrian Fathers, on inspiration of Scripture, etc.; and note the Jewish doctrine of the Messiah, pp. 86, 143, 151, also the apocryphal traditions of words of our Lord, p. 428.
10 Acts xxi. 18-26. To my mind a most touching history, in which it is hard to say whether St. Paul or St. James is exhibited in the more charming light. It suggests the absolute harmony of their Epistles.
11 Vol. i. Elucid. 11. p. 57, this series,
12 Adv. Marcionem, v. I; Scorpiace, 13; cf. Benj. 11.
13 Hom. in Josuam, xv. 6; cf. Reub. 2, 3.
15 [Compare Westcott, Introduction to Study of the Gospels, p, 123, ed. Boston, 1862.]
23 vi. 16. [See vol. vii. p. 457, this series.]
24 [Of whom see Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers, Part 11. vol. i. p. 77, ed. London, 1885.]
25 Historia Anglorum, a.d. 1242, p. 801, ed. London, 1571.
26 Op. cit. a.d. 1252, p. 1112.
28 [See, e.g., the curious reading in Levi 18, kai\ sth/sei, where the Latin mss. are unanimous in giving stare faciet; also the mistake of 'Iakw/b for 'Roubh/m in Issachar 1.
29 See Tischendorf, Aus dem heiligen Lande, p. 341.
31 e.g., 1483: Hagenau, 1532; Paris, 1549: and often.
32 This English translation having been made from the Latin, the printed editions of which swarm with inaccuracies (Grosseteste's Latin version itself being a most exact translation), I have been able to make much less use of it than I could have desired. It has. however, been compared throughout.
33 Monsieur Macè, Chefecier, curè de Saint Opportune, Paris, 1713.
34 e.g., Vienna, 1544; Strasburgh, 1596; Hamburgh, 1637.
1 There seems a reminiscence here of the words of Dan. x. 3, [LXX.; For proofs of penitence, see p. 11, note 3, infra].
2 For this use of pneu/mata as applied to the senses, we may cite Plutarch (De placitis philosophorum, iv. 21), who, speaking with reference to the Stoic philosophy, says, h\ me=n o!rasij e0sti\ pneu=ma diatei=non a0po\ tou= h\gemonikou= me/xrij o0fqalmw=n.
3 This clause is only found in Cd. Oxon.; it seems demanded by the following a\po/
4 Cf. Gen. xxxv. 22. The Gader mentioned below is the Edar of ver. 21, the Hebrew (
being reproduced, as often, by g.
5 [This section is censured by Lardner as unsuitable to dying admonitions. He forgets Oriental simplicity.]
6 This name, occurring once again in the Testaments (Naph. 3), is one frequently found applied to the angels as the custodians of the world and of men. Thus, in the Chaldee of Daniel (iv. 10, 14, 20:13, 17, 23, Eng. Ver.), we find the expression ry(
which Aquila and Svmmachus render e0grh\goroj. The corresponding Ethiopic term is of frequent occurrence in the book of Enoch, not only of the fallen angels (e.g., x. 9, 15, xvi. 1, etc.), but of the good (xii. 2, 3, etc., ed. Dillmann). See also Gesenius, Thesaurus, s.v. ry(
7 [Gen. vi. 4; Revised margin, I Cor. xi, 10; Jude 6, 7.]
8 [See Lardner on this root idea of our author, vol. ii. p. 353; but he is wrong as to Levi and Mary. Also Joseph, sec. 19, note 2, infra.]
9 The reading of Cd. Oxon., met' au0to/u, is doubtless to be preferred.
10 i.e., Machpelah, which in Hebrew means double, and is so ran- dered by the LXX., e.g., Gen. xxiii. 9.
2 That Simeon was prominent in the hostility to Joseph, is perhaps implied by his detention in Egypt as a surety for the return of the others: and Jewish tradition generally accords with this view. Cf. the Targum of the Pseudo- Jonathan on Gen. xxxvii. 19: "Simeon and Levi, who were brothers in counsel, said one to another, Let us kill him." Also this same Targum on Gen. xlii. 24: "And he took from them Simeon, who had counselled to kill him." Cf. also Breshith Rabba, §91.
3 [Gen. xxxvii. 22, 29, xlii. 22.]
4 [See Speaker's Com., N.T., vol. iv. p. 387, ed. Scribners.]
5 The Cam. ms.. seems wrongly to omit the negative here. The reference is doubtless to Gen. xlix. 7.
6 The reference seems to be to the Philistines, Cf Deut. ii. 23, Amos ix. 7 where the LXX. reads Kappadoki/a.
7 [For modern views of these, see Encyc. Brit., s.v. "Hittites."]
8 [Two of the many passages that leave no room for Lardner's imaginary "Unitarianism" in this author.]
9 The construction here is awkward of the participles after o#ti: possibly a clause may have dropped out after 'Ada/m.
10 [See p. 10, note 5, supra.]
11 John the Baptist. His greatness is declared by Christ Himself.]
12 [Two of the many passages that leave no room for Lardner's imaginary "Unitarianism" in this author.]
4 For the Jewish idea of seven heavens, cf. Clement of Alexandra, Strom., iv. 7: and Wetstein's note on 2 Cor. xii. 2; [also vol. vii. note 11, this series; and vol. ii. note 7, p. 438, this series].
7 [e0pi tw| pa/qei tou\ 'Uyisou=. Compare Tatian, vol. ii. p. 71, this series.]
8 This document, the idea of which is that of a book containing what is fore-ordained in heaven as to the course of the future, is one often appealed to in Apocalyptic literature, when some oracular declaration of weighty import is needed. Thus, in the Book of Enoch, the angel Uriel tells Enoch that the tablets contain all wisdom, the dying Enoch tells his children that the tablets are the source of all understanding etc. (see, e.g., cc. 81. 1; 93. 2; 106, 19, ed. Dillmann). In the Book of Jubilees, again, it is said that inscribed on the tablets are, e.g., the punishment of the angels who sinned with mortal women, the plan of the division of weeks, the name of Abraham as the friend of God, etc. (cc. 5, 6, 19). See also Test. Asher, 2, 7, infra.
9 [Gen. xlviii. 16. The Jehovah-Angel ]
10 a0spi/j. The Latin version gives the other meaning to a0spi/j here, of asp or viper. The epithet xalkh=n, however, renders "shield" much more probable, as there seems nothing in the context pointing to the "brazen serpent."
11 A quotation from I Thess. ii. 16, where the context also is similar to the present. [See Lardner's refutation of the learned Grabe on this quotation, vol. ii. p. 359.]
12 With the whole of this passage we may compare the description of the vestments of Aaron. See especially Ex. xxix. 5, 6 (LXX.). The pe/talon is the translation of Cyc
, the plate of gold on the fore head of the high priest over the mitre. The logi/on, or logei=on, is the breastplate, with the Urim and Thummim. For the podh/rhj, see Ex. xxviii, 27 (LXX.).
13 On the possible reference here to the elements of the Eucharist see Grabe's note, Spicilegium, in loc.
14 Nitzsch (p. 19, n. 37) explains this division into three a0rxai/, as referring to the three orders of the Christian priesthood. This, however, seems improbable. Cf. Kayser, p. 119; Vorstman, p. 41. It is far more probable that the reference is to Moses, Aaron, and Christ. Thus with pisteu/saj as we may compare Num. xii. 7. For this use of a0rch/, cf Gen. ii. 10. [Isa. lxvi. 21.]
15 [Rom. xvi 15, 16, 17, Greek. Compare Heb. v.1.]
16 Or, if we follow the reading of Cd. Oxon., "Prophet of the Most High."
17 Or rather, with Cd. Oxon., "with our father."
18 We constantly find Peter, in the Clementine Homilies and Recognitions, combining with the Agapae the practice of bathing. Cf, e.g., Recog., iv. 3, v. 36.
19 Cf. Hom., xiv. I [Lev. ii. 13, Mark ix. 49.]
20 [Annas and Caiaphas. John xix. 11.]
21 This document is frequently quoted in the Testaments: cf. Sim. 5: Levi 14, 16; Judah 18; Dan 5; Naph. 4; Benj. 9. Most of these citations, however, are not to be found in the work as it has come down to us. We must therefore either assume the reference to some other books of Enoch not now extant, or rather perhaps that they are general appeals to the spirit of the book, regarded as a great fount of prophecy.
22 Read au0tou= with Cd. Oxon.
23 [John i. 4-9, viii. 12, ix. 5, etc.]
24 The word pleonci/a, like the English "excess," has not unfrequently special reference to sins of sensuality. Cf. 1 Cor. v. 11, Eph. iv. 19, v. 3, 5, Col. iii. 5, 1 Thess. iv. 6, the context in all of which pasages points strongly to this conclusion. See Suicer's Thesaurus, s.v.
25 Cf. Matt. xxvii. 63, where e0kei=noj o0 pla/noj is said of our Lord.
27 [John iii. 5; Isa. xii. 3; 1 Pet. iii. 20.]
29 [Matt. ii. 2. Constant references to the Gospels proofs of text.]
30 An additional clause occurs here in Cd. Oxon., which generally has a tendency to omit; the copyist of Cd. Cam. having possibly looked on to the same initial words in the next clause: "And in Hi priesthood shall the Gentiles be multiplied in knowledge on the earth and shall be enlightened through the grace of the Lord; but Israel shall be minished in ignorance, and be darkened in sorrow."
31 The reading of Cd. Oxon. here, a0posth/sei, is to be preferred to Cd. Cam., sth/sei. Crosseteste's Latin version, m all probability made from the latter, has stare faciet. [See p. 7, note 1, supra.]
1 Gen. xxix. 35 [The name = Praise. So Gen. xlix. 3.]
2 In c. 5 we find this name, with a slight variety of spelling. as that of a place over which this king may have ruled. It is doubtless equivalent to the Hebrew Tappuah, a name of sesveral cities mentioned in the Old Testament. See Josh. xv. 34, xvi 8, xvii. 8, 1Chron. ii. 43. Cf Thapha, Jubilees, 34.
3 Cd. Oxon. reads e0te/ran; but cf. Aresa, Jubilees, 34.
4 Cf. c. 12; also Chezib (Gen. xxxviii. 5) Chozeba (1 Chron. iv. 22). and Achzib (Josh. xv. 44; Mic. i 14), ail of which are probably different names for the same place, and all connected with Judah.
6 Cf. 1 Chron. xi. 36. [Here the translator supplies a note of doubt-an interrogation-point.]
7 Cd. Oxon. reads Gaa=j po/laij basile/wn. Cf. Josh. xxiv. 30: Judg. ii. 9: 2 Sam. xxiii. 30. Cf. also "Gaiz," Jubilees, l.c.
8 The Timnah of the Old Testament, which name is, however borne by several places. Most probably it is the Timnah near Beth-shemesh, on the north frontier of Judah, in the neighbourhood, that is, of many of the other localities mentioned in the Testaments. This may be the same as the Timnathah on the Danite frontier (Josh. xix. 43), and with the Timnathah where Samson's wife dwelt (Judg. xiv. 1 sqq ). The geographical position of Timnath-serah is against the allusion being to it here. Cf. however, Jubilees, c. 34, where Thamnathares is one of the hostile towns.
11 Cd. Oxon. e0n 'Anonira/m, probably per incuriam scribae, for e0pa/nw 'Ira/m
12 This seems to arise from the wish to disconnect Israel as far as possible from non-Shemite associations. Cf. the Targum of Onkelos on Gen. xxxviii. 6. "Judah took a wife for Er, his first-born, a daughter of the great Shem, whose name was Tamar."
13 die/fqeire de\ to\ spe/rma e0pi\ th\n gh\n
14 [Herod. i., cap. 199; Baruch vi. 43.]
15 [To this section Lardner objects. But compare Gen. xxxviii. 12.]
16 Cd Oxon. here reads the additional clause zhmiou/menoj ou0k aisqa/netai kai\ a!docon ou0k ai0sxu/netai. Ka@n ga/r tij basileu/sh, porneu/wn-perhaps omitted from Cd. Cant. through the homoeoteleuton.
17 Cd. Oxon. omits the negative. The, basi/leia will then be that from which the man falls by his sin.
18 Cd. Oxon. read ti/ de\ legw; mhd' o#lwj pi/nete, which seen s much more suitable to the context.
19 [1 Kings xi. 1, and ver. 11.]
20 [Num. xv. 25 and Acts iii. 17.]
21 [See cap. 13, p. 19, supra.]
22 Cd. Oxon. omits the whole of this chapter.
24 The reading of Cd. Oxon. is doubtless to be preferred, which joins klh|/dosi kai/ dai/mosi pla/nhj to what precedes
25 [Eccles, ii 8; Ecclus. ix. 4.]
27 Cd. Oxon. omits from here to end of c. 25.
29 [2 Macc. vii. 9-36 and Heb. xi. 35.]
30 ie., for the purpose of embalmment.
2 The Cam. ms.. reads 'Iakw/b by an obvious error.
5 [See Dan, note 12, p. 26, infra. "Eternal" = "long".]
1 The Ox. ms.. reads 150, and refers the event to two years after Joseph's death. The text of the Cam. ms.. gives an impossible result here, as it would make Zebulun twenty-eight years younger than Joseph, who died at the age of 110. According to the Ox. ms., Reuben (cf. c. 1) and Zebulun would die in the same year, the former at 125, the latter 150. A comparison of Test. Reub., c. 1 shows the most probable solution to be to give the numerals, rid', b'.
2 The derivation of Zebulun seems to be from lbz
collateral form of dbz
to give. Hence Leah plays on the double meaning of the former verb, Gen. xxx. 20.
3 Cf. the Targum Ps. Jon. on Gen. xxxvii. 28.
4 [Deut. xxv. 7, 8, 9. See Lardner on the animus of these quotations from Enoch, as it strikes him, vol. ii. p. 350.]
5 Cam. ms. dia\ traglokolphtw=n; Ox. ms.. dia\ trwglodutw=n.
6 ["Finis non determinant probitatem actus."]
8 The Ox. ms. reads: "And ye shall return from your land, and ye shall see the Lord in Jerusalem for His name's sake." [Heb. vii. 2. At least, Salem is His name.]
9 [Another of those unequivocal passages which refute Lardner's charge of "Unitarianism" in this book.]
10 [Ezek. xlviii. 26, 27. An important example of Hebrew exposition of this prophets.]
1 [The tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh.]
2 The reading of the Ox. ms.., mh\ kinei=sqe is to be taken.
3 Cam. ms.. ei0j ei0de/an; Ox. ms. ei0j a0hdi/an.
5 The Ox. ms.. omits from here to toi=j e!qnesi Swth/r in c. 6.
6 'Ekporeu/ontej may be an error for e0kporneu/ontej, which Grabe wrongly gives as the reading of the Cam. ms..
7 [The root idea, p. 18, notes 5, 6, supra.]
9 [Here is the Chiliasm of Barnabas, vol. i. p. 146.]
10 [That is, not with the glory of His throne above.]
11 Cf. Dorner, Doctrine of the Person of Christ, Introd., p, 15, Eng. transl.
13 See Zebulun 10, p, 25, supra.]
1 Gen. xxx. 8. Josephus, Ant., i. 19. 7
3 [Wis. xi. 20; Ecclus. xiii. 7.]
4 The Greek text here is obviously corrupt, and doubtless one or two words are wanting. The reading of the Cam. ms.. is ou0k e!stin ei0pei=n o!ti e0n tw=|e0ni/ toi=j prosw/poij h@ tw=n o9moi/wn. In the Ox. ms.. the passage is wanting.
5 It seems very doubtful what is meant by ka/lamoj here. I have thought it best, therefore, to leave the matter open. The Ox. ms. punctuates stoma/xou ka/l.
6 Cf. Reuben 5 [note 3, p. 10 supra]
7 [Eccles. iii. 5; 1 Cor. vii.1.]
1 Cf. Targum Ps. Jon of Gen xxxvii. 2.
2 The narrative of Genesis (xxxvii. 28) gives twenty pieces of silver; the LXX. twenty pieces of gold, with which latter agrees Josephus' mnw=n ei!kosin (Antiq., ii. 3. 3). [It is worthy of note that Judas took a meaner price for the "Son of Joseph."]
3 For this unusual use of o0ligoyuxi/a, cf. Prov. xiv. 29, LXX. where there is the same contrast with makroqumi/a.
4 [This passage is cited by Lardner as conspicuously fine.]
6 The Ox ms.. omits from here to the last clause of c. 7.
7 For dolwfwnh=sai, the reading of the Cam ms.. here, Grabe conjectured dolofonh/sei. Probably dolofqnh/sei is to be preferred.
8 [The Virgin was the daughter of Judah, but had kinship with Levi. Luke i. 36. Compare Jer. xxxiii. 20-22.]
1 [See the Duae Viae, vol. vii., p. 377, this series.]
2 [This section is commended by Dr. Lardner.]
3 Cf. Lev. xi. 5, 7. [Vol. ii. p. 555 note 6.]
4 Cf. Levi 5. [P. 13, note 8 supra.]
5 [Matt. v. 45. This seems contradictory.]
6 The Ox ms.. adds, e0n tn= eu0frosu/nh h0 me/qh, e0n tw=| ge/lwti to\ pe/nqoj, e0n tw=| ga/mw| h0 a0krasi/a [Ecclus. xlii. 24.]
7 [The Hebrew triad, father, son, and proceeding.]
1 The Greek spelling here is Fwtima/r, in the later chapters Petefri/j (Pentefrh=j, Cd. Oxon.). The former is more like the Hebrew, the latter really the LXX. spelling, Petefrh=j We may perhaps see herein a trace of a double authorship in the Test. Joseph.
2 Cf. Gen. xxxix. 1 LXX., and Josephus (Antiq., ii. 4. 1), who calls Potiphar magei/rwn o9 basileu/j. The view of the Eng. ver. is most probably correct, though we find xb@/+
used in the sense of cook in 1 Sam. ix. 23.
3 [Matt. vi. 6. He veils the quotation by a fiction, au to authorship, to support the plan of his work.]
5 This repetition of a clause seems like the slip of a copyist. The OX. ms.. reads, ei0j th\n ei9rkth=n tou= Faraw/
6 [To this section Lardner takes exception, as unbecoming to the gravity of Joseph.]
7 Another account is given in the Targ. Ps. Jon. of Gen. xii. 45, "And he gave him to wife Asenath, whom Dinah bare to Shechem: and the wife of Potipherah prince of Tanes brought up."
8 This wearing of a linen garment would seem to imply a connection with the priestly tribe. St. Luke (i. 36) indeed calls the Virgin the kinswoman of Elisabeth. On this tendency to associate the old sacerdotal tribe with the new royalty of Messiah, cf., e.g., Protevangel Jacobi, cc. 6, 7, 9: Augustine. contra Faustum, xxii. 4; Epiphanius, Haer., lxxvii. 13. [See Reuben, sec. 6, p. 10, supra.]
10 Cf. Test Simeon 8, and Jubilees 46. The account of Joseph's burial in the Targ. Ps. Jon. on Gen. 1. 26 is: "And Joseph died! a hundred and ten years old: and they embalmed him, and placed hum in a coffin, and sank him in the middle of the Nile of Egypt."
1 The ordinary theory as to the meaning of Benjamin is comparatively late, and seems doubtful. The Targum Jerushalmi (on Gen xxxv. 18) and the Breshith Rabba. §82, make Benjamin and Benoni synonymous. Cf. Josephus, Antiq., i. 21.3; Cyril, Glaph. in Gen., lib. iv. With the view mentioned in the text, cf. Arethas on Rev. vii. 8 (Cramer's Catena, viii. 289):
2 This would seem to be the earliest instance of the application of the word a0nama/rthtoj to our Lord.
3 [How could any Christian more fully testify to the Nicene Faith? So the Gloria in Excelsis.]
4 [Matt. vi. 22: Luke xi. 34.]
5 For e9ptakosi/oij e!tesin the Ox. ms.. reads simply e9pta/.
6 This would seem to be the meaning of prw=toj nao/j.
7 [Rev. xx. 5, 6. See p. 25, note 4, supra.]
8 Gen. xlix. 27. This passage, referring to St. Paul (who was of the tribe of Benjamin, Rom. xi. 1, Phil. iii. 5), is quoted by Tertullien, Adversus Marcionem, v. 1. [See vol. iii. p. 430, this series.]
9 Compare Scorpiace, cap. 13 [with reference to Gen. xxv. 34 and xxvii 2, vol. iii. p. 646, this series. Lardner adds Origen, Hom. in Ezech., iv. tom. iii. p. 731; Theodoret, in Gen. Quaest., cx. tom. i. p. 77; and Augustine, Serm., 279 (and passim), tom. v. ed. Benedict.]
10 ["Mel in ore, melos in aure, melodia in corde."-St. Bernard.]
1 Vol. i. pp. 371-376. These Selections are often quoted as "Eclogues."
1 [I have prefixed this title, which Mr. Wilson has omitted. possibly because these extracts are themselves somewhat abridged.]
2 [For all the confusions about Theodotus and the divers persons so called, see Lardner, Credib., viii. 572-579. These are the extracts commonly called the Eclogues or Excerpts of Theodotus; but they do not contain certain passages, which may have been interpolations.]
4 [See vol. vi., this series, note 9, p. 147.]
13 "Blow ye the cornet in Gibeah, and the trumpet in Ramah."-A. V.
15 Moses who divided the sea, and Joshua who divided the Jordan.
18 [In a quotation which Jones makes from the Excerpts (not found here) the reverse is shamelessly asserted. Canon, vol. i. p. 375.]
21 o#tan ou\n pistou= sw/matoj h0|.
22 The sense is hazy. but about as clear as that to be obtained by substituting conjecturally for prosbolh/n (assault), pro\j bolh/n, or e/pibolh/n or e0piboulh/n.
29 [This looks as if the text of the three witnesses had been in this compiler's copy of St. John's First Epistle. See vol. iii. Elucid. 111, p. 631. St. Augustine also seems to me to sustain the African text it the De Civit., lib. v. cap. xi. p. 154, ed. Migne.]
32 The reading is ei0 mh\ parh/sei pro\j to\ oi0kei=on te/loj; and the Latin translator renders "si non segnes simus ad finem proprium." It seems better, with Sylburgius, to take ei mh as equivalent ei0 de= mh\, and to put a comma after mh\, so as to render as above.
33 [A happy reference to the Lord's Prayer as connected with St. Paul's reference to the Abba: and it is worth while to compare the use of this word with the prayer as used in the synagogue. Vol. v. Elucid. III. p. 559, this series.]
34 [A happy reference to the Lord's Prayer as connected with St. Paul's reference to the Abba: and it is worth while to compare the use of this word with the prayer as used in the synagogue. Vol. v. Elucid. III. p. 559, this series.]
47 It seems better, with Sylb., to read akrbou=j, qualifying, e0ceta/sewj (as above), than a0kribw=j, adv. qualifying basanizo/menon, tested.
53 [It is not to be doubted that much sound Alexandrian teaching is here mixed up with folly. ]
54 [Compare Tatian's use of a like figure, vol. ii. note 2, p. 67, this series.]
58 For a0blabe/j in the text, we must, translating thus, read a0blabh=. If we translate, as we may, "Gnostic virtue is a thing everywhere good, and meek," etc., no change is required in the reading.
60 [From some lost work of his ]
63 [On these quotations see Lardner, Credib., ii. 256, and Jones, Canon. vol. i. p 373.]
69 kth/sewj, instead of kti/sewj, as in the text, and kth=sin for kti/sin in the next clause.
70 'Anastre/fei e0pi\ mo/nouj tou\j e0n sarki/. For which, as slightly preferable, Sylburg. proposes ;e!ti me/nontaj e0n sarki/, as above.
71 [See note 6, p. 48, supra.]
72 Adopting the reading, moi/raj, instead of that in the text, pei/raj.
73 [See note 6, p. 48, supra.]
75 Ps. xix. 1. [Here follow notes on successive verses, some not unworthy of an orthodox Father.]
80 For e0a=n, which is the reading of the text, Sylburgius' suggestion of ei!a or ei!ase has been adopted.
82 [No doubt he may have said this.]
83 Or rather, as Sylb. points out, this is a case of the past used for the present, etc.
84 parousi/an, kata/stasin, the reading of the text, is, as Sylburg. remarks, plainly corrupt; parau=san, as above, is the most obvious correction.
87 meq' here clearly should be kaq' or e0f'.
88 If we may venture to change au0tou= into au0tw=n.
89 'En th=| a0krh=| a0pokarasta/sei. The last word yields no suitable sense, and conjecture as to the right reading is vain; and we have left it untranslated. The Latin translator renders "qui in summa arce collocati sunt."
90 #Hlioj is (with marvellous ignorance of the Hebrew tongue, as Combefisius notices) here identified with Eli, yli)'
94 ai9 toiau=tai e0piqumi/ai, for which the Septuagint has epiqumhta/ as in A. V.
2 Against this class Cyprian stoutly contended,Comp. Cyprian, Ante-Nicene Fathers, vol. v. pp. 357, 358, 587-592.
1 In later Greek parqe/noj was used of both sexes (comp. Rev. xiv. 4). The Syriac original employs both a masculine an a feminine form. This will not always be indicated in the following translation.
3 Or "to the holy virgins who are in God: peace." So Zingerle, and probably Wetstein.
4 Zing., not so well, takes this to mean, "by the confession of the mouth" (durch das mündliche Bekenntniss), comparing Matt. vii. 21
6 The Greek word sxh=ma, here adopted in the Syriac, c, is some. times thus used.-Beelen.
13 Probably referring to 1 Cor. xiv. 40.-Beelen
17 Lit. "let every one be trying."
19 Matt. xii. 33. [More probably Luke vi. 44.-R.]
20 Or "consider". There is no play on words in the passage quoted (2 Tim ii. 7), nor perhaps was this intended in the Syriac.
22 Lit. "true in fear of God." The reading is probably faulty.-Beelen
23 The ellipsis is usually to be thus filled up in these epistles. [In similar cases which follow, italics will not be used.-R.]
25 Or "the sensual pleasures."
26 Or "from all intercourse with."
27 Either something is here omitted by the transcriber, or Clement has varied the form of expression.-Beelen.
28 "Sanctification."-Beelen. [So A. V. The R. V. correctly renders a9giasmoj, "sanctification," in every instance.-R].]
36 The words, "in the might of the Holy Spirit," appear to obscure the sense.-Beelen.
41 Lit. "the Eucharist of the Godhead." This is an evidence of later date than the sub-apostolic age.-R].]
45 i.e. continency. [The use of the terms "sanctity," "holy," etc., in the limited sense of "continency," "chaste," etc., is strong evidence of the later origin.-R]
46 The last two sentences properly belong to chap. vi.
60 1 Pet i. 15 (cf. Lev. xi. 44).
63 Lit. "the worship of idols." The single word sometimes used to express "idolatry" (as in Eph. Syr., opp. tom. i.p. 116), is not found in these epistles
66 The word thus rendered is not in the lexicons, but is well illustrated by Isa. xxix. 21 ("that make a man an offender"), where the Hiphil of )+/x/
67 The word is used in the Peschito of 1 Tim. vi. 5, to express diaparatribai/ ("incessant quarrellings," Alf.); [R. V., "wranglings"-R.].
68 Ex. Conject. Beelen. The word is not in the lexicons.
70 Lit. "folly," but so used in 2 Cor. xii. 13.
78 Gen. vi. 3. [This is an example of the vicious method of interpretation, not yet extirpated, which carries Paul's distinctive use of the term "flesh" hack to the Pentateuch, where no ethical sense is necessarily implied.-R]
79 Rom. vii. 9. [The Apostle speaks of "the Spirit of Christ."-R. ]
89 The words which follow, "concerning those things which we speak," appear not to be genuine.-Beelen.
90 Beelen supposes a e#n dia\ duoi=n: "along the lonely road."
94 Lit. "profit and righteousness."
95 Lit. "go about and wander."
97 Lit, "in their barefacedness."
98 1 Cor. xii. 29. [But compare Jas. iii. 1: "Be not many many teach" (R.V.) which precedes the next citation.-R.]
106 Lit. "in his place." Col. iv. 6.
107 Lit. "his soul for life." Prov. xviii. 6, xiii. 3, xxi. 23.
112 As 1 Cor. xv. 44 (yuxiko/j).-See Jas. iii. 15 [also 1 Cor. ii. 13, 14.-R.]
117 An obscure clause, which Beelen supposes to be due to the misapprehension of the Syrian translator. Perhaps the difficulty will he met if we read "gifts," as do Wets. and Zing., by a change in the pointing.
120 Lit. "elegant and numerous words."
122 Matt xvii 21. [Or Mark ix. 29; the verse in Matthew is of doubtful genuineness.-R].]
126 Lit. "and things similar to these," Matt. xxv. 36.
129 Beelen here omits, as spurious, the words, "because this same thing is pleasant and agreeable to you: because ye are all taught of God."
131 Lit. "without shame," 2 Tim. ii 15.
139 [Comp. the term xriste/mporoj "Christ-monger," "Christ-trafficker," in Teaching, chap. xii. 5, vol. vii. p. 381.-R.]
1 Lit. "or is a daughter of the covenant."
2 Beelen's rendering, "we do not even pass the night," seems not to be favoured either by the arrangement or the context.
4 Or "consolation." So para/klhsij in the N T. has both senses.
7 ie., one who has taken the vow of celibacy.
8 Lit. "will with him minister all those things."
9 [The minuteness of all these precepts is of itself suspicious. The "simplicity" of the earlier age had evidently passed when these prohibitions were penned.-R.]
10 , Beelen's conjecture for , "rich." Zingerle proposes , "about to be married."
11 Lit. "come to the delight of the truth."
12 Lit. "ask of the peace of."
13 Lit. "for that which in his;" or "for what belongs to him."
16 Lit. "all of them are believing women and maidens."
17 Lit. "some place on the right side." The Syrian translator has probably mistaken the meaning of ei0j e!na to/pon decio/n, where decio/n may be compared with dexter in Hor., Sat., ii, 1, 18.-Beelen.
18 Probably meaning, "when we have inquired of their welfare."
20 Lit. "chaste," or "modest."
23 Rom. xiv. 15 [The Apostle's noble and consistent counsel to the "strong" brethren at Rome is in sharp contrast with the use here made of it. Only one of the "weak" brethren could have written this epistle.-R.]
32 Beelen joins "because of their wickedness" with the words that follow.
38 Wetstein and Zingerle join on this sentence to the next, by a change of the construction.
39 Lit. "her passion and her desire."
45 1 Sam. xvi. 13; Ps. lxxxix. 20, seqq.; Acts xiii. 22.
47 "By the pleasure derived from the sight of her."-Beelen
48 Ps. xviii. 50; 2 Sam. xix. 21.
54 Susanna having a husband, Joachim.
55 Lit. "a mind of chasteness."
65 Lit. "their conduct and living was with."
71 Beelen suggests the reading "from,"or to render the present text "by."
1 History of the Christian Church, vol. ii. p. 436, new edition.
2 See the Introductory Note of the Edinburgh translator.
3 Uhlhorn, article Clementines. Schaff Herzog, i. p. 497. A second Epitome has been published by Dressel; see Introductory notice to Homilies.
4 Lechler, Apostolic and Post-Apostolic Times, ii. p 268, Edinburgh translation, 1886, from 3rd edition.
6 Comp. Uhlhorn, p. 392; Schaff, History, ii. p. 436; Lechler, ii. p. 288. See Schaff-Herzog, i. art. Elkesaites.
7 See Hippolytus, Refutation of all Heresies, book ix. 8-12, Ante-Nicene Fathers, vol. v. pp. 131-134. The forms occur in chap. 10, pp. 132, 133.
8 See Recognitions, i. 45-48: Homilies. Epistle of Peter to James, 4, Homily xiv. 1.
9 3 This is the last opinion of Uhlhorn (Herzog, Real-Encykl, 1877. art. Clementinen; comp. Schaff-Herzog, i. p. 498). This author had previously defended the priority of the Homilies (Die Homilien and Recoginitionen des Clemens romanus, Gottingen, 1854; comp. Herzog, edition of 1854, art. Clementinen).
10 Die Clementine nebst den verwandten Schriften, and der Ebionitismus, Hamburg, 1844.
11 Die Clementinischen Recognitionen and Homilien, nach il re2~2 Urspriung and Inhalt dargestellt, Jena, 1848.
12 See supra, note 3. Uhlhorn found the nucleus of the literature in Homilies, xvi.-xix.
13 Die Clementinischen Schriften, Gotha, 1869.
14 Die Quellen der romischen Petrussage, Kiel, 1872.
15 Apostolic and Post-Apostolic Times, vol. ii. p. 270.
16 So Hilgenfeld, Lehmann, Uhlhorn.
17 See especially Homilies, xvii. 19. Here there is "probably only an incidental sneer at Paul" (Schaff, History, ii.. p. 438).
1 [See supra, p. 69, and Introductory Notice to Homilies.-R.]
2 Die Clementinischen Recognitionen and Homilien, nach ihrem Ursprung und Inhalt dargestellt, von Dr. Adolf Hilgenfeld, Jena, 1848, p. 1. [Despite the morbid taste of this school for heretical writings, and the now proven incorrectness of the "tendency-theory," due credit must be given to Baur and his followers for awakening a better critical discernment among the students of ecclesiastical history. Hilgenfeld's judgments, in the higher and lower criticism also, are frequently very incorrect; but he has done much to further a correct estimate of the Clementina. See Introductory Notice, supra.-R.]
3 [The title, which varies in different manuscripts, is derived from the "narrating, in the last books, of the re-union of the scattered members of the Clementine family, who all at last find themselves together in Christianity, and are baptized by Peter" (Schaff, History).-R.]
4 See Schliemann, Die Clementinen, Hamburg, 1844, p. 295.
5 [See a brief account of the discussion supra, p, 70.-R.]
7 See Merx, Bardesanes von Edessa, Halle, 1863, p. 113.
8 Die Homilien and rekognitionen des Clemens Roman us, nach ihremn Ursprung und Inhalt dargestellt, von Gerhard Uhlhorn, Goltingen, 1854, p. 429. [Schaff thinks "the Homilies probably originated in East Syria, the Recognitons in Rome." But Rufinus gives no intimation of the Roman origin of the Greek work he translated. still,. the apparently more orthodox character of the Recognitions suggests an editor from the Western Church.-R.]
1 Var. readings: "magnanimous one," "my lord," "my friend."
2 [The reference is probably to the transformation of the father of Clement into the appearance of Simon Magus. This is narrated in both the Recognitions (book x. 53, etc.) and in the Homilies (xx. 12, etc.), though the latter book closes without any statement of the restoration. It would seem unlikely, then, that Rufinus refers to the Homilies as the "other" collection. The recovery of the closing portion of that work has given us its account of the transformation.-R.
3 [How far Rufinus has omitted portions which occured in Greek cannot known. It is is quite probable that the apparent heresy of some passages, rather than their incomprehensibility, led him to omit them. This may be urged in favour of the priority of the Homilies, but is not conclusive.-R.]
4 [There is no good reason for doubting that Rufinus refers to the extant epistle prefixed to the Homilies, and forming, with "the Episle of Peter to James," which precedes it, a preface and fictitious au. thentication of that collection.-R.]
5 1 [The of language of Rufinus confirms that of Irenaeus, Eusebius, and Jerome, as to the episcopal succession at Rome (assuming that Cletus and Anacletus, named by Irenaeus, is identical with Cletus). For other variations, see Church Histories and Encyclopaedias (under Clemens Romanus). The current opinion at Rome in the beginning of the fifth century is evident from this passage. Comp. Ante-Nicene Fathers, vol. i. pp. 1, 2.-R.]
1 [The first six chapters closely resemble the corresponding chapters of Homily 1. The variations are no greater than might readily appear in a verson.-R.]
2 V. R. in the time of Tiberius Caesar.
3 [In Homily 1, a warning of future punishment is added.-R].]
4 [The narrative in the Homilies is fuller; the preacher at Rome is not named Clement attempts to go to Judaea, is driven to Alexandria, and meets Barnabas there: the occurrences here given in chaps. 8-11 are placed in Alexandria, whence Clement goes, after the departure of Barnabas, to Caesarea where he meets Peter (comp. chap. 12).-R.]
5 [The two accounts of the meeting with Peter at Caesarea are closely parallel.-R]
6 [This discourse is given somewhat more fully here than in the Homilies.-R.]
7 [Comp. Homily I. 20, where there is a curious inconsistency. Both accounts seem to insert this to tally with the fictitious relation to James, and both may be used to support the theory of a common documentary basis.-R.]
8 [In the Homilies this is not expressed, but implied. The whole passage suggests a separatism quite contrary to Pauline precept. Compare the more detailed statement of separatism in book ii 70, 72, vii. 29: Homily XIII. 4-R.]
9 [Identified in the Homilies with the publican of Jericho. Fifteen others are named in Homily 11. 1: some of them are introduced in Recognitions, ii. I.-R.]
10 Here we follow a marginal reading.
11 [This chapter has no direct parallel in the Homilies. While there is a general resemblance in the remainder of book i. to Homily 11., much of the matter is peculiar, or at least Introduced in a connection different from that of the Homilies.-R.]
12 That is, that I may be sure that you remember these things.
13 [Hilgenield regards chaps. 27-72 as as of the Jewish-Christian document called Kerygma Petri, of which an outline is given in book iii. 75. This he thinks was of Roman origin. Certainly these chapters bear many marks of an earlier origin than most of the pseudo-Clementine literature. Much of the matter is not found elsewhere in this literature: the tone of the discourse is much superior; the instruction represented as given to Clement, is quite well adapted to his needs as a heathen inquirer: the views presented are not so extravagant as much that occurs in the Homilies: the attempt to adjust the statements to the New-Testament narrative is skilfully made, and there is not lacking a great vraisemblance, It may not be improper to add, that the impressions first given in regard to this passage were made upon the writer of this note quite independently of Hilgenfeld's theory; some of them committed to writing without a thought of maintaining that theory.-R]
15 That is, his soul, according to the doctrine of the pre-existence of souls.
16 Gen. vi. 2. [Compare with this chapter Homily VIII. 12-17, where there are many more fanciful details.-R]
17 The writer here translates the words of the Septuagint, of oi9 gi/gantej oi9 a9p' ai0w=noj oi0 a!nqrwpoi oi9 o0nomastoi/, illi qua a seculo nominantur. We have given the translation of our authorized version. It is likely, however, that the writer believed the name to Imply that they lived to a great. age, as is maintained by Diodorus quoted by Suicer on the word, or he may have traced the word to gh=.
19 [With this chapter compare Homily IX. 3-7.-R.]
21 [This orderly and consistent explanation of the Old-Testament economy (chaps. 32-39) is peculiar to the recognitions.-R.]
24 That is, picture or statue.
26 Deut. xvii. 15; Acts iii. 22, 23.
27 Deut. xii. 11; 2 Chron. vii. 12.
28 Hos. vi. 6; Matt. ix. 13, xii. 7.
29 Matt. xxiv. 2; Luke xix. 44.
37 [Chaps. 42, 43, show little of the Ebionitic tendency, except m the attempt to reduce the difference between Jews and Christians to the single point of belief in the Messiahship of Jesus.-R]
42 [Evidently "the Lord's brother." Comp. chap. 68.-R.]
43 This account of occurrences in Jerusalem (chaps. 45-70) is probably meant to supplement Acts v. and viii. The date tallies with the stoning of Stephen, to which there is no allusion. The whole bears abundant marks of "manipulation" of the New-Testament record.-R.]
44 [The discourse of chaps. 45-52 is interesting from its christo logical consistency. The doctrine, while showing Ebionitic origin, is closer to the Catholic view than that of the Homilies.-R.]
45 [The references to oil in chaps. 45-48, particularly the connection of anointing with baptism, have been regarded, since the discovery of the full text of Hippolytus, as showing traces of relationship to the system of the Elkesaites. See Introductory Notice. In the forms given by Hippolytus (see Ante-Nicene Fathers, v. pp. 132) the oil is represented as one of "seven witnesses" to be adjured by the subject of baptism.-R.]
50 That is, the sin of sacrifice.
52 [Comp. book ii. 8-11 and Homily 11. 24. The writer here confuses the later Dositheus with an earlier teacher, whose disciple Zadok was the founder of the sect of the Sadducces.-R.]
54 [Here we encounter that favourite notion of apocryphal writers, that each Apostle must he represented as contributing his portion to the statement and defence of the faith.-R.]
57 We should doubtless read "Barsabas."
59 Dan. ix. 27; Matt. xxiv. 15.
61 [This title is consistent with the position accorded to James the Lord's brother in the entire pseudo-Clementine literature.-R.]
62 [This sentence seems to have been framed to accord with the Catholic doctrine.-R.]
63 A marginal note in one of the manuscripts states that this enemy was Saul. [This is confirmed by chap. 71.-R.]
64 Acts xxii. 5. [There is an evident attempt to cast a slur upon the apostle Paul, but the suppresssion of the name is significant.-R.]
65 [Comp. book ii. 7 and Homily II. 22, 24.-R.]
66 [The visit of Peter to Caesarea narrated in Acts x was for a very different purpose. It is probable that the author of the Recognitions connected the persecution by Saul and the sorceries of Simon because of the similar juxtaposition in Acts viii.-R.]
1 I [With this list compare that in iii. 68, where four others are added (or substituted), and some importance given to the number twelve. See also Homily II. 1 The variety and correspondence point to the use of a common basis.-R.]
2 That is, the lamp which had been lighted in the evening.
3 [In the Homilies the discourse before the discussion with Simon is much fuller.-R.]
6 [The statements of Niceta and Aquila are introduced in the Homilies before the postponement of the discussion with Simon There is a remarkable variety in the minor details respecting Simon as given in the two narratives.-R.]
7 [Comp. i. 54. In Homily II. 23 Simon is said to be a follower of John the Baptist, one of the thirty chief men: so Dositheus. Here Dositheus is represented as the head of a separate sect; so in i. 54.-R.]
8 [Called "Helena" in the Homilies, and identified apparently with Helen, the cause of the Trojan War.-R.]
9 [The statements made in the Recognitions respecting the claims of Simon are more extravagant and blasphemous than those occurring in the Homilies. Comp. the latter, ii, 26-32.-R.]
10 The meaning seems to be, that she was seen at all the windows at once.-TR.
11 [This parody of the miraculous conception is not found in the Homilies:-R.]
12 [In Homily II. 37-53 the discourse of Peter is quite different and far less worthy. In Homily III. 1-28 a similar discourse e is given just before the discussion with Simon, abounding in statements that suggest erroneous views of Scripture, and indicate a Gnostic origin.
14 [Three discussions with Simon Magus are detailed in the pseudo-Clementine literature,-one in the Recognitions, ii. 20-iii. 48; two in the Homilies, iii. 30-58 and xvi.-xix. The differences between these are quite remarkable.
I. External Differences.-That in the Recognitions is assigned to Caesarea and is represented as lasting three days details of each day's discussion being given. The earlier one in the Homilies is given the same place and time but it is very brief. The details of the first day alone are mentioned; and it resembles that in the Recognitions less than does the later vie This is represented as taking place at Laodicea, and as occupy ing four days. The account is the longest of the three. In its historical setting this discussion has no parallel in the Recognitions. Faustus, the father of Clement, is made the umpire; and this discussion before him takes the place of the discussions with him which occupy so large a part of Recognitions, viii-x.
II. Internal differences.-Of course there are many thoughts common to the discussions; but the treatment is so varied as to form one of the most perplexing points in the literary problem. All are somewhat irregular in arrangement hence an analysis is difficult.. The discussion in the Recognitions seems to be more ethical and philosophical than those in the Homilies; the latter contain more theosophical views. Both of them emphasize the falsehoods of Scripture arid abound more in sophistries and verbal sword-play. In the Recognitions against Simon's polytheism and theory of an unknown God, Peter opposes the righteousness of God, emphasizing the freedom of the will, discussing the existence and orgin of evil, reverting to the righteousness of God as proving the immoriality of the soul. The defeat of Simon is narrated in a peculiar way.
The Caesarean discussion in the Homilies is very briefly narrated. After the preliminary parley, Simon attacks the God of the Scriptures attributing defects to Him. Peter's reply, while explaining many passages correctly, is largely taken up with a statement of the view of the Scripture peculiar to the Homilies. This is really the weapon with which Simon is defeated. The discussion, therefore, presents few points of resemblance to that in the recognitions.
The Laodicean discussion in the Homilies, covering four days is of a higher character than the preceding. It is not strictly parallel to that in the Recognitions. The opening argument concerning polytheism. To Peter's monotheism Simon opposes the contradictions of Scripture: these Peter explains including some christological statements which lead to a declaration of the nature, name and character of God. On the second day, after some personal discussion, Simon asserts that Christ's teaching differs from that of Peter: the argument reverts to the shape and figure of God The evidence of the senses is urged against fancied revel ations, which are attrebuted to demons. On the third day the question of God the Framer of the world is in and His moral character. Peter explains the nature of revelation with some sharp personal thrusts at Simon, but soon reverts to the usual explanation of Scripture.
On the fourth day the existence of the evil one becomes the prominent topic: the existence of sin is pressed; and the discussion closes with a justification of the inequalities of human life, and an expression of judgment against Simon by Faustus.
Throughout thse portions footnotes have been added, to indicate the correspondences of thought in the several accounts-R.]
15 [This opening sentence occurs in the Homilies, but in other parts the discourses differ. This is far more dignified and consistent than that in the Homilies, which at once introduces a claim to authority as messenger of the Prophet.-R.]
19 [In Homily III. 38, 39, Simon is represented as at once attacking the Apostle and his monotheism: the arguments are, in the mate, those given in chap. 39 of this book. Chaps. 23-36 are without a direct parallel in the Homilies.-R.]
24 Matt. x. 35, 36: Luke xii. 53.
26 Matt. x. 12-15; Luke x. 5, 6.
30 [The discussion in the Homilies is represented as virtually beginning with this statement of the Apostle: comp. Homily III. 37. The arguments here, however, are given with greater detail.-R.]
31 [In both the Recognitions and the Homilies the contest turns upon the monotheistic teaching of the Old Testament and the supreme Deity of Jehovah. This is rightly regarded as an evidence of Ebionitic origin. But Gnostic elements enter again and again.-R.]
39 [Compare Homily XVI. 6.-R.]
40 [The reply of Peter here is of a higher character than that given in the Homilies (see iii. 40, etc.). Indeed, the report of the entire discussion in the Recognitions shows a superior conception of the Apostle.-R.]
43 [This remarkable chapter is peculiar to the Recognitions. The angelology seems to be Ebionitic, rather than Gnostic.-R.]
54 Gen. iii. [The same thought occurs in Homily X. 10, 11 -R.]
59 [Compare Homily XVII. 4.-R.]
60 Matt. xi. 27. [Comp. Luke. x. 22. This objection is given in Homilies XVIII. 4.-R.]
62 This chapter presents the topic which is made the main point in a subsequent discussion with Simon; see Homily xviii.-R.]
63 [With chaps. 50, 51, comp. Homily XVII, 13, etc.-R.]
64 We render by a periphrasis the expressions ineffabili quadain ratione comertum. The meaning seems to be, that the belief of the existence and unity of God is not the result of reasoning, not of intuition or instinct.
65 [The argument of Simon here differs from that represented in Homilies xvii., XVIII. There Simon asserts that the Framer of the world is not the highest God, because He is not both just and good. Comp. also book iii. 37, 38.-R.]
66 [The attitude of the Apostle Peter toward the Old Testament is differently represented in the Homilies, where false views are admitted to exist in the Scriptures. Comp. Homilies 11. 38, 40, 41, 51, 111.
67 That is, you take the idea of substance from the God of the Jews, and only enlarge it by the addition of the words above all.
69 [This story (chaps. 62-65) is peculiar to the Recognitions. In Homily XVII. 14-19 there is an argument against the trustworthiness or supernatural visions, which is supposed to be anti-Pauline in its aim.-R.]
70 [The remaining chapters of this book hare no exact parallel in the Homilies.-R.]
71 That is, have no visible or sensible species, according to the Platonic theory of perception.
72 [Comp. book i. 19, vii. 29; Homilies 1. 22, xiii. 4.-R..]
74 [On the demonology of this work see book iv. 15-19; comp. Homily IX. 8-22.-R.]
1 [The larger part of book iii, has no direct parallel in the Homilies though, of course, many of the views presented are given in the latter under different circumstances.-R.]
3 Chaps ii.-xii. are wanting in the mss.. of best authority, and it seems to us indisputable that they form no part of the original work For this reason, and because we have found them utterly untranslatable, we have ommitted them.
4 [Comp Homily XVII. 2 for a similar accusation made by Simon.-R.]
6 Luke viii 5 [Comp. Matt. xiii. 3, etc.; Mark iv. 3, etc.-R.]
7 [In Homily XIX. the discussion with Simon is respecting the existence of the evil one. Here the treatment is apparently of a higher philosophical character.-R.]
9 [Comp. Homilies XI. 8, XIX. 15 But in the Recognitions this topic is more frequently treated. See chap. 26, and elsewhere.
10 [Comp. Homily XIX. 12. The argument here is far more philosophical.-R.]
18 [Comp Homilies XVII. 4, etc., XVIII. I. The objection is of Gnostic origin.-R.]
23 [The concluding portion of this discussion (chaps. 42-48) is peculiar alike in its argument and its colloquies.-R.]
24 [Comp. book ii. 15 and Homily 11. 26.-R.]
25 Evidently parodied from Acts viii. 18-24. This incident is peculiar to the Recognitions.-R.]
26 [Compare with this chapter book ii. 9, 14; Homily 11. 32.-R.]
27 [This account of the close of the discussion is peculiar to the Recognitions.-R.]
33 [The substance of chaps. 59, 60, occurs in Homily 11. 33, 34, just before the postponement of the discussion with Simon.-R.]
34 [On the doctrine of pairs compare Homily II. 15, etc., 33; 111. 23.-R.]
36 [This incident is narrated only in the Recognitions.-R.]
37 [With the remainder of the book compare Homily III. 58-73. The resemblance is general rather than particular.-R.]
38 Matt. xviii. 7, Luke xvii. 1.
39 [In the Homilies full details are given respecting the choice of Zacchaeus (who is identified with the publican in Luke xix.), his unwillingness to serve; precepts are also added concerning Church officers.-R.]
40 This may be translated, "that he may partake of holy things." Cotelerius supposes the words "holy things" to mean the body and blood of Christ.
41 [Compare with this chapter the lists in book ii I and in Homily II. 1. The special significance attached to the number twelve is peculiar to this passage.-R.]
42 [In Homily III. 58 Simon is represented as doing great miracles at Tyre. Peter follows him there, but finds that he has gone. The long discussions with him are assigned to Laodicea. See Homilies, xvi., etc.-R.]
43 Cotelerius remarks that these ten books previously sent to James (if they ever existed) ought to be distinguished from the ten books of the Recognitions, which were addressed to the same James, but written those now those mentioned.
44 [This chapter furnishes some positive evidence that the recog- nitions are based upon an earlier work. The topics here named do not correspond with those of the Homilies, except in the most general way. Hence this passage does not favour the theory that the author of the Recognitions had the Homilies before him when he wrote. Even in xvi.-xix. of the later work, which Uhlhorn regarded as the nucleus of the entire literature the resemblances are slight. As already intimated (see Introductory Notice, p. 71), Uhlhorn has abandoned this theory.
On the other hand the chapter bears marks of being the conclusion to a complete document. It can therefore be urged in support of the new view of Lehenann (Die Clementinischen Schriften, Gotha, 1869), that the Recognitions are made up of two parts (books i.-iii., iv.-x.) by two different authors, both parts being based on earlier documents. This chapter is regarded by Hilgenfeld as containing a general outline of the Kerygma Petri, a Jewish-Christian document of Roman origin. In i. 27-72 he finds a remnant of this document incorporated in the Recognitions.-R.]
1 [In books iv.-vi. the scene is laid at Tripolis. The same city is the locality to which Homilies viii.-xi. are assigned. The intervening portion (Homilies IV.-VII.) gives the details of the journey here alluded to, telling of various discourses at Tyre. Some of the matter of these discourses occurs in the Recognitions, but under different circumstances The heathen disputants are not the same.
The parallelisms of the portions assigned to Tripolis are as follows: book iv. has its counterpart. In Homily viii. and in much of Homily IX book v. has a parallel in Homily X. and it, parts of XI.: book vi in its general outline resembles Homily XI.
The discourses of the Apostle as given in the Recognitions are more orderly and logical than those in the Homilies, The views presented differ somewhat, in accordance with the general character of the two works. Much of the matter in the Recognitions occurs In a different order in the Homilies but the internal evidence seems to point to the priority of the former. Both might be different manipulations of a common documentary source, but that theory is not necessarily applicable to these portions of the literature.-R.]
2 ["Maroones," Homily VIII. I.-R.]
4 [With chaps. 4-11 compare Homily VIII. 4-11. The correspondence is quite close.-R.]
6 Luke xiii. 29; Matt. viii. 11.
9 Matt. xi. 25, [Luke x. 21; comp. Homily XVIII. 15-17.-R.]
11 Aedes, in the singular, probably a temple.
12 [In Homilies VIII. 8, 24, IX. 24, the healing takes place after the dtscourses.-R.]
13 [In Homily VIII. 12-16 there is inserted a curious account of the fall of man and angels, and of a race of giants.-R.]
14 [Chap. 12 has no exact parallel in the Homilies, but Homily VIII. 17 resembles it.-R.]
15 The writer means, that insult is offered to that name which belongs to God alone by giving it to others, and thus placing it in a position which is unjust to it.
17 [There is a similar chapter in Homily IX. 7, but in a discourse: on the following day.-R.]
18 [With chaps. 14-22 compare Homily IX. 8-18. The general outline is the same, and the resemblances quite close in the larger part of both passages.-R.]
20 [Chaps. 23-26 have no exact parallel in the Homilies; comp. book in 16-26 The questions of the origin of evil and of free-will are more fully treated in the Recognitions.-R.]
21 There is considerable variety of reading in this sentence, and the precise meaning is somewhat obscure. The general sense, however, is sufficiently evident, that if God had refrained from creating those who He foresaw, would fall into evil, this would have been to subject His goodness co their evil.
22 [Comp. Homily VIII. 13.-R.]
23 [With chaps. 27-31 compare Homily IX. 3-7. The resemblances are quite close. See also book i. 30, 31.-R.]
24 [With chaps. 27-31 compare Homily IX. 3-7. The resemblances are quite close. See also book i. 30, 31.-R.]
25 [To chaps. 32, 33, a close parallel is found in Homily IX. 19-21.-R]
26 Matt. viii. 9. [Luke vii. 8.-R.]
27 [The close of this discourse chaps. 34-37, resembles that of the first at Tripolis, in Homily VIII. 21, 24. As already indicated much of Homily IX. finds a parallel in this book.-R.]
28 Matt. iv. 10. [Luke iv. 8.-R.]
29 [This is peculiar in this connection. There is, at least, a suggestion of anti-Pauline spirit in its teaching.-R.]
31 [In Homily VII. 8 a similar injunction is given, at Sidon. The language in both places recalls Acts xv. 20 and 1 Cor. x. 21. But most of the chapter is peculiar to the Recognitions.-R.]
32 Matt xiii. 23. [Comp. Mark iv. 8, 20 where the order of the numbers corresponds with that of the Recognitions. The interpretation is a fanciful one, indicating not only Judaistic legalism, but the notion of esoteric teaching. The passage shows Ebtonitic tendencies.-R.]
33 Clement, being not yet baptized, is represented as not permitted to join with the disciples, even in prayer. [Comp. i. 19, ii. 70-72. This separation is indicated in the Homilies, but more emphasis is placed upon it in the Recognitions.-R.]
1 [Book v. has a partial parallel in Homily X., which is assigned to the second day at Tripolis. The matter here is more extensive. Chaps. 1, 2, show some resemblance to Homily X. 3-6.-R.]
3 [Chaps. 4, 5, resemble somewhat Homily X. 2, which contains a preliminary discourse of the Apostle to his followers.-R.]
4 [Here again the doctrine of free-will is pressed, the Homilies containing no parallel. Chaps. 6-13 have no corresponding passage in Homily X.-R.]
6 Gen. xlix. 10. [This detailed statement of the call of the Gentiles is peculiar to the Recognitions; comp. i. 42. Such passages seem to indicate a tendency less anti-Pauline than that of the Homilies yet the christology and soteriology are Ebionitic.-R.]
11 [The parallel with Homily X. recurs at this chapter, and continues for several chapters.-R.]
12 [This, with the more specific statement of Homily X. 8, points to an early date.-R.]
13 It was a very prevalent opinion among the ancient philosophers, that the heavenly bodies have some kind of life and intelligence.
14 [Comp. book ii. 45. In Homily X. 10, etc., the influence of the serpent is spoken of, but the discourse here is much fuller. There is, however, a general agreement in outline between chaps. 17-22 here and Homily X. 10-21.-R.]
15 [To chaps. 23-36 a parallel is afforded by Homily XI. 4-18.-R.]
17 1 Kings xvii., xviii.; Jas. v. 17,18.
18 Literally, "change the bestower of it for another."
19 The original has here, "as is often known:" that is, as people know from many instances having occurred within their own knowledge.
21 Matt. xvii. 20; Luke xvii. 6.
22 [The latter of this discourse, as already indicated (see note on chap. 23), finds a parallel in Homily XI. 4-18, which forms the first half of that discourse.-R.]
1 [Comp. book iii. 31. To this there is no parallel in the Homilies.-R.]
2 It will be remembered that the hours were variable periods, and began to be reckoned from sunrise.
3 [To chaps. 2, 3, there is a parallel in the corresponding chapters of Homily XI. Then follows a long passage similar to that in book v. 23-36.-R.]
4 [The remaining chapters of this book (4-14) correspond with Homily XI. 19-33. The discourse here is somewhat fuller, but the order of topics is the same throughout.-R.]
10 [ There is no exact parallel to these statements in the corresponding chapter of the Homilies ( xi. 26).-R.]
11 John iii. 5. [This passage is cited, with additions, in Homily XI. 26.-R.]
13 [This chapter is more specific in its statements than Homily XI. 30, to which it has a general resemblance.-R.]
14 Matt. xii. 42; Luke xi. 31.
15 Matt. xii. 41: Luke xi. 32.
16 [Comp. Homily XI. 35, 36, which, however, contain additional matter.-R.]
17 Literally, "breaking the Eucharist".
1 [The narrative of book vii. is given in Homilies XII., XIII.: chap. 38 including some details of Homily XIV. 1. The variations in the narrative portions are unimportant: but the Homilies contain longer discourses of the Apostle. Chaps 1-24 here correspond quite exactly with Homily XII. 1-24; the topics of the respective c chapters being the same, and the variations mainly in forms of expression.-R.]
2 [Comp. Homily XII. 8, where the names given are Mattidia, Faustus (father); Faustinus and Faustinianus, the twin sons. With these names some connect the German legend of Faust: see Schaff, History, ii. 442.-R.]
4 Perhaps, "a man in good position".
5 [This is the title-word of the book as is evident . Hence the italics here, and not in Homily XII. 23.-R.]
6 [At this point a discourse of the Apostle on "philanthropy" is inserted in the Homilies (xii. 25-33). Homily XIII. I corresponds with this chapter.-R.].
7 [This his account is fuller than that in Homily XIII. 2.-R.]
8 There is a confusion In the text between Aradus and Antaradus. [Aradus is the name of the Island, Antaradus that of the neighbouring city.-R.]
9 [With chaps. 28-36 the narrative in Homily XIII. 3-11 corresponds quite closely.-R.]
11 [In Homily XIII. 12 the Apostle is represented as thus deferring the baptism; but a longer discourse on chastity (chaps. 13-21) is given, assigned to the evening of that day.-R.]
13 Here a marginal reading is followed. The reading of the text is: "In order that our thought, borne on the chariot of contemplation may hasten on, invisible to the bodily senses, towards the love of God." But the translation of aspectus by "contemplation" is doubtful.
14 [The baptism is narrated in Homily XIV. I.-R.]
15 [In Homily XIII. 20, 21, a longer discourse, to the same effect, is recorded; but it is addressed to the mother the evening before her baptism.-R.]
1 [From this point there are considerable variations in the two narratives. The old man becomes, in the Recognitions, a prominent participant in the discussions, arguing with Peter, and with Niceta,, Aquila, and Clement. At the close of these discussions he is recognitized first by the sons (ix. 35), and then by his wife, as Faustinianus (ix 37). In the Homilles Peter tells of an interview with the old man (xiv. 2-8), and the recognition takes place immediately upon his appearance (xiv. 9). Some discussion with hem follows (Homily XV.); but soon the main controversy is with Simon Magus (Homilies XVI.XIX.), in the presence of the father, who is convinced by Peter. Book x. contains much matter introduced in Homilies lV.-VII. The correspondences will be indicated in the footnotes.-R.]
2 [In Homily XIV. 2-5 there is a discussion somewhat similar to the beginning of this one, but reported by the Apostle to the family of Clement.- R.]
3 [There are a number of indications, like this, in the narrative, foreshadowing the recognition of the old man as the father. In the Homilies nothing similar appears.-R.].]
5 [The whole arrangement, introducing the brothers as disputants, is peculiar to the Recognitions. The several discourses are con. structed with much skill. The courtesy of the discussion is in sharp contrast with the tone of those in the Homilies, especially those with Simon Magus.-R.]
8 [Another foreshadowing of the approaching recognition; peculiar to this narrative.-R.]
9 [The argument of Niceta (chaps. 9-34), while it necessarily includes statements occurring elsewhere in this literature, is, as a whole peculiar to the Recognitions. In order of arrangement and logical force it is much superior to most of the discourses.-R.]
11 [De Maistre, Soirees, vi. 259.]
12 [Comp. John i. 1-3. The expression seems to be used here with a polemic purpose.-R.]
13 [This incident is peculiar to the Recognitons. There seems to be a reminiscence of this chief man in Homily IV. 10, where a rich man provides a place for the discussion; comp. chap. 38 here.-R.]
14 [Peculiar to the Recognitions; there is probably here an anti-Pauline purpose.-R.]
15 [The second day's discussion, in which Aquila is the main speaker, is also of a high order, It is, as already indicated, peculiar to the Recognitions, though with the usual incidental correspondences in the Homilies.-R.]
18 This rendering is according to a marginal reading.
19 [Comp. book iv. 12 Homily VIII. 17.-R.]
20 Compare with chaps. 52-54 the doctrine of pairs as stated in book iii. 59-61; Homily II. 15, etc., iii. 23.-R.]
21 [On the creation of the evil one, see book x. 3, etc., and the discussion with Simon in Homily XIX. 2-18.-R.]
23 [Comp. Homily XIV. 3, etc.-R.]
24 [This discourse of Peter is peculiar to the Recognitions; it resembles somewhat the earlier discourse to Clement in Book i,-R.]
25 [ The introduction of these chapters concerning the true Prophet shows a far more orderly method of constructing the entire discussion with the father them that of the Homilies; comp. book xi. 1, 2.-R.].]
28 If we were to read quam instead of quem, the sense would be that He might lay open to men the way of truth which they had blocked up. So Whiston.
1 [The discourses in book ix. are peculiar to the Recognitions not only in their position in the story, but to a remarkably large extent in the matter.-R.].]
2 [Comp. book viii. 58-62.-R.]
3 [Comp. book viii. 55, 56, Homily XIX. 2-18.-R.]
4 [The doctrine of free-will, and the necessity of evil in consequence, appears throughout. Comp. book iii. 21, v. 6. In the Homilies there is not so much emphasis laid upon is point, but see Homily Xl. 8.-R.].]
5 [Compare If Homily Xl. 26 on this view of baptism.-R.]
7 [On the doctrine of demons compare book iv, 14-22: Homily IX. 8-18.-R.]
8 [On error of astrology compare book x. 7-12. In Homily XIV. 5 and elsewhere "genesis" and the science of astrology are identified.]-R.
9 Ch. 17 and ch. 19-29 are taken in an altered form from the writing ascribed to Bardesanes, De Fato. |These chapters have no parallel in the Homilies, but the argument of the old man respecting genesis implies the same position: comp. Homily XIV. 3-7, II.-R.]
10 Conjectural reading, "to kill with the sword".
11 That is, violators of the sacred mysteries which was regarded as one of the most horrid of crimes.
12 That is, the farthest east, not, as some of the annotators suppose, from the beginning of the world.
13 This is a literal translation of text. If we read genesi for genesim we get: "nor has Venus, etc., compelled them to keep up this custom in the midst of others through the force of genesis". Eusebuis reads: "And assuredly Venus, ect., is not found in the genesis of all of them."
14 The text reads: "the incestuous customs of their their evils, or of their evil persons." Hilgenfeld ( Bardesanes, p. 113) notices that it should be, "of their ancestors."
15 Probably we should read perfusionem instead of perfusione, and then the translation would be: "no star compelling, or even urging on them the shedding of blood". So Whiston translates.
17 [This conclusion of the argument by a reference to the Prophet is much more dignified than the personal boast of miraculous power which, in the Homiles, is placed in the mouth of the Apostle just before the recognition.-R.].;
18 [To chaps. 32-37 a partial parallel is found in Homily XIV. 6-9. The arrangement is guise different, and the details vary.-R.]
19 [Compare the account of the recognition in Homily XIV. 9.-R.]
20 This recapitulation is peculiar to the Recognitions; in Homily XV. 4 the main facts are cited as a proof of divine providence.-R.]
21 Lit. "through pity of humanity."
22 [Comp. Homily IV. 9. The recognition of the mother is represented as occurring first the variations are quite remarkable.-R.]
23 [This chapter is peculiar to the Recognitions; the detailed description of the exorcism is a curious piece of l.iterature.-R.]
1 [In book x. the arrangement, to the close of chap. 51, differs from that of the Homilies. Here Peter proposes a delay. In Homily XV. an account is given of the attempt to convert the father immediately the Apostle arguing with him, and urging the importance of being of the same mind with his family. Then In Homilies XVI.XIX. a second discussion with Simon is given, occurring in the presence of the father of Clement. Here the argument is carried on by Clement (chaps. 7-28), Niceta (chaps. 30-34, 41), Aquila (chaps. 35-38), and concluded by Peter himself (chaps. 42-51). Much of the mythological matter finds a parallel in the discussion with Appion (Homily IV -Vl.), but there is no direct agreement in the two works from this point to chap. 52. Comp. Homily XX. II.-R.]
2 Allusion is made to Socrates and community of wives, as stated in the Repulic of Plato.
3 [Comp. book ix. 15, 17, etc. The question of astrology is much more prominent in the Recognitions; but comp. Homily XIV. 5, and elsewhere.-R.]
4 [The connection of mathematics and astrolog is indicated also in Homily XIV. 3.-R.]
5 [This argument from fuman freedom is the favourite one throughout.-R.]
6 [With this cosmogony (chaps. 17-19, 30-34) compare the discourse of Appion, Homily 3-10.-R ]
7 [Comp. chap. 31 and Homily Vl. 2.-R.]
8 [Comp. Homily V. 12-15 for a parallel to chaps. 20-23.-R]
9 Dionysius appears here and subsequently in the text for Dionysus the Greek god corresponding to the Latin Bacchus. Some of the other names are more or less corrupt forms.
10 [Comp. Homily V. 23, where these details appear in a letter written by Clement as if from a woman; also Homily Vl. 21.-R.]
12 [Comp. chaps. 17-19 and Homily V1 3-10, 12-19.-R.]
13 [Comp. chap. 17 and Homily Vl. 2.-R.]
14 [Comp. Homily Vl. 5. 12.-R.]
15 See his genuine Epistle, vol. i. p. 1, this series. Compare vol. I. pp. 69, 416, with vii. p. 478.
1 [The object of this apocryphal epistle is to account for the alte appearance of the Homilies. It would seem to be the latest portion of the literature.-R.]
2 [This is one of the strongest anti-Pauline insinuations in the entire literature.-R.]
3 Matt. v. 18; comp. Matt. xxiv. 35; Mark xiii. 31; Luke xxii. 33. [This is a fair specimen of the loose method of Scripture citation characteristic of the Clementine literature. Sometimes the meaning is perverted.-R.]
4 [The form of adjuration has some points of resemblance with the baptismal forms given by Hippolytus, as those of the Elkesaites. See Introductory Notices to Recognitions, and comp. Recognitions, i. 45-48.-R.]
5 Unless the reading be corrupt here, I suppose the reference must be to episcopal succession.
6 [Rufinus, in his preface to the Recognitions, makes no allusion to this letter.-R.]
1 More probably "the Lord's brother." So it must have been in the text from which Rufinus translated. [That this means "James the Lord's brother" is quite certain, but it is not necessary to adopt this reading here; comp. Chap. 20 and the opening sentence of the previous epistle. In Recognitions, iii. 74, Clement is represented as writing "my lord James."-R.]
3 The common reading would give "who alone is now long-suffering;" but the change of a letter gives the reading which we have adopted.
4 It is impossible to translate these terms very accurately. I suppose the prwreu/j was rather the "bow-oarsman" in the galley.
5 [Compare with this the remarkable chapter, Recognitions, iii. 75, where a summary is given of previous writings sent to James. The design of this letter is evidently known to Rufinus, was to authenticate the work which follows. The language of Rufinus may fairly imply that this letter, known to be of later origin, was sometimes prefixed to the Recognitions also. This is an evidence of Jewish-Christian origin.-R.]
1 [The first six chapters agree closely with the corresponding passage in the Recognitions.-R.]
2 This rendering is from the text n the corresponding passage of the Epitome de gestis S. Petri.
3 [This clause is represented in the Recognitions as follows: "which took its rise in the regions of the East."-R.]
4 [The narrative here varies from that of the Recognitions; comp. Book i. 7-11.-R.]
5 For e0kplokw=n Wieseler proposes e0kkle/ptwn, "that deceiving by hopes it lays snares," etc.
6 Portus, the port of Rome. One ms. reads po/nton, "the sea."
7 We have here adopted a conjectural reading of Davis. The common text is thus translated: "whose faces I remember, and who as being living images are satisfactory testimonies. These it is left," etc.
8 The Vatican ms. and Epit. Have "the power of speaking well."
9 Lit., "I met each one beforehand secretly." The Latin has, "unicuique praevius occurri."
11 The Paris ms. reads fqo/nou, "envy," instead of fo/nou, "murder."
12 [Here the two accounts become again closely parallel.-R.]
13 The text is corrupt. Dressel's reading is adopted in the text, being based on Rufinus's translation. Some conjecture, "as you will know of your own accord."
14 A conjectural reading, "being without the house," seems preferable.
15 [Comp. Recognitions, i. 16, where the discourse is more fully given.-R.]
16 The text is probably corrupt or defective. As it stands, grammatically Peter writes the discourse and sends it, and yet "by his order" must also apply to Peter. The Recognitions make Clement write the book and send it. The passage is deemed important, and is accordingly discussed in Schliemann, p. 83; Hilgenfeld, p. 37; and Uhlhorn, p. 101. [See Recognitions, i. 17. Both passages, despite the variation, may be urged in support of the existence of an earlier document as the common basis of the Clementine literature.-R.]
17 [Comp. Homily XIII. 4. And Recognitions, i. 19.-R.]
1 [With but two exceptions, these names, or their equivalents, occur in Recognitions, iii. 68, where importance is attached to the number twelve. Comp. Also Recogntions, ii. 1. A Comparison of these lists favors the theory of a common documentary basis.-R.]
2 Literally, "to be boiled out of me."
4 "Were deceived" is not in the text, but the sense demands some such expression should be supplied.
5 filo/logoi, ou0 filo/sofoi, "lovers of words, not lovers of wisdom."
7 Literally, "twofoldly and oppositely." [On the doctrine of pairs compare chap. 33, iii. 23, Recognitions, iii.61.-R.]
9 For "first" Wieseler conjectures "different,"-two different persons.
10 In this sentence the text is probably corrupted. The general meaning seems to be, that he does not enter fully at present into the subject of Elias, or John the Baptist, and the Christ, the greatest among the sons of men, coming after, but that he will return to the subject on a fitting occasion.
11 [Chaps. 19-21 are peculiar to the Homilies, though in Recognitions, vii. 32, Justa is named as having purchased and educated Niceta and Aquila.-R.]
12 For diafo/poij Duncker proposes a0diafo/poij, "meats without distinction."
13 That is, having caused to be a Gentile, by abstaining from forbidden foods.
14 There are several various readings in this sentence, and none of them can be strictly construed; but the general sense is obvious.
15 [For the parallel account of Simon, given also by Aquila, see Recognitions, ii. 7-15.-R.]
16 The Vulgate ms. adds, "which is in Egypt (or, on the Nile), in Greek culture."
17 [Comp. Recognitions, i. 72-R.]
18 A day-baptist is taken to mean "one who baptizes every day."
19 [Called "luna" in Recognitions.-R.]
20 [Peculiar, in this detailed form, to the Homiles.-R.]
21 [Compare the varied account in Recognitions, ii. 8.-R.]
22 We have here an sllusion to the tradition that it was only an image of helen that was taken to Troy, and not the real Helen herself.
23 [With the account of Simon's doings in chaps. 26-32 compare Recognitions, ii 9, 10, 13-15; iii. 47.-R.]
24 Which was used by the ancients as cupping-glasses are now used.
25 The Vatican ms. and Epitome read, "that a shrine and statues should be erected in honour of us."
26 The Latin translates: "as having preferred the oath to the evil action."
27 [Chaps. 32, 34, find a parallel in Recognitions, iii. 59, 60, at the close of the discussion with Simon.-R.]
28 [Comp. Recognitions, i. 21.-R.]
29 [From chap. 27 to iii. 28 the matter is peculiar to the Homilies. The views stated are obviously coloured by the Gnostic Ebionism of the Author.-R.]
30 The Vatican ms. reads; "against the only God."
31 [This view of the Scriptures, as held by Peter, is one of the marked characteristics of the Homilies.-R.]
32 The text has u9po/, "by," which has been altered into u9pe/r. Davis would read sou, "by you."
33 Cotelerius doubts whether this expression means a soul ruling over his body, or a soul disposed to favor monarchical rule. The former explanation seems more probable.
34 Wieseler considers this corrupt, and amends: "if He desires more."
35 The Latin has here, "imperceptus et perceptus;" but Wieseler points out that xwrou/menoj has reference to God's dwelling in the souls of the good, and thus He is contained by them.
36 This is quoted three times in the Homilies as a saying of our Lord, viz., here and in Homily III. Chap. 50, and Homily XVIII. Chap. 20. It is probably taken from one of the apocryphal Gospels. In Homily XVIII. Chap. 20 the meaning is shown to be, that as it is the part of a money-changer to distinguish spurious coins from genuine, so it is part of a Christian to distinguish false statements from true.
37 A corruption of the texts, Matt. xxii. 29, Mark xii. 24.
1 [The first twenty-eight chapters of this homily have no exact parallel in the Recognitiopns; much of the matter is peculiar to this work.-R.]
2 The text manifestly corrupt.
3 Perhaps, rather, "the greatest part."
4 Matt. xxiv. 2, 34; Luke xix. 43, 44.
5 [Here we find another view, suggesting the speculative opinions for which the author desires the indorsement of Peter.-R.]
8 From a conjectural reading by Neander.
9 Matt. xxiii. 37; Luke xiii. 34; Luke xxiii. 34.
12 That is, the present world is female, and is under the rule of the female: the world to come is male, and is under the rule of the male.
13 The allusion is to the fact that John Baptist is called the greatest of those born of woman, while Christ is called the Son of Man.
14 Literally, "Let there be to us two genuine prophecies."
15 [The doctrine of the these chapters is tinged with Gnostic dualism; much of the matter might, according to tradition, have been equally well put in the mouth of Simon.-R.]
16 [Note the fantastic mysticism of this interpretation here given.-R.]
18 [For a general comparison of the discussions with Simon, see Recognitions, ii.. 19. Comp. Homily XVI. 1.-R.]
19 [In Recognitions, ii. 20, this sentence occurs; but the opening discourse of Peter is quite different, far more dignified and consistent with the real character of the Apostle.-R.]
20 Matt. x. 12, etc; Mark. vi. 11, etc.; Luke. x. 5, etc. [Comp. Recognitions, ii. 20, where the exordium is quite different, presenting the righteousness of God.-R.]
21 This is rather a paraphrase than a strict translation.
22 Various reading, "assigned it the sea as a habitation for aquatic animals."
23 Literally, "of their life," according to the idea prevalent of old, that the heavenly bodies were living creatures.
24 [The reply of Simon in the Recognitions is quite different, though the substance of this attack is given in the progress of this discussion; seeRecognitions, ii. 39.-R.]
25 [The Ebionitic tendency appears inthis representation of Simon, as opposing the monotheism of the Old Testament. Comp. Recognitions, ii. 38.-R.]
30 Gen. xxii. 1. [These objections from the anthropomorphism of the Jewish Scriptures re not found in the Recognitions.-R.]
31 The text of this passage in all the editions is meaningless. It becomes clear by change of punctuation.
32 [Comp. ii. 38 and many other passages for this view of the errors of Scripture. The test of truth as here stated is noteworthy. It suggests some modern affintities.-R.]
34 That is, Kibroth-Hattaavah; Num. xi. 32.
36 [It is curious to find the post-exilian theory of the Pentateuch in this place, put in the mouth of the Apostle Peter.-R.]
38 From the amended reading of Davis.
39 [Comp. Homily II. 40. The attitude of Peter, as here represented, disparaging the Old Testament, appearing to exalt the author of Christ's teachings, and yet ignoring the claims of His Person and Work, seeks its justification in rationalistic interpretation. The attitude is not an uncommon one at present.-R.]
40 Matt. xxii. 29. [Misquoted and misapplied here, as in Homily II. 51.-R.]
41 This is frequently quoted as a saying of Christ. It is probably from one of the apocryphal Gospels. [Comp. Homily II. 51.-R.]
50 Matt. xiii. 17; Luke x. 24.
51 Deut. xviii.15-19; Acts iii. 22, vii 37.
52 [A curious confusion of two Gospel narratives, mistaking the significance of both.-R.]
53 Matt. xix. 8; Mark x. 5, 6.
55 Matt. xxii.32; Mark xii. 27; Luke xx. 38.
61 Matt. ix. 13, xii. 7. [Comp. Hos. vi. 6.-R.]
62 Matt. xix. 17; Mark x. 18; Luke xviii. 19.
64 Mark xii. 29. [Comp. Deut. vi. 4.-R.]
65 [The three days' discussion is detailed in Recognitions, ii. 20-iii. 48; the account here is confined to the first day.-R.]
66 [Comp. Recognitions, iii. 73. The historical incidents of the two narratives vary greatly from this point onward.-R.]
69 Probably from an apocryphal Gospel.
70 [Comp. Recognitions, iii. 66. The account here is much fuller.-R.]
73 There seems to be a corruption of the text here, but the general meaning is evident enough.
74 There are several conjectural readings of this sentence. We have not exactly followed anyone of them, but have ventured on a conjecture of our own.
1 [In the Recognitions (iv. 1) mention is made of Clement and others accompanying Peter to Dora, Ptolemais, Tyre, Sidon, and Berytus (Beyrout), but no record is made of any discourses. In Homilies IV-VII, the details of this journey are given, but with variation is some particulars. These Homilies are peculiar, in form, to this work; but much of the matter occurs in the Recognitions, in the final discussion with the father of Clement.-R.]
3 Literally, "partook of salt."
4 This epithet means, "the conqueror of very many." Suidas makes Appion the son of Pleistonices. [Comp. Recognitions, x. 52. It is evident that the writer has in mind Apion, the opponent of the Jews, against whom Josephus wrote his treatise. Compare the statement of Homily V. 2. The entire discussion with Appion, extending over Homilies IV.-VI. is peculiar to this narrative, though much of the argument occurs in the discussion of Clement with his father in Recognitions, x. Appion and Annubion are introduced in Recognitions, x. 52, but not as disputants. The discussion here is constructed with much skill.-R.]
5 We have adopted the emendation of Wieseler, who reads seba/smati for seba/smata. He also proposes e!qei (habit) instead of seba/smati. The readings in the mss. vary.
6 The text here is corrupt. If we adopt Lobeck's emendation of pammiou/swn into pamplousion, the literal translation is, "possessing a property around him continually rich in leaves." [The offer of this man has a partial parallel inRecognitions, viii. 35-38.-R.]
7 [Compare the discussion on Genesis in Homily XIV. 3, etc., but especially the full arguments in Recognitions, viii., ix.-R.]
9 [See Homily V. 11-15, and comp. Recognitions, x. 20.-R.]
10 Wieseler proposes qeiouj instead of qeouj; and he punishes his uncles also , as in vi. 2, 21.
11 This is properly regarded as a mistake for Dione, or Didone, which is another form of the name Dione.
12 Lit. "of those who are superior or better."
13 [Compare the argument against the philosophers, as put in the mouth of the Apostle, in Recognitions, x. 48-50.-R.]
14 The Vatican ms. inserts here, "upturning of houses, magic practices, deceptions, perplexities."
15 [See Homily VI. 1-10. Homily V. contains an account of Clement's previous acquaintance with Appion.-R.]
1 [The historical setting of Homily V.d is peculiar to this narrative; most of the views appear in a different connection in the Recognitions (mainly book x.).-R.]
2 [See Homily IV. 6, footnote..-R.]
3 [The introduction of the letters is an ingenious literary device. Much of the mythological matter is given in Recognitions, x.-R.]
4 We have adopted the punctuation of Wieseler.
5 [Comp. Recognitions, x. 20-23, for a parallel to chaps. 12-15.-R.]
6 I have no doubt that this is the general meaning; but th text is hopelessly corrupt.
7 This from a marginal reading.
8 I suspect it should rather be impellers, reading fero/ntwn for e0rw/twn.
9 [Compare the different use of these details in Recognitions, x. 24; also in Homily kVI. 21.-R.]
1 [Compare in general, with chaps. 2-22, the mythological statements in Recognitions, x. 17-41.-R.]
2 [Compare. Recognitions, x. 17, 31.-R.]
3 The passage seems to be corrupt.
4 The common story about Dionysus is, that he was the unborn son, not of Metis, but of Semele. Wieseler supposes that some words have fallen out, or that the latter part of the sentence is a careless interpolation.
5 [Compare, on "the supper of the gods," chap. 15, and Recognitions, x. 41.-R.]
6 [With this discourse and its cosmogony compare the discourse of Clement and his brothers in Recognitions, x. 17-19, 30-34.-R.]
9 This is the emendation of Davisius. The Greek has e0c a0koustou=; the Latin, "mirum in modum." Wieseler suggests e0cakontisto/n.
10 This is Wieseler's emendation for "received."
11 [Comp. Recognitions, x. 17, 31, 32.-R.]
12 Wieseler corrects to "some such being," etc.; and below, "of him who appeared," etc.; and "he took his seat."
13 The first word of this quotation gives no sense, and has been omitted in the translation. Lobeck suggests "at its prime;" Hermann, "Heracapeian;" Duentzer, "ancient;" and Wieseler, "white."
14 [Comp. Recognitions, x. 32.-R.]
15 The Paris ms. has "very fine."
16 [With chaps. 8-10 compare Recognitions, x. 32, 34.-R.]
17 [Comp. Recognitions, x. 17-19, 29-36, 41, for statements similar to those in chaps. 12-19.-R.]
18 This is Wiesler's conjecture.
19 [Comp. chap. 2, and Recognitions, 40, 41.-R.]
20 The Latin ta,es "moira" in the sense of "district," and trnslates, "these props of the districts of the sky."
21 This is Wieseler's conjecture for reading of the mss.. "contrived."
22 This is Schwegler's restoration of the passage. Davisius proposes, "He is in the bloom of life, at which time if any one desires", etc.
23 [Compare with the arguments here, Recognitions, x. 35-38.-R.]
24 [Comp. v. 23, and Recognitions, x. 24.-R.]
25 [Comp. Recognition, x. 25, where these facts are also used.-R.]
26 [The conclusion of the discussion is noteworthy, not only from the fairness of the argument, but from the skill with which the position of Clement, as a heathen inquirer, is maintained.-R.]
1 [The historical details of this Homily also have not parallel in the Recognitions.-R.]
2 [With this discourse respecting Simon, compare Recognitions, ii. 6-18. But the statements respecting Simon's power and the design of are much stronger than here.-R.]
3 We have adopted Wieseler's emendation. The text may be translated thus: "And after that, among his other wondrous deeds, all the rest (who had not been baptized) sat down," etc.
4 [Compare with this chapter the recently discovered "Teaching" and Apostolic Constitutions, book vii. chap. 1, in Vol. vii. pp. 377, 405.-R.]
5 [Comp. Recognition, iv. 36. The language recalls Acts xv. 20 and I Cor. x. 21.-R.]
1 [For the general parallelism of Homilies VIII.-XI. with Recognitions,iv-vi, see the footnote on Recognitions, iv. 1.. Homilies VIII., IX., contain matter included in the single discourse of Recognitions, book iv.-R.]
2 Lit.: More willing to learn than the others.
3 ["Maro" in Recognitions, iv. The resemblance between that book and this Homily is quite marked.-R.]
4 [Comp. Recognitions, iv. 3.-R.]
5 [With chaps. 4-11 compare the closely resembling passage, Recognitions, iv. 4-11.-R.]
6 Matt. viii. 11; Luke xiii. 29.
9 Matt. xi. 25; [Luke x. 21.-R.]
11 [In Recognitions, iv. 7, the healing is represented as occurring at once.-R.]
12 The general meaning seems to be as given; but text is undoubtedly corrupt, and scarcely intelligible.
13 [Chaps. 12-16 have no parallel in the corresponding discourse in the Recognitions, The doctrine here is peculiar. But compare Recognitions, iv. 26.-R.]
14 [Comp. Recognitions, i. 30. The details here are not only fuller, but apparently represent a more developed speculation.-R.]
15 The text is somewhat obscure; but the following sentence shows this to be the meaning of it.
17 Literally, "the flowers of metals."
18 [Comp. Recognitions, v. 12.-R.]
19 toi=j au0tw=n bwmoi=j prosfqare/ntej kai\ au0tw=n e0kplhrwqe/ntej.
20 [The conclusion of this Homily resembles Recognitions, iv. 34-37, but much of the matter of that book is contained in Homily IX.; see footnotes.-R.]
23 [Comp. Recognitions, iv. 7.-R.]
1 [Much of the matter in this Homiliy is to be found in Recognitions, iv.-R.]
2 [With this and the succeeding chapters compare Recognitions, i. 30, 31, but more particularly iv. 27-31, which furnish a close parallel.-R.]
3 That is, I suppose, the wicked one.
4 I suppose Nimrod, or Zoroaster.
5 [Comp. Recognitions, iv. 13.-R.]
6 [Compare with chapters 8-18 the parallel passage in Recognitions, iv. 14-22. The resemblances are quite close.-R.]
7 The gender is here changed, but the sense shows that the reference is still to the demons. I suppose the author forgot that in the preceding sentences he had written daimonej (masc.) and not daimo/nia (neut.).
9 The meaning is: "the idols or images of the heathen deities are not living, but the demons adopt the forms of these images when they appear to men in dreams."
10 [With chaps. 19-21 compae Recognitions, iv. 32, 35, which closely resemble them.-R.]
11 I prefer here the common text to any of the proposted emendations, and suppose that the author represents Caesar, though but one man, as the image or personification of the whole empire.
12 [Comp. Recognitions, iv. 7.-R.]
1 [Book v. of the Recognitions, assigned to the second day at Tripolis, contains most of the matter in this Homily, but has many passages without a parallel here.-R.]
2 Matt. iv. 10; [Luke iv. 8; Deut. vi. 13.-R.].
3 [Recognitions, v. 14, is parallel to this chapter, and the resemblance is close throughout some of the succeeding chapters.-R.]
4 [This, with the corresponding passage in Recognitions, v. 15, points to an early origin of the literature, under the heathen emperors.-R.]
5 [Comp. Recognitions, ii. 45, and especially the full discussion about the serpent in Recognitions, v. 17-26.-R.]
1 [With chaps. 2, 3, the corresponding chapters in Recognitions, vi., agree. The parallel is resumed in chap. 19.-R.]
2 [Most of the matter in chaps. 4-18 is found in Recognitions, v. 23-36.-R.]
3 [Comp. Recognitions, iii. 21, etc. In that work the freedom of the will, as necessary to goodness, is more frequently affirmed.-R.]
4 We have adopted the reading of Codex O. The reading in the others is corrupt.
6 [At this point the first discourse in the Recognitions (v. 36) ends; the following chapters (19-33) agrees with the discourse in Recognitions, vi. 4-14.-R.]
10 [Comp. Recognitions, ix. 7.-R.]
11 Matt. xii. 42; [Luke xi. 31.-R.].
12 [Matt. xii. 41]: Luke xi. 32. [The order of the two citations suggests that they were taken from Luke.-R.].
13 [Comp. Homily IV. 12 and the full discussion in XIV. 3-11. In the Recognitions there is no reference to "genesis" before book viii. 2, etc., which is parallel with the passage just referred to.-R.]
14 A conjectural reading, which seems probable, is, Unless he come to you with credentials, viz., from James. [The whole charge is peculiar to the Homilies.-R.].
15 Literally, "having broken."
1 [On the correspondence of Homilies XII., XIII., with Recognitions, vii., see note on vii. 1. Chaps. 1-24 here agree quite closely, even in the divisions of chapters, with Recognitions, vii. 1-24.-R.]
3 Here the text is hopelessly corrupt, and the meaning can only be guessed at.
4 I have ventured to make a very slight change on the readnig here, so as to bring out what I suppose to be the sense.
5 A negative particle seems to be dropped from the text.
6 [The family names as given in the Recognitions are: Matthidia; Faustinianus (the father): Faustinus and Faustus, the twin sons.-Comp. Recognitions, viii. 8, and passim.-R.]
7 [Comp. Recognitions, vii. 23, where the translator prints the word in italics.-R.]
8 [The remainder of this Homily has no parallel in the Recognitions. The views presented are peculiar, and indicate a speculative tendency, less marked in the Recognitions.-R.]
9 The word repeatedly rendered knowledge and once omniscience in this passage, properly signifies foreknowledge. The argument shows clearly that it means omniscience, of which foreknowledge is the most signal manifestation.
10 An incorrect quotation from Mat. xviii. 7; Luke xvii. 1.
11 This from a various reading.
12 That is, I suppose, who render good for evil.
13 See Luke xii. 6, 7; [Matt. x. 29, 30.-R.].
1 [Comp. Recognitions, vii. 25. Here the narrative is somewhat fuller in deatil.-R.]
2 Cotelerius conjectured sfage/nta for sfale/nta-"being slain on our journey."
3 The first Epitome explains "those whom we seek" as those who are worthy to share ni Christ or in Christ's Gospel.
4 [In Recognitions, vii. 26, 27, the recapitulation is more extended.-R.]
5 The text is somewhat doubtful. We have given the meaning contained in the first Epitone.
7 One MS. and the first Epitome read, "as being the greatest blessing."
9 The Greek has, "apart from divine piety towards God." As Wieseler remarks, the epithet "divine" is corrupt. The meaning may be, "without having known the proper mode of worshipping God."
10 This clause, literally translated, is, "and sometimes impelling it with oars, they brought us along the land; and sometimes sending for provisions, they conveyed us to Caesarea Stratonis." The Latin translator trenders "to land," not "along the land." The passage assumes a different form in the Recognitions, the first Epitome, and the second Epitome; and there is, no doubt, some corruption in the text. The text has dakru/ontaj, which makes no sense. We have adopted the rendering given in the Recognitions. Various attempts have been made to amend the word.
11 [Comp. Recognitions, viii. 7, where the studies of the brothers are more fully indicated, as a preface to the discussions in which they appear as disputants.-R.]
12 Lit., "that we may be able to partake of common salt and table."
14 e0pi tw=| bapti/smati; lit., "on the condition of baptism."
15 Lit., "the law which is by means of us." But the Epitomus, and a various reading in Cotelerius, give "our law."
16 Lit., "since your mother is faithfully disposed in regard to baptism."
17 The second Epitome makes her the wife of Peter: a various reading mentions also her hostess.
18 Dressel strangely prefers the reading "Faustinus."
19 Lit., "doing what was becoming to the truth."
20 [This detailed discourse is peculiar to the Homilies. In Recognitions, vii. 37, 38, there is, however, a briefer statement on the same topic.-R.]
22 The Greek is au0toi|j swfronou=si. The Latin translator and Lehmann (Die Clementinischen Schriften, Gotha, 1869) render, "to those who are chaste, i.e., love or practice chastity," as if the reading were toi=j swfronou=si.
24 ko/smw|-properly ornaments; but here a peculiar meaning is evidently required.
25 Lit., "as being chained with gold."
27 "In her unseen choice" means, in what course of conduct she really prefers in her heart. This reading occurs in one MS.; in the other MS. it is corrupt. Schwegler amended it into, How shall she be chaste towards him who does not see what is invisible?" and the emendation is adopted by Dressel.
28 There seems to be some corruption in this clause. Literally, it is, "and you will not scruple, if you love, I mean, to become a father."
30 u9popteu/ei. The Latin translator and Lehmann render "Respects" or "reveres."
31 [Something similar to chaps. 20, 21, occurs in Recognitions, vii. 38, addressed to the sons of Mattidia after her baptism. But this is so much fuller.-R.]
32 We have adopted an emendation of Wieseler's. The emendation is questionable; but the sense is the best that can be got out of the words.
1 Lit., "tranquil and clean." [The baptism is narrated in Recognitions, vii. 38.-R.]
2 We have adopted an emendation of Schwegler's. The MSS. read either "these" or "the same" for "the rest of."
3 The words "for the Eucharist" might be translated "after thanksgiving." But it is much the same which, for the Eucharist, is plainly meant. The Epitomes have it: "taking the bread, giving thanks, blessing, and consecrating it, he gave it; " but no mention is made of salt. [The details here are more specific than in Recognitions, vii. 38. [The mention of "salt" is peculiar. Compare "the salt" named as one of the "seven witnesses" in the baptismal form of the Elkesaites, Hippolytus, Ante-Nicene Fathers, v. pp. 132, 133.-R.]
4 [For the extensive variations in the plan of the two narratives from this point to the end, see footnote on Recognitions, viii. 1. In the Recognitions the family of Clement are brought into greater prominence as disputants; in the homilies Simon Magus, and Peter's discourses against him, are the main features; both, however, preserve the dramatic element of the re-united family, though the details are given differently in the two narratives.-R.]
5 [The old man is introduced at once in Recognitions, viii. 1, and the subsequent discussion takes place in the presence of Clement and many others.-R.]
6 We have adopted an emendation of Wieseler's. The text has, "at the time that you went away."
7 Wieseler thinks that the reading should be: "I did not reture."
8 Genesis is destiny determined by the stars which rule at each man's birth. [Comp. iv. 12. In Recognitions, viii. 2, the long discussion with the old man begins in the same way.-R.]
9 ma/qhma, mathematical science specially, which was closely connected with astrology. [Comp. Recognitions, x. 11-12.-R.]
10 Lit., "thinking you consel what is contrary to yourself."
11 The argument here is obscure. Probably what is intended is as follows: Genesis means origination, coming into being. Oridination cannot be the ruling power, for there must be something unoriginated which has given rise to the origination. The origination, therefore, as not being first, cannoy have sway, and it must itself be subject to that which is unoriginated.
12 [On the error of astrology compare the full discussion in Recognitions, ix. 12, x. 7-12.-R.]
13 We have adopted the reading given in the two Epitomes.
15 [This method of proof, by appeal to the supernatural power of the Apostle, is peculiar to the Homilies. In the Recognitions, ix. 30, an argument is made by Clement, who appeals to the power of the true Prophet.-R.]
16 That is, the power of origination.
17 [With chaps. 6-9, there is a general correspondence in Recognitions, ix. 32-37. The arrangement is quite different. The old man's representation, that the story he tells is that of a friend, is peculiar to the Homilies.-R.]
18 One MS. adds "greatly," and an Epitome "great things."
19 That is, the position of the stars at her birth.
20 We have inserted w9j from the Epitomes.
22 Lit., "you died by a judgment;" but it is thought that kri/sei is corrupt.
23 [In the Recognitions the old man is not recognised until long discussions have been held; see book ix. 35, 37. Hints of the relationship are, however, given in advance.-R.]
24 Lit., "Having judged the greatest things in regard to those who were loved by me, as having died." The text is doubtful; for the first Epitome has something quite different.
25 [Comp. Homily IV. 6. Annubion and Appion are not introduced in the Recognitions until book x. 52.-R.]
26 Here MSS. and Epitomes differ in their readings. The text adopted seems a combination of two ideas: "that you may listen and refute them, and that I may thus learn the truth."
27 We have adopted the reading of Codex I, pa/ntwj. The other MS. reads, "that all cannoy know all things accurately."
28 The MSS. read a!pexe, "hold back." The reading of the text is in an Epitome.
29 Lit., "when artist has had discussion with fellow-artist."
1 [In Recognitions, x. 1, after the father becomes known, the Apostle is represented as proposing delay in the attempt to convert him.-R.]
3 We have inserted a dei=, probably omitted on account of the previous de/.
4 The words are peculiar. Lit., "eternal punishment awaits you thinking other things, through denial of the fixed dogma" (r9htou= do/gmatoj). The Latin translator gives: "obn veri dogmatis negationem."
7 [The recapitulation of Peter in Recognitions, ix. 26, is in explanation to the sons, and not for a doctrinal purpose.-R.]
8 We have adopted a reading suggested by the second Epitome.
9 The word a0pasi/ai is corrupt. We have adopted the emendation pra=sij. The word is not given in the MS. O, nor in the Epitomes.
10 u9po/ qerapei/aj, which Cotelerius translates recuperata sanitate.
11 Lit., "convinced of the Godhead." "Godhead" is omitted in the Epitomes.
12 [Compare the fuller statement in Recognitions, viii. 61; also Recognitions, x. 48-51.-R.]
13 Or "love of man" in all its phases-kindliness, gentleness, humanity, etc.
15 Matt. v. 39-41; Luke vi. 29. The writer of the Homilies changes the word xitw=na, "tunic," of the New Testamant into mafo/rion, which Suicer describes "a covering for the head, neck, and shoulders, used by women." Wieseler is in doubt whether the writer of the Homilies uses mafo/rion as equivalent to xitw=na, or whether he intentionally changed the word, for the person who lost both cloak and tunic would be naked altogether; and this, the writer may have imagined, Christ would not have commanded.
16 [The larger part of the discussion in chaps. 5-11 is peculiar to the Homilies. There is little matter in it found in the longer arguments of Recognitions.-R.]
18 The following words would be more appropriately put in the mouth of the father, as is done in fact by the Epitomes. Peter's address would commence, "And the parable is." The Epitomes differ much from each other and the text, and there seems to be confusion in the text.
19 This sentence would be more appropriate in the explanation of the parable.
20 The Greek leaves it uncertain whether it is two persons or two things,-whether it is a good being and an evil being, or good and evil. Afterwards, a good being and an evil are distinctly introduced.
21 The word a9i>\/dioj, properly and strictly "eternal," is used.
23 We have adopted an obvious emendation, pa/nta for panto/j.
24 We have translated Schwegler's emendation. He inserted e0n.
26 One MS. inserts before the sentence: "For if in all of us possessions are wont to occasion sins in those who have them."
27 We have adopted Wieseler's emendation of ta/ into kai/.
28 We have changed ei0 into h!.
29 Matt. v. 3. The Epitomes run thus: "Our Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of the living God, said." And then they quote the words of our Gospel.
1 [Homilies XVI.-XIX., giving the details of a second discussion with Simon at Laodicea, are peculiar to this narrative. Much of the matter finds a parallel in the longer account of the previous discussion at Caesarea in Recognitions, ii. iii. (comp. Homily III.), but all the circumstances are different. Uhlhorn formerly regarded this portion of the Homilies as the nucleus of the entire literature. He has modified his view. An analysis of the discussion cannot be attempted; but in the footnote to Recognitions, ii. 19, a general comparison is given of the three accounts of discussions with Simon Magus.-R.]
2 The word properly signifies the "sole government or monarchy of God." It means that God alone is ruler.
4 tw=n para/ 'Ioudai/oij dhmosi/a| pepisteume/nwn bi/blwn. The literal translation, given in the text, means that the Jews as a community believed in these books as speaking the truth. Cotelerius translates: "the books which were publically entrusted to the Jews." One MS. reads, pepistwmenwn, which might mean, "deemed trustworthy among the Jews."
6 One MS. and an Epitome have: "And you must address your arguments to another who acts as judge."
7 The words translated "error," yeu=sma, and "to be in the right," a0leqeu/ein, are, properly rendered, "falsehood," and "to speak the truth."
8 The MSS. read: "not otherwise." The reading of the text is found in an Epitome.
9 paradei/sw|, "paradise." Gen. ii. 16, 17.
10 a0nable/yai. It signifies either to look up, or to recover one's sight. Possibly the second meaning is the one intended here, corresponding to the words of our version: "Then your eyes shall be opened."
22 [Comp. Recognitions, ii. 39.-R.]
27 Isa. xlix. 18, xlv. 21, xliv. 6.
32 Ex. xxii. 28. The MSS. omit qeou/j, though they insert it in the passage as quoted a little before this. One MS. reads "the ruler" with our version.
37 [This statement of the subjective method of interpretation is in curious harmony with the prevalent theory of this work respecting the mixture of error and truth in the Scriptures.-R.]
40 Probably tolmh/mati should be changed into o0rmh/mati, or some such word: making known that an act of injustice has been committed by taking its departure.
41 This might possibly be translated, "let him leave him who exists to him who exists;" i.e., let him leave the real God to man, who really exists.
42 Wieseler proposes, "for he exists to no one."
44 This is the only passage in the Homilies relating to the sofi/a. The text is in some parts corrupt. It is critically discussed by Uhlhorn, some of whose emendations are adopted by Dressel and translated here.
46 [On the theory of the Scriptures which is here set forth, compaer ii. 38, etc., iii. 42, etc.-R.]
48 The change from the singular to the plural is in the Greek.
49 Lit., "But it had been said that he who tried, tried." The idea seems to be, Before the removal to Babylon true prophets tested the people by urging them to worship these gods; but after that event false prophets arose who realy wished to seduce the Jews from the worship of the true God.
50 Lit., "nor can we be made to stumble from the Scriptures nor by any one or anything else."
52 Lit., "whom obeying:" the "whom" might refer to God.
53 [Here we encounter marked evidence of Ebionism. Compare with these chapters the letter of Rufinus prefixed to the Recognitions.-R.]
54 The word ge/nesij, "arising, coming into being," is here used, not ge/nnesij, "begetting." The idea fully expressed it: "Is not that which is begotten identical in essence with that which begets it?"
55 We have inserted ei0. The passage is amended in various ways; this seems to be the simplets.
56 [The very ancient variant in John i. 18, "God only begotten," indicates the distinction between the Unbegotten God and the Son. Even the Arians use the phrase, "Only-begotten God."-R.]
58 We have adopted an emendation here. The text has: "Even thus the incomparable is one."
59 Wieseler proposes to join this clause with the following: "And in point of choice the name which."
60 Lit., "of that one, of Him." [The chapter is peculiar to the Homilies; comp. xvii. 7, 8.-R.]
61 One ms. reads, "was not restrained."
62 We have inserted a!n, and suppose the sentence to be ironical. The meaning might be the same without a!n. The text of Dressel is as follows; "For is not He who then punished the sins God, Creator of heaven and earth; since even now, being blasphemed in the highest degree, He punished it in the highest degree?"
63 Cotelerius translates: "to His enemies."
65 A distinction has to be made between the Creator, or maker out of nothing, and the framer, or fashioner, or Demiurge, who puts the matter into shape.
66 Lit., "the word against God for the trial of men."
1 The text has: "against Peter."
2 [Comp. Recognitions, iii. 12, for a similar accusation made by Simon, at the beginning of the second day's discussion.-R.]
5 [These chapters are peculiar to the Homilies.-R.]
7 The Gnostic distinction between the God who is just and the God who is good, is here insisted on.
8 Matt. xi. 27; [Luke x. 22. Comp. Recognitions, ii. 47.-R.]
12 Matt. xi. 25; [Luke x. 21.]
13 [Comp. xviii. 1, etc.; also Recognitions, iii. 37, 38.-R.]
14 The MSS. read e0ne/rgeian, "activity." Clericus amended it into e0na/rgeian, which means, vision or sight in lpain open day with one's own eyes, in opposition to the other word o0ptasi/a, vision in sleep, or ecstasy, or some similar unusual state.
15 Lit. "to a greater extent."
18 [Comp. xvi. 19. The theosophical views here presented are peculiar to the Homilies, though some traces of them appear in the Recognitions.-R.]
20 The whole of this chapter is full of corruption: "twice"occurs in one MS. Various attempts have been made to amend the passage.
22 The text is corrupt. We have translated e0p'a0pei/rouj trei=j. Some think "three" should be omitted. The three infinated are in respect of heigth, depth, and breadth.
23 As punctuated in Dressel, this reads, "that the infinate is the heart."
24 The emendation of the transcriber of one of the MSS.
25 This refers to the following mode of exhibiting the number: where each side presents the number three.
26 The creation of the world in six days.
27 The seventh day on which God rested, the type of the rest of the future age. See Epistle of Barnabas, c. xv.
28 The words in italics are inserted by conjecture. "Sometimes incomprehensible, sometimes illimitable," occur only in one MS.
29 We have adopted Wieseler's suggestions.
30 This word is justly suspected. The passage is in other respects corrupt.
31 The word "slight" is not used in reference to the character of the faith, but to indicate that the act of faith is a small act compaed with the results that flow from it.
32 We have adopted an emendation of a passage which is plainly corrupt.
33 Doctrines and deeds; lit., the things of your teacher.
34 The MSS. have here e0nergei/a|, "activity." This has been amended into e0nargeia|, "with plainness, with distinctness." 'Ena/rgeia is used throughout in opposition to o0ptasi/a, o#rama, and e0nu/pnion, and means the act of seeing and hearing by our own senses in plain daylight, when to doubt the fact observed is to doubt the senses; o0ptasi/a is apparition or vision in ecstasy, or some extraordinary way but that of sleep; o#rama and e0nu/pnion are restricted to visions in sleep. The lsat term implies this. The first means simply "A thing seen."
35 [Comp. Recognitions, ii. 50, 51, 61-65. The emphasis laid upon supernatural visions in the remainder of the Homily has been supposed to convey an insinuation against the revelations to the Apostle Paul.-R.]
36 Probably it should be a0pekli/nw instead of a0pekri/nw, "you turned aside to another."
37 The words in italics are inserted conjectuarally, to fill up a lacuna in the best MS.
38 e0nargw=j, "with reference to things palpable to our senses."
39 We have translated a bold conjecture. The text has, "The juts not in like manner," without any verb, which Schwegler amended: "To the jus tthis power does not belong in like manner."
44 Lit., of the whole length of the age.
46 We have amended this passage. The text applies the words "natural or innate and pure" to the mind.
49 This word is not in the text. Schliemann proposed the word "heart." Possibly "breath" or "spirit" may be the lost word. See above.
50 "By" should properly be "from."
51 Lit., "who produces according to the merit of easch one knowing." Cotelerius translated, "who, knowing the merit of each man, does to him according to it." The idea seems to be, that God uncovers the truth hidden in the soul to each man according to his deserts.
52 Num. xii. 6, 7; Ex. xxxiii. 11.
54 We have adopted an emendation of Schwegler's. The text reads, "in good repute." [The word "condemned" is supposed to be borrowed from the account of the contest at Antioch in Gal. ii. 11, where it is applied to the Apostle Peter. This passage has therefore been regarded as a covert attack upon the Apostle Paul.-R.]
55 This passage is corrupt in the text. Dressel reads, "that activity is more distincy than apparition." By activity would be meant, "acting while one is awake, and in full possession of his sense;" and thus the meaning would be neraly the same as in our translation.
2 [Comp. xvii. 5, and Recognitions, iii. 37, 38.-R.]
3 There is a lacuna in one of the MSS. here, which is supplied in various ways. We have inserted the word "goods."
4 This translation is doubtful. More correctly it would be, "by gratifying different people," which does not make sense. Wieseler proposes, "by gratifying in differen ways."
5 The text seems corrupt here. Literally it is, "from Moses to the present times, as has been written, He is just also."
6 Luke xviii. 18, ff.; Matt. xix. 16, ff.
7 Matt. xi. 27; [Luke x. 22. Comp. Homily XVII. 4; Recognitions, ii. 47, 48. The discussion here is much fuller.-R.].
9 The words in italics are inserted to fill up a lacuna which occurs here in the Vatican MS.
11 [The remainder of the Homily is without a close parallel in the Recognitious.-R.]
13 This passage is deemed corrupt by commentators. We have made no change in the reading of the MSS., except that of nenikhme/nhn into nenikhme/noj, and perhaps even this is unnecessary. The las tsentence means: "A man may overcome the weakness of his adversary: but he does not therefore strip him of the truh, which he possesses even when he is conquered." The Latin translation of Cotelerius, with some emendations from later editors, yields this: "But they say that I, a magician, am not merely conquered by Peter, but reduced to straits by reasoning, has he the truth which is in him conquered. For the weakness of the defender is not the truth of the conqueror."
15 The text is corrupt. various emendations have been proposed, none of which are satisfactory. Uhlhorn proposes, "That there is a standing one, one who will tsand. You who are opposed, leran how you disbelieve, and that this subject which you say is the power unrevealed is full of ignorance. P. 328, note 1.
16 The text is corrupt. We have placed dia/ to/ after ei0de/nai.
17 Another reading is: "Were not those deemed better wrothy than any one else to know Him?"
18 Matt. xi. 25; [Luke x. 21; comp. Recognitions, iv. 5].
19 The passage does not occur in Isaiah, but in Ps. lxxviii. 2. The words are quoted not from the LXX., but from the Gospel of Matthew (xiii. 35), where in some MSS. they are attributed to Isaiah. See Uhlhorn, p. 119.
20 The words in italics are omitted in the MSS.; but the context leaves no doubt that they were once in the text.
22 Matt. vii. 2; [Luke vi. 38].
27 Luke xviii. 18, ff.; Matt. xix. 16, ff.
29 Cotelerius' MS. inserts "the Creator" (Demiurge).
30 We have adopted the Latin translation here, as giving the meaning which was intended by the writer: but the Greek will scarcely admit of such a translation. Probably the text is corrupt, or something is omited. The literal translation is, "in consequence of the unjudging supposition on account of the gododness."
32 "Incomparably wicked, more wicked than;" literally, "incomparably wicked as."
33 The Greek has o0moi/wj, "in like manner." We have translated o!mwj.
1 This passage is corrupt. Wieseler has proposed to amend it by bold transposition of the clauses. We make one slight alteration in the text.
2 [Compae with this discussion respecting the origin of the evil one, Recognitions, ix. 55, 56; x. 3, etc. In Recognitions, iii. 15-23, the existence of evil is discussed.-R.]
7 This passage is not found in the New Testament. It resembles Eph. iv. 27.
11 [Comp. Homily XX. 8, 9.-R.]
12 This passage is probably corrupt. We have adopted the readings of Cotelerius-h!, h@ instead of ei0 and mh/.
14 The words genhto/j and a0genhtojare difficult to translate. The first means one who has somehow or other come into being; the second, one who has never come into being; but has always been. The MSS. confound genhto/j with hennhto/j, begotten, and a0ge/nhtoj with a0ge/nnhtoj, un begotten.
15 We have changed ei0 into h@.
16 By "Him" is understood God, though it may mean the devil.
17 Lit., "his usefulness was most necessary of all."
18 This sentence is obscure in the original. We have, with Wiseler, read e0pei/, omiting a0rxh=. Instead of supplying mh/, we have turned suggnw=naiinto the participle.
19 We have adopted the pointing of Wieseler.
21 We have altered the punctuation. Editors connect this clause with the previous sentence, and change h!of the MS. into ei0.
22 This sentence is regarded as corrupt by Wieseler. We have retained the reading of the Paris MS., o0, and understand lamba/netai after it. De/ would naturally be inserted after tau/th|, but it is not necessary. Kaqarqeisw=n is translated in the Latin purgatis, which may mean the same as in our translation if we take it in the sense of "washed away:" but kaqaireqeisw=n would be a better reading. The translation of Cotelerius gives, "Since this is reasonably assumed with firmness,-namely, that it is right to give to God," etc.
23 The text here is evidently corrupt in many places. If the reading "by him" is to be retained, we must suppose, with Wieseler, that "by God" is omitted in the previous clause. Probably it should be, "by himself."
24 "And bad" is not in the MSS., but is required by the context.
25 The text is corrupt here. Literally it is, "I do not admit that God had been begotten."
26 "Evil" is not in the MSS. It is inserted from the next sentence.
27 "Every" is inserted by a conjecture of Schwegler's.
28 Lit., "naturally had their desire towards neither."
29 The MSS. have "by law." We have changed no/mw| into mo/non.
30 The devil is plainly meant by the "he."
31 This passage is evidently corrupt. But it is not easy to amend it.
32 Probably "eternity" should be read, instead of "eternal creation."
33 At this word the MS. of Cotelerius breaks off; and weh ave the rest only in the Ottobonian MS., first edited by Dressel.
34 Matt. xxvii. 51, viii. 24-26.
36 Possibly the right reading is e0myu/xouj, "it produces living beings."
38 [Comp. xi. 8; Recognitions, iii. 21, 26, etc.-R.]
40 The MS. reads: "In this respect he who made him is wicked, who gave existence to what was non-existent."
41 The Greek is either ungrammitical or corrupt, but the sense is evident.
42 This passage is supposed by most to be defective, and various words have been suggested to supply the lacuna.
43 Or, "monarch." But only two letters of the word are in the MS.; the rest is filled in by conjecture.
45 Three words are struck out of the text of the MS. by all editors, as being a repetition.
46 The editors punctuate differently, thus: "And knowing beforehand that he was becoming not good, He would not have allowed him, unless He knew that he would be useful to Himself." We suppose the reference in the text to be to Gen. i. 31.
47 Or, "self-subsistence." We have supposed a transposition of the words in the text. The text is without doubt corrupt.
48 We have adopted an emendation of Lagarde's.
49 Dressel translates viriliter, "manfully."
50 This word is supplied by conjecture.
51 This passage is hopelessly corrupt. We have changed dikai/wj into dikaioij, the verb, and to/n prodiwrisme/non into tou= prodiw2risme/nou.
52 We have adopted Wieseler's emendation of a!dikon into a0dikei=n.
53 This is a conjectural filling up of a blank.
54 This is partly conjecture, to fill up a blank.
55 The text is likely corrupt.
56 Uhlhorn changed ou[n e0no/j into ou0deno/j. We have changed kai/ tri/ten into kai\ to/te th/n. Various emendations have been proposed.
57 Mark iv. 34. [More probably, Matt. xiii. 11.-R.]
58 We have adopted an emendation of Wieseler's.
59 The words in italics supplied by conjecture.
60 The words in italics supplied by conjecture.
61 This last sentence has two blanks, which are filled up by conjectures: and oen emendation has been adopted.
62 [With chaps. 21, 22, compre Homily XX. 4.-R.]
63 We have adopted an emendation of Lagarde's.
65 Lit., "new moons that are according to the moon." Gal. iv. 10.
66 "At times when" is supplied by conjecture.
67 We have followed an emendation of Wieseler's.
68 John ix. 2, 3. [This clear instance of citation from the Gospel of John is found in that portion of the text recovered by Dressel. It is of importance, since writers of the Tiibingen school previously denied that this author uses the fourth Gospel.-R.]
69 We have adopted an obvious emendation of Wieseler's.
70 [Comp. Recognitions, iii. 40, 41.-R.]
71 An amendation of Wieseler's.
72 The whole of this sentence is corrupt. We have adopted the conjectures of Wieseler, though they are not entirely satisfactory.
73 Possibly something is corrupt here. The words may be translated: "Is it not plain that I know how to judge correctly?"
74 The MS. has, "do not cease." We have omitted mh\, and changed pau/sh| into pau/sei. We have inserted the me/ after h!, changed into ei0 before ai0dei=sqai.
75 We have adopted an emendation of Wieseler's.
76 An emendation of Wieseler's.
1 [Chaps. 1-10 are also peculiar to the Homilies, though there are incidental resemblances to passages in the Recognitions, particularly in the presentation of free-will.-R.]
2 "Not" is supplied by conjecture.
3 A doubtful emendation of Wieseler's for the senseless tritogene/j. Possibly it may be for protogene/j, original, and is underived.
4 An obvious correct of the MS. is adopted.
5 We have changed au0toj into a0gaqoj.
6 [With these views compare the doctrine of pairs, as repeatedly set forth; Homily II. 33, 34; Recognitions, iii. 59, 60, etc.-R.]
7 "One" is supplied by Dressel's conjecture.
8 The words in italics are supplied by Dressel's conjecture.
10 We have adopted an obvious emendation of Wieseler's.
11 We have changed ou!shj into ou0 th=j.
12 We have given a meaning to metasugkriqei/j not found in dictionaries, but warranted by etymology, and demanded by the sense.
13 Part of this is supplied by Dressel's conjecture.
14 There is a lacuna, which has been filled up in various ways. We have supposed h0m to be h0 m., possibly mhte/rwn h!. Wieseler supposes "immature boys."
15 Dressel translates, "drawing judgment on himself."
16 An emendation of Wieseler's.
17 An emendation of Wieseler's.
19 We have changed toiou=ton into toiau/thn.
25 One word of this is supplied conjecturally by Dressel.
26 Gen. vi. 2. [Comp. Ps. civ. 4.]
27 Part of this is conjectural.
30 We have adopted Wieseler's emendation of me/ into me/n.
31 This passage is corrupt. We have changed o#ti into o#, ti, and supplied tre/pei.
32 Dressel remarks that this cannoy be the true reading. Some other name mentioned in Hom. II. c. 1 must be substituted here or in c. 4.
33 This passage is corrupt. We have adopted Wieseler's emendations for the most part.
34 We have read th=j with Wieseler for tij.
35 Wieseler translates "accidentally."
36 We have changed ou0x w9j e!xon into ou!twj e!xein.
38 We have adopted an emendation of Wieseler's.
40 We have changed a0gaqo/j into a0gaqoi=j.
41 An emendation of Wiseler's.
43 [Chaps. 11-22 are almost identical with Recognitions, x. 52-64. But the conclusion of that narrative is fuller, giving prominence to be the re-united family; comp. also chap. 23 here.-R.]
44 There are some blanks here, supplied from the Epitome.
45 Supplied from Epitome. The passage in Epitome Second renders it likely that the sentence ran: "But Simon, while doing many miracles publicly in Antioch, did nothing else by his discourses than excite hatred amongst them against you, and by calling you," etc.
46 This passage is amended principally according to Wieseler and the Recognitions.
47 An emendation of Wieseler's.
49 Part of this is supplied from the Recognitions.
50 Inserted from the Recognitions.
51 These words are taken from the Recognitions.
52 An emendation of Dressel's.
53 Supplied by Dressel from the Recognitions.
54 An emendation of Wieseler's.
55 Ms. reads "empty." Wieseler proposed "new" or "assumed."
56 An emendation of Wieseler's. The parts in italics are supplied by conjecture.
57 We should have expected "standing near" or something similar, as Weiseler remarks; but the Latin of the Recognitions agrees with the Greek in having the simple "standing."
58 Amended according to Epitome.
59 Partly filled up from Epitome and Recognitions.
61 We have changed ei\de into ei\ke, and added kai\ ei\pe, according to the Recognitions.
62 One word, tu/xhj, is superfluous.
63 Supplied from the Recognitions.
64 We read e0pithdeio/tata, in harmony with the Recognitions.
65 Part in italics supplied from Recognitions.
66 The Greek is probably corrupt here; but there can scarcely be a doubt about the meaning.
67 This is supplied purely by conjecture.
68 Supplied from the Recognitions.
69 This part is restored by means of the Recognitions.
70 [The narrative in the Recognitions (x. 65) is the same up to this point. But, instead of this somewhat abrupt conclusion of this chapter, we find there several chapters (from the close of chap. 65 to the end, chap. 72), which round out the story: the confession of the father in his metamorphosis, his restoration, the Apostle's entry into Antioch, his miracles there, with the happy re-union of the entire family of Clement as believers. It should be added, as indicating the close relation of the two narratives, that the closing sentence of the Homilies is found, with slight variations, in Recognitions, x. 18.-R.]
2 In most cases the vocabulary of the books furnishes positive evidence of the late origin. A great number of terms can be traced to a particular period of ecclesiastical development, while the dogmatic tendencies which point to a given (And comparatively late) period of controversy are frequent and obvious.
1 [James the Lord's brother, in the earlieest Christian literature, is not identified with James the son of Alphaeus, one of the twelve. On the titles, see footnote on first page of text.-R.]
2 [The numbers here correspond with those of Tischendorf in his prolegomena. In his table of contents, however, he gives a separate number to the letter of Pilate, which closes XIII. Hence the enumeration differs from that point.-R.]
3 [For a full list of fragments and titles of other Apocryphal Gospels, see Schaff-Herzog, i. p. 106. Twenty-nine are given, but in some cases the same work probably appears under two titles.-R.]
4 [That is, this is the tradition. Of such Hebrew original there is no trace.-R.]
1 [This title is taken by Tischendorf from a menuscript of the eleventh ecntury (Paris). At least seventeen other forms exist. The book is variously named by ancient writers. In the decree of Gelasius (a.d. 495) he condemns it as Evangelium nomine Facobi minoris apocryphum. The text of Tischendorf, here translated, is somewhat less diffuse than that of Fabricius, and is based on manuscript evidence. The variations are verbal and formal rather than material.-R.]
3 The readings vary, and the sense is doubtful. Thilo thinks that the sense is: What I offer over and above what the law requires is for the benefit of the whole people; but the offering I make for my own forgiveness (According to the law's requirements) shall be to the Lord, that He may be rendered merciful to me.
4 The Church of Rome appoints March 20 as the Feast of St. Joachim. His liberality is commemorated in prayers, and the lessons to be read are Wisd. xxxi. and Matt. i.
5 1 Sam. i. 6, 7; Hos. ix. 14.
6 Another reading is: In his last days.
7 Another reading is: Into the hill-country.
8 Moses: Ex. xxiv. 18, xxxiv. 28; Deut. ix. 9. Elijah: 1 Kings xix. 8. Christ: Matt. iv. 2.
9 The 26th day of July is the Feast of St. Anna in the Church of Rome.
10 Other forms of the name or Juth, Juthin.
11 Some MSS. have: For I am they maid-servant, and thou has a regal appearance.
12 Several MSS. insert: Thou hast not listened to my voice, for.
15 Many of the MSS. here add: Alas! to what have I been likened? I am not like the waves of the sea, because even the waves of the sea, in calm and storm, and the fishes in them, bless Thee, O Lord.
17 One of the MSS.: With his shepherds, and sheep, and goats, and oxen.
18 Ex. xxviii. 36-38. For traditions about the petalon, see Euseb., H. E., ii. 23, iii. 31, v. 24: Epiph., Hoer., 78.
19 Various readings are: Sixth, seventh, eighth.
20 One of the MSS inserts: On the eighth day.
22 This is the reading of most MSS.; but it is difficult to see any sense in it. One MS. reads: They attended on her. Fabricius proposed: They bathed her.
23 Two of the MSS. add: And they gave her the name of Mary, because her name shall not fade forever. This derivation of the name - from the root mar, fade-is one of a dozen or so.
24 This is taken to mean: Send someone to us to warn us that we have been too long in paying our vow. One MS. reads, lest the Lord depart from us; another, lets the Lord move away from us.
25 Or, fourteen. Postel's Latin version has ten.
26 Ex. xxviii. 28; Sirach xlv. 9; Justin, Tryph., xlii.
28 Lit., undefiled. It is difficult to say what colour is meant, or if it is a colour at all. The word is once used to mean the sea, but with no reference to colour. It is also the name of a stone of a greenish hue.
33 Other readings are: the wool-what she had in her hand.
36 Six MSS. have sixteen; one, fourteen; two, fifteen; and one, seventeen.
37 The Latin translation has hung down.
38 Ezek. xxi. 12; Jer. xxxi. 19.
40 Another reading is: As Adam was in Paradise, and in the hour of the singing of praise (doxology) to God was with the angels, the serpent, etc.
42 Lit., angelic; one MS. has holy; the Latin translation, following a slightly different reading, that it would not be fair to her.
44 Three MSS. have high priest.
47 Or: On this day of the Lord I will do, etc.
48 Another reading is: And his son Samuel led it, and James and Simon followed.
49 Bethlehem . . . used to be overhsadowed by a grove of Thammuz, i.e., Adonis; and in the cave where Christ formerly waile as an infant, they used to mourn for the beloved of Venus (Jerome to Paulinus). In his letter to Sabinianus the cave is repeatedly mentioned: "That cave in which the Son of God was born;" "that venerable cave," etc, "within the door of what was once the Lord's manger, now the alter." "Then you run to the place of the shepherds." There appears alos ot have been above the alter the figure of an angel, or angels. See also Justin, Tryph., 78.
50 Two MSS. here add: And thou Bethlehem, etc., from Mic. v. 2.
51 Matt. ii. 1-12. One of the MSS. here adds Matt. ii. 13-15, with two or three slight variations.
52 Four MSS. have all the male children, as in Matt. ii. 16.
53 Another reading is: And Herod, enraged at this, ordered him to be slain in the midst of the altar before the dawn, that the slaying of him might not be prevented by the people. [This incident was probably suggested by the reference to "Zacharias the son of Barachias" in Matt. xxiii. 35, Luke xi. 51; but comp. 2 Chron. xxiv. 20-22.-R.]
54 Lit., the blessing of Zacharias did not come forth, etc.
56 Another reading is: And was rent fro mthe top, etc.
57 Luke ii. 27. One of the MSS. ehre adds Matt. ii. 19-23, with two or three verbal changes.
58 [Assuming that this is among the most ancient of the Apocryphal Gospels, it is noteworthy that the writer abstains from elaborating his statements on points fully narrated in the Canonical Gospels. The supplementary character of the earliest of these writings is obvious. But what a contrast between the impressive silence of the New Testament narratives, and the garrulity, not to say indelicacy, of these detaile descriptions of the Nativity!-R.]
59 The MSS. vary much in the doxology.
1 [This introduction is, of itself, an evidence of late origin.-R.]
4 Two of the MSS. have this prologue: I James, the son of Joseph, living in the fear of God, have written all that with my own eyes I saw coming to pass in the time of the nativity of the holy virgin Mary, or of the Lord the Saviour: giving thanks to God, who has given me wisdom in the accounts of His Advent, showing His abounding grace to the twelve tribes of Israel.
6 One of the MSS. has: Only they vowed that, if God should give them offspring, they would devote it to the service of the temple; and because of this, they were wont to go to the temple of the Lord at each of the yearly festivals.
7 Another reading is: Where he has died-reading mortuus for moratus.
12 Faustus the Manichaean said that Joachim was of the tribe of Levi (August. xxiii. 4, Contra Faustum). As belonging to the tribe of Judah, he had not the right of sacrifice.
15 This is the Beautiful gate of Acts iii. 2, to which, according to Josephys, there was an ascent by many steps from the valley of Kedron.
16 Corresponding with the fifteen Songs of Degrees, PS. cxx.-cxxxiv. See Smith's Dict.-art. Songs of Degrees. Another reading is: And there were about the temple, according to the fifteen Psalms of Degrees, fifteen steps of ascent: the temple was on a mountain, and there had been there built the altar of burnt-offering, which could not be reached but by steps.
17 For the hours of prayer, see Apost. Const., ch. xl.; Jerome's letters to Laeta, Demetrais, etc.
18 One of the MSS. has: She was anxious about her companions, lest any of them should sin even in one word, elst any of them should raise her voice in laughing, lets any of them should be in the wrong, or proud to her father or her mother.
21 One of the MSS. adds: Seeing that he had not a wife, and nto wishing to slight the order of the high priest.
22 One of the MSS. inserts: To the number of three thousand.
24 Another and more probably reading is: And this was Joseph's rod; and he was of an object appearance, seeing that he was old, and he would not ask back his rod, lest perchance he might be forced to receive her.
27 Another reading is: The Holy Spirit.
30 See Alford's Greek Testament on Luke ii. 14. [So Rev. Version, following the weight of manuscript authority.-R.]
34 Hab. iii. 2, according to the LXX. reading, MyyeIxa MyIn#$o
two living creatures, for w@h@yyeEa MynIw@
36 This shows the extent of the writer's, or transcriber's knowledge of Greek.
40 One MS. has: When two days were past. Another: On the thirteenth day.
42 The siclus aureus, or gold shekel, was worth L1, 16s. 6d.
43 One MS. has: Gaspar gave Myrrh, Melchior frankincense, Balthusar gold.
45 One MS. has: And when Herod, coming back from Rome the year after, saw.
48 One of the MSS. has: Then Joseph put the blessed virgin and the boy upon a beast, and himself mounted another, and took the road through the hill country and the desert, that he might get safe to Egypt; for they did not want to go by the shore, for fear of being waylaid.
52 No nation was so given to idolatry, and worshopped such a countless number of monsters, as the Egyptians.-Jerome on Isaiah.
56 Matt. ii. 26. One of the MSS. here has: And Joseph and Mary went to live in the house of a certain widow, and spent a year there; and for the events of the year it gives a number of the mircles recorded in the early chapters of the Latin Gospel of Thomas.
57 Other forms of the name are: Zachias, Zachameus, Zacheus, Zachaeus.
58 Or, seeing that there was in Him and insuperable knowledge of virtue.
59 Tischendorf thinks that the text is corrupt. But the meaning seems to be: You are not a whit better than your neighbours: for all of you teach what you have named, and you can teach nothing else. But he alone (ipse, i.e., Christ) can teach more who is worthy.
61 Or, literally, inferior to me.
63 Tau, and not Teth, is the last letter of the Hebrew alphabet.
64 The original-triangulos gradatos, subacutos, mediatos obductos, productos, erectos, stratos, curvistratos-is hopelessly corrupt. Compare the passages in the following Apocrypha. [The Gospel of Thomas, first Greek form, chaps 6, 7, and parallel passages.-R.] It obviously, hwoever, refers to the Pentalpha, Pentacle, or Solomon's Seal, celebrated in the remains of the magical books that have come down to us under the names of Hermas and the Pythagoreans. The pentalpha was formed by joining by straight lines the alternate angles of a regula rpentagon, and thus contained numerous triangles. The Pythagoreans calle dit the Hygiea or symbol of health, and it was frequently engraved on amulets and coins. it is still, if the books are to be trusted, a symbol of power in the higher grades of freemasonry.
65 i.e., It is not wonderful that we do not understand what he says, for we do not know what he is.
67 The kor or chomer was, according to Jahn, equal to 32 pecks 1 pint.
69 Josh. iii. 16; 2 Kings ii. 8.
70 One of the MSS .tells the story, not of Joseph, but of a certain builder, a worker in wood.
72 One of the MSS. here inserts: And when Jesus was with other children He repeatedly went up and sat down upon a balcony, and many of them began to do likewise, and they fell down and broke their legs and arms. And the Lord Jesus healed them all.
73 Note that the letters are Greek here.
75 In place of this chapter, one of the MSS. has a number of miricles copied from the canonical Gospels-the walking o nthe sea, the feeding of the five thousand, the heaing of a blind man, the raising of Lazarus, and the raising of a certain young man.
76 According to the tradition preserved by Hegesippus and Tertullian, James and Judas were husbandmen. See Apost. Const., ch. lxvii.
78 One of the MSS. has: And when Joseph, worn out with old age, died and was buried with his parents, the blessed Mary lived with her nephews, or with the chilfdren of her sisters; for Anna and Emerina were sisters. OF Emerina was born Elizabeth, the mother of John the Baptist. And as Anna, the mother of the blessed Mary, was very beautiful, when Joachim was dead she was married to Cleophas, by whom she had a second daughter. She called her Mary, and gave her to Alphaeus to wife; and of her was born James the son of Alphaeus, and Philip his brother. And her second husband having died, Anna was married to a third husband named Salome, by whom she had a third daughter. She calle dher Mary likewise, and gave her to Zebedee to wife; and of her were born James the son of Zebedee, and John the Evangelist.
Another passage to the same effect is prefixed to the Gospel. It reads Emeria for Emerina, and Josph for Philip. It ends with a quotation from Jerome's sermon upon Easter:-WE read in the Gospels that there were four Marys-first, the mother of the Lord the Saviour; second, His maternal aunt, who was calle dMary of Cleophas; third, Mary the mother of James and Joseph, fourth, Mary Magdalene-though some maintain that the mother of James and Joseph was His aunt.
The same MS. thus concludes: The holy Apostle and Evanglis John with his own hand wrote this little book in Hebrew, and the leraned doctor Jerome rendered it from Hebrew into Latin.
1 1 Macc. iv. 52-59; 2 Macc. x. 1-8; John x. 22; Josephus, Antiq. xii. 7.
2 The spelling in the text is that in the Hebrew, the Samaritan Codex, the Targums, and the Textus Receptus. There is no Issachar in the lits of high priests.
3 This statement does not occur in Scripture in so many words; but sterility was looked upon as a punishment from God.
5 Gen. xvii. 17. Sarah was ninety years old.
6 Ps. cxx.-cxxxiv. The fifteen steps le dfrom the court of the women to that of the men.
1 The Coptic has: The 26th day of Epep. This is the departure from the body of our father Joseph the carpenter, the father of Christ after the flesh, who was 111 years old. Our Saviour narrated all his life to His apostles on Mount Olivet; and His apostles wrote it, and put it in the library which is in Jerusalem .Also that the day on which the holy old man laid down his body was the 26th of the month Epep. In the peace of God, amen.
His day is the 19th of March in the Roman calandar.
8 Jer. ix. 23, 24; 1 Cor. i. 31; 2 Cor. x. 17.
11 Ps. ii. 9; Rev. xi. 5, xix. 15.
13 It was Herod Antipas who ordered John to be beheaded.
15 The Salome here mentioned was, according to two of the MSS. of Pseudo-Matthew, the third husband of Anna, Mary's mother, and the father of Mary the wife of Zebedee. But compare Matt. xxvii. 56 with Mark xv. 40.
17 One the subject of guardian angels, see Shepherd of Hermas, iii. 4; Justin, Apol., ii. 5, Tryph., 5; Athenagoras, Legat., 10, 20; Clem. Alex., Strom., vi. 17.
18 This clause looks like an interpolation. But the doctrine of purgatory was held from an early date. Clem. Alex., Poedag., iii. 9; Strom., vii. 6; Origen against Celsus, v. 14, 15.
19 Note the change from the first person.
20 Here the Coptic has: This is the end of the life of my beloved father Joseph. When forty years old he married a wife, with whom he lived nine (? forty-nine) years. After her death he remained a widower one (or two) year: and my mother lived two years in his house before she was married to him, since he had been ordered by the priests to take charge of her until the time of her marriage. And my mother Mary brought me forth in the third year that she was in Joseph;s house, in the fifteenth year of her age. My mother bore me in a cave (this seems a mistranslation for mystery), which it is unlawful either to name or seek, and there is not in the whole creation a man who knows it, except me and my Father and the Holy Spirit. It is to be noted that the last clause is omitted in the Coptic. The phrase one essence was first used in regard to the doctrine of the Trinity by Augustine.
24 The Sahidic has: Joseph entreats Jesus to pardon him likewise, because when, one upon a time, He had recalled to life a boy bitten by a cerastes, he (Joseph) had pulled His right ear, advising Him to refrain from works that brought hatred upon Him. See Second Gospel of Thomas, chap. 5.
26 The argument of the Sahidic is: He sends for Joseph's sons and daughters, of whom the oldest was Lysia the purple-seller. They all wept over their drying father.
27 Barnabas, 15: Hermas, i. 3; Irenaeuys, Contra Hoer., v. 33; Justin, Tryph., 81; Tertullian, Adv. Marc., iii. 24. Caius and Dionysius imputed grossness and sensuality to Cerinthus, because he spoke of the wedding feast of the thousand years.
28 All the fathers placed the purgatorial fires, as the Greek Church does now, at the day of judgment. Augustine was the first who brought forward the supposition that the purification took place in Hades before the day of judgment. Haag, Histoire des Dogmes, ii. 323.
32 Acts ix. 36. Schila is probably meant for the widow of nain's son.
2 Another reading is, branches.
3 One MS has: And Jesus, at the entreaty of all of them, healed him.
4 Or, either teach him to bless, and not to curse, or depart with him from this place; for, etc.
5 Or, are not mine, but thine.
6 Pseudo-Matt. 29. [The numerous references to the latter part of Pseudo-MatthaeI, see pp. 378-383, shows the close relationship. But it is generally agreed that this narrative is the older, and one of the sources of Pseudo-Matthaei.-R.]
7 Pseud.-Matt. 30, 31. Various explanations have been given of this difficult passage by annotators, who refer it to the A of the Hebrew, or of the Greek, or of the Armenian alphabet. It seems, however, to answer very closely to the old Phenician A, which was written or .
The Paris MS. has: And he sat down to teach Jesus the letters, and began the first letter Aleph: and Jesus says the second, Beth, Gimel, and told him all the letters to the end. And shutting the book, He taught the master the prophets.
8 Instead of this chapter, the Paris MS. has: And hwas ashamed and perplexed, because he kne wnot whence he kne the letters. And he arose, and went home, in great astonishment at this strange thing.
It the ngoes on with a fragment of the history of the dyer's shop, as given in the Arabic Gospel of the Infancy, ch. 37.
9 One of the MSS. of the Latin Gospel inserts here-Jesus, saying: Indeed, you made him fall down. And Jesus said: I never made him fall.
11 A better reading would be e0n th|= geitoni/a|, in the neighbourhood, for e0n th|= gwni/a|, in the corner.
13 The kor or chomer was, according to Jahn, 32 pecks 1 pint.
17 Tischendorf suggests a0na/phroj, maimed, for a!peiroj.
21 [This may be rendered, as in R.B., Luke ii. 49, " in my Father's house." The words are the same as in that passage.-R.]
1 [Compare the account in the version of the first Greek form, chap. 6, and the footnote.-R.]
1 [In this book, the name Zacheus is given in different form, following the Latin.-R.]
2 A slight alteration is here made upon the punctuation of the original.
3 This refers to the Hebrew alphabet.
4 Butter, perhaps: And when He began to tell that teacher.
5 This passage is hopelessly corrupt. The writer of this Gospel knew very little Greek, and probably the text from which he was translating was also here in a bad state. [Compare the accounts in the versions from the Greek forms.-R.]
6 The Greek original has mh/tra, which he seems to have confonded with mh/thr.
8 The modius or modium was almost exactly two gallons.
9 But probably architector here is equal to te/ktwn, a carpenter.
10 Perhaps sectum, cut, is the true reading, and not actum.
11 This is his translation of e0pi pollh\n w!ran.
12 Here again he makes a mistranslation-du/namij, fortitudo.
13 Some words have been omitted here in the MS., but the sense is obvious enough.
15 This, I think, means: and which their father Israel, i.e. their fathers generally, had not seen.
2 He is called Joseph Caiaphas in Josephys, Antiq., xviii. 2. 2.
3 The Latin translation in Tischendorf has Hierosolyma, which, as the form in the rest of the translation is feminine, means "from Jerusalem." But as the Arabic can mean only "to Jerusalem," the acc. plural of the neut. form may be here intended.
4 Or, with the lights of lamps and candles, more beautiful than lightning, and more splendid than sunlight.
5 John xii. 5. The denarius was worth about 7 3/4 d.
10 For this prediction of Zoroaster, see Smith's Dict. of the Bible, art. Magi.
14 Burning to death was the punishment of those convicted of sacrilege and the practice of magic. It was influced also on slaves for grave offences against their masters.
15 Matarea, or Matariyeh, the site of Heliopolis or On, is a little way to the N.E. of Cairo. Ismail Pasha is said to have presented, on his visit to the Paris Exhibition of 1867, the tree and the ground surrounding it to the Empress of the French. For some interesting particulars about the tree, see a paragraph, by B.H.C. (i.e., Mr. B. Harris Cowper, who has translated the Apocryphal Gospels), in the Leisure Hour for ad November. 1867.
18 Perhaps the correct reading is fornice, archway, and not fornace.
19 [So the Latin: but the Greek word in the Gospels is equivalent to "zealot." See Rev. Vers. in the lists of the Apostles.-R.]
21 Luke ii. 42-47. [A comparison of the two narratives is very suggestive. The Evangelist Luke does not present any such monster of precocity, nor does he adventure into discussions "upon the sciences."-R.]
22 Ps. cx. I: Matt. xxii. 42-45. [The Latin reads: vestigiis pedum tuorum, "the footsepts of thy feet." The original term, "footstool," has evidently been misunderstood by some transcriber.-R.]
23 The scripulum was the twenty-fourth pat of the as. It is likely here put for the motion of a planet during one hour. Pliny, N. H., ii. 10 uses the word to signify an undefined number of degrees, or parts of a degree.
25 Matt. iii. 13-17; Luke iii. 21-23.
1 [The works which precede sought to supplement the evangelical narrative in regard to the early life of our Lord, and Mary His mother: those which follow are also supplementary, but refer to the closing evens.-R.]
2 The 15th year of Tiberius, reckoning fromt he death of Augustus, was a.d. 29, A.U.C. 782, the first year of the 202d Olympiad, in the consulship of C. Fugus Geminus and L. Rubellius Geminus, and the 34th year of Herod Antipas. Other readings are: In the eighteenth year-In the ninteenth year. [Compare the Acts of Pilate in both forms. The variations here correspond with the various theories of the length of our Lord's ministry. The text seems to confuse the statement of Luke (iii. 1) respecting the beginning of the public ministry with the time of our Lord's death.-R.]
3 There is in the MSS. great variation as to these names.
4 Lit., and wishes to do away with it.
5 Compare with this, Lactantius, iv. 17. The Jews brought charges against Jesus, that He did away with the law of God given by Moses; that is, that He did not rest on the Sabbath, etc.
6 Another reading is: We entreat your highness to go into the praetorium, and question him. For Jesus was standing outside with the crowd.
7 Probably the Alexander mentioned in Acts iv. 6.
9 Ps. cxviii. 25: Hosyah na bimromim baruch habba (b'shem) Adonai.
10 Another reading is: Annas and Caiaphas and Joseph, the three false witnesses, began to cry out, etc.
12 One MS. adds: Procla,-the tradional name of Pilate's wife.
13 Three MSS. add: And by Beelzebul, prince of the demons, he casts out the demons, and they are all subject to him.
15 There is considerable variation in the MSS. as to these names.
17 See Apost. Const., ii. 56. At last he who is going to pronounce sentence of death upon the culprit raises his hands aloft, and takes the sun to witness that he is innocent of his blood.
18 The full force of the expression is: You do not mean to say that I too am a Jew?
20 Deut. xxv. 3; Lev. xxiv. 16.
26 Some MSS. add the name Bernice, or Veronica.
31 Lit., king. Other readings are: with wishing another king; with seeking Jesus for king.
32 One MS. adds: from two years old and under.
33 This was customary before pronouncing sentence. See Apost. Const., ii. 56.
34 Some of the MSS. add: And the soldier Longinus, taking a spear, pierced His side, and there came forth blood and water.
36 Luke xxiii. 46. Ps. xxxi. 5 is, b'yadcha aphkid ruchi.
37 One MS. adds: Pilate said to them: You scoundrels! is this the way you tell the truth about everything? I know that that never happens but at new moon. Now you ate your passover yesterda, the fourteenth of the month, and you say that it was an eclipse of the sun.
39 Deut. xxxii. 35: Rom. xii. 19; Heb. x. 30.
40 [This is an evident blunder, one of many pointing to a late origin.-R.]
42 Three of the Latin versions say: And they took the money, but could not hide the truth. For they wanted to say, His disciples stole him while we slept, and could not utter it: but said, Truly the Lord Jesus Christ has risen from the dead; and we saw an angel of God coming down from heaven, and he rolled back the stone, and sat on it. And this saying has been spread abroad among the Jews even to this day.
43 Other readings are: Malek, Mophek, Mambre, Mambrech. Comp. 2 Kings xxiii. 13.
45 Lit., why then this trifling which ye have trifled, etc.
46 Perhaps better as a question.
49 i.e., Joshua. Josh. vii. 19, 20.
52 This would seem to confirm the opinion that here were three tithes paid in the year. Comp. Smith's Dict., sub voce.
58 Ex. xxiii. 20, 21; Mal. iii. 1; Matt. xi. 10.
60 Deut. xxi. 23; Gal. iii. 13.
62 i.e., the year of jubilee. The original, e#wj tou= sw/mmou, is not Greek. It is not easy to see what the passage means. It may refer to Isa. lxi. 1-3.
63 Deut. xxvii. 15; Rom. i. 25.
71 [Compare the first Greek form, prologue and footnote.-R.]
72 One MS. inserts: by name Rachaab, the messenger.
73 Instead of these four sections, MS. C has a minute account of the suicide of Judas, of which the following specimen may be given:-And he went home to make a halter to hang himself, and he found his wife roasting a cock on the coals. And he says to her: Rise, wife, and get a rope ready for me: for I mean to hang myself, as I deserve. And his wife said to him: Why do you speak like that? And Judas says: Know in truth that I unjustly betrayed my master, etc., and that he is going to rise on the third day; and woe to us! And his wife says: DO not speak or think in that way. It is just as likely as that this cock roasting on the coals will crow, that Jesus will rise, as you say. No sooner said than the cock falpped his wings, and crew thrics. This decided Judas, and he immediately made the halter, and hanged himself. [The MSS. of the "Second Greek Form" are designated by Tischendorf (Evang. Apocry., pp. lxxii., lxxiii.) as follows: A, a Venice MS., comparatively recent; B., a Paris MS. of the fifteenth century; C. a Venice MS. of the same century.-R.]
76 MS. A, 14,000 infants; B, 44,000 infatns.
80 Deut. xxv. 3; Lev. xxiv. 16.
95 The word here, xa/risma, is used in the New Testament only of gifts and graces bestowed by God, and specially of the miraculous gifts imparted to the early Christians by the Holy Ghost. The word in Matt. ii. 11 is dw=ra.
96 Matt. ii. 14-16. [The writer seems to identify Herod the Great and Herod Antipas.-R.]
97 Luke xxiii. 6-11. [The only passage directly interpolated into Luke's narrative is "as being derived of the race of the Jews." A curious blunder of the compiler!-R.]
99 John xix. 2, 3; Matt. xxvii. 29.
101 Qeoto/koj- a word used several times by Athanasius (died 373), e.g., in Orat. iii. Contra Arianos, c. 14 and 29. The refusal of Nestorius to give this epithet to Mary was the commencement, in 428, of the long struggle between the rival sees of Constantinople and Alexandria. See Haag, Histoire des Dogmes Chretiens, i. 190. The paragraphs about the Qeoto/koj in this chapter are interpolations.
104 A mistaken reference to John xix. 13.
106 Luke xxiii. 34; cf. Acts vii. 60.
107 John xix. 28; Matt. xxvii. 48.
109 Luke xxiii. 39-43. MS. C. here inserts the early history of the robber Dysmas. [See note 3, p. 426.-R.]
113 [Or simply, "the Preparation;" comp. Matt. xxvii. 62, and elsewhere, in the Rev. Vers.-R.]
117 It is to be observed that John's Gospel is much more frequently quoted in this book than any of the others.
124 e0si/kwsan, which should be e0sh/kwsan, is a modern Greek word, the aorist of shko/nw.
125 Ps. cxviii. 26; Matt. xxi. 9.
126 Or, literally, men of good family.
127 Deut. xix. 15; Matt. xviii. 16.
128 This last clause would be better as a question: And how is it the truth that he has risen?
6 Or: and I saw, as it were, a dove and the Holy Spirit,e tc.
9 [Mark xvi. 16.]: John iii. 18.
10 5300 b.c. was the date commonly assigned to the creation. See Clem., Strom., i.; Theoph. Ant., ad Autol., iii.; comp. Just., Apol., xxxix.
11 For this legend, see the Revelation of Moses.
16 Isa. xxvi. 19, according to the LXX.
22 1 Thess. iv. 17; Rev. xi. 3-12.
25 The word in the original is the general term proesses, which the Vulgate uses for procurator.
26 i.e., was it possible for us.
27 Vultus. He seems to have read pro/swpa, and not protomai/, as in the Greek.
28 Lit., nothing to thee and that just man.
29 Lit., nothing to thee and that just man.
31 Lit., makest a word for him.
33 Procidentes; but this, according to the Greek, should be procedentes, coming before Him.
34 [The Latin has Arimathia; an din the next clause there are variations in the MSS.-R.]
35 Another reading is compunctus, pricked. The reading in the text, obstructus, is a curious mistranslation of the word in the Greek, peritetmhme/noj, cut away all round, i.e., circumcised; or, by an obvious transition, hemmed in-the meaning adopted in the version before us.
37 [Comp. Mark xvi. 15-19; from the disputed ending of that Gospel.-R.]
38 Concidebantur, a mistranslation from considering e0ko/ptonto as passive, they were cut, instead of middle, they beat their breasts.
40 The Greek r9h=ma means thing as well as word.
41 Perhaps this would be better as a question: Is it good?
43 Or, its. The text of the clause is corrupt.
47 Calor; another MS. has color, hue.
50 Ps. lxviii. 18. Captivemus in the text is probably a misprint for captivemur, may not be taken captive.
51 Ps. cvii. 15-17, according to the LXX. and the Vulgate.
52 Isa. xxvi. 19, according to the LXX.
53 Hos. xiii. 14; 1 Cor. xv. 55.
56 Comp. Isa. ix. 2; Luke i. 79.
57 Some MSS. have: Who art thou, O man, that to God directest thy prayer to our confusion? The correct reading may be: Who art thou, that bringest confusion upon our master?
62 So the text, multitudine mortis; but the MSS. must have had altitudine maris, in the depth of the sea, with the LXX. and the Hebrew.
65 Or, bringing sacred words from their praises.
66 Rev. xi. 3-12; 1 Thess. iv. 17.
69 Should be 2262-bsob in place of bsib.
70 This includes the second Cainan.
72 Should eb 586-DLXXXVI. instead of DCXXXVI.
74 [Compare the other Latin form of this letter, as translated on p. 459: also the version of the Greek form of a similar letter, included in the Acts of Peter and Paul.-R.]
75 Or, that they had seen that he rose from the dead.
77 Ornamenta; another MS. has armamenta.
79 The text has deo, God, obviously a misprint for oleo, oil.
80 Or, who wearest such (things) on thy body.
82 Proecuncitus, corrected to proeconatus or ans.
83 Momordidit infernum, which is obviously corrput. The translator may have read dedhxe a#|dhn, but Hades, for dedeixe a#|dhn, brought Hades to light.
1 [Compare the translation of the letter of Pilate to Claudius, found in the Acts of Peter and Paul; also a similar letter incorporated in The Gospel of Nicodemus, second part, Latin, first version, chap. 13 (29), p. 454.-R.]
3 Codex A has a better reading-arteries. [The MS. here referred to is in Paris, of the fourteenth century (a.d. 1315).-R.]
4 The text here is very corrupt.
5 Or, so men appeared on high.
6 This sentence also is very corrupt.
7 Another and more probably reading is, not one. [So B, a Paris MS. of the fourteenth century.-R.]
1 This is a conjecture of Thilo's. The MSS. have Spania.
2 Instead of this last sentence, one of the MSS. has: And the whole world was shaken by unspeakable miracles, and all the creation was like to be swallowed up by the lower regions; so that also the sanctuary of their temple was rent from top to bottom. And again there was thunder, and a mighty noise from heaven, so that all our land shook and trembled. Another: And there began to be earthquakes in the hour in which the nails were fixed in Jesus' hands and feet, until evening.
3 One MS. adds: to the number of five hundred.
4 Lit., he made to be slaves in the dispersion of the Gentiles.
5 One of the MSS. adds: By the will and good pleasure of our Lord Jesus Christ, to whom be the glory of the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Ghost, now and ever, and to ages of ages. Amen.
2 This is the first appearance of the word Christian in these writings.
3 Losonium was the Roman name of Lausanne. For a discussion of this legend concerning Mont Pilate, near Lucerne, see Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, under Pilate.
1 MS. C. has God-Killing. [C is the designation given by Tischendorf to the MS. from which Birch made his edition of the text. It is in Paris; date a.d. 1315. The MSS. which Tischendorf himself collated are designated A (in the Ambrosian library at Milan, of about the twelfth century), B (Paris, fifteenth century), D (Harleian codex, of the same century). Only a smal part of the las tMS. was used by Tischendorf; see his prolegomena, p. lxxxi.-R.]
3 Perhaps the true reading is nao/n, and not no/mon: plundered the temple.
4 Ms. B has: And they say that he was of the family of the sister, etc.
5 Tischendorf suggests a0e/kruyaj, hidden, for a0pekh/rucaj.
7 Following the reading of the LXX .in Ps. i. 1.
9 Or, upon the great throne of the Most High.
14 Or, the shining light of the letter, the fire of the Godhead, we indeed were extinguished.
16 The text is here corrupt; but this seems to be the meaning.
1 The Saxon version has Tirus.
2 Reges, kings, instead of leges, as suggested by Mr. Cowper, is a much better reading.
3 Sax.: Then Nathan came, and baptized him in the name of the Father,a nd the Son, and the Holy Ghost, and took away from him his name of Tirus, and called him in his baptism Titus, which is in our language Pius.
4 Note this popular but erroneous appellation of Mount.
5 Sax. omits which is called Burgidalla.
6 Sax.: And Herod trhe king was so terrified, that he said to Archelaus his son.
8 Sax.: And they inquired diligently whether perchance there were there any one who had miraculous relics of the Saviour, of His clothing, or other precious things; and they sought so diligently, that they found a woman, etc.
9 In the Saxon, Joseph's speech is: I know that they took Him down from the cross, and laid Him in the tomb which I had cut out of the rock. And I was one of thoes who guarded His tomb: and I bent my head and thought I shouldee Him, but I beheld nothing of Him, but saw two angels, one at the head and the other at the foot, and they asked me whom I was seeking. I answered and said to them, I seek Jesus who was crucified. Again they said to me, GO into Galilee; there shall you see Him, as He said to you before.
10 A few lines of the text are here very corrupt, and are omited by Tischendorf. The meaning of them is: And woe's me, because, contrary to the law, thou has treated me most unjustly. Ah! woe's me, because thou hast taken my Lord from me; just as the Jews did contrary to the law in crucifying in this world the Lord Jesus Christ, whom the eyes of your Caesar have not seen. But woe's me! have I done contrary to the law? Have I deserved to suffer this punishment?
11 Or, taking vengeance upon all the nations of their land.
1 Lambecius proposes to read Gaudos and Melite. In the Latin version of the famous Greek scholar Lascaris, 1490, it is a Melita et Gaudisio insulis. [Comp. Acts xxvii. 16, xxviii. 1. The two names are apparently combined here.-R.]
2 traktai>\/santej: from the Byzantine verb traktai>\/zein = tractare. The various readings in the MSS. are: Being very disorderly; having been much disturbed.
3 Various reading: Let it be . . . and we will write, etc.
5 The geographical names are given in the peculiar forms of the text. Occasionally the usual forms, such as Baiae, uccor.
6 The distance was thirty-three miles. In the Antonine Itinerary, "To Aricia is sixteen miles, to Tres Tabernae seventeen miles, to Appii Forum ten miles."
7 Or, do away with belief in circumcision.
10 Rom. ii. 11; Eph. vi. 9; Col. iii. 25; Jas. ii. 1.
13 Or, He allowed Himself to suffer all these things.
15 i.e., That all may profess their faith in Him. For similar expressions, see 2 Cor. ix. 13, Heb. x. 23.
17 i.e., How do you happen, as a race, to eb so unbelieving? The Latin translation has: against your race-kata\ tou= ge/nouj for kata\ to\ ge/noj.
18 For another translation of this letter, see Latin gospel of Nicodemus, chap. xiii. (xxix.) [This occurs on p. 454; there is another form on p. 459.-R.]
22 Jer. xvii. 10; Rev. ii. 23.
23 Lam. iii. 41; Mark xi. 25; 1 Tim. ii. 8.
24 See the Clementines, Homiles II., III., VI., XVI., XX.
26 Or, the pure in heart admitting the faith.
30 Or, those who have a moderate quantity of food and covering to be content (1 Tim. vi. 8).
31 Or, in the admonition of the Saviour (Eph. vi. 4.).
34 Four of the MSS. and the Latin version here add: For assuredly I have for a long time past received letters from our bishops throughout all the world about the things done and said by him.
39 The text has kina/raj, artichokes, for which I have read koru/naj, clubs. Sea-fights were a favourite spectacle of the Roman emperors (Suet., Nero, xii.; Claud., xxi.; Dom, iv.). The combatants were captives, or persons condemned to death (Dion Cass, lx. 33).
40 For the episode of Perpetua, contained in three of the Greek MSS., but not in the Latin versions, see the end of this book.
42 One of the MSS. here inserts: Do not be hard upon him, for he is the servant of this father Satan; but I must fulfil the command of my Lord.
43 Some of the MSS. insert: Until I bring thee into my Father's house.
44 Several of the MSS. here add: I commend unto Thee the sheep whom Thou didst entrust unto me, that they may not feel that they are without me, having fort a shepherd Thee, through whom I have been able to feed this flock.
45 In three of the Greek MSS., but not in the Latin versoins, the story of Perpetua is here continued.
46 Several MSS. here add: And the people of the Romans ran, and took them into the place called the Catacombs on the Appian Way, at the third milestone; and there the bodies of the saints were guarded a year and six months, until places were built for them in which they might be put. And the body of St. Peter was put into the Vatican, near the place for the sea-fights, and that of St. Paul into the Vostesian (Or Ostesian) Way, two mile from the city; and in these places, through their prayers, many good deads are wrought to the faithful in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ.
1 This is a slip for Nomentan.
1 Or, persisted in staying with Paul.
10 Some MSS. add the following beatitudes: Blessed are they that tremble at the words of God, for they shall be comforted: blessed are they that have received the wisdom of Jesus Christ, for they shall be calle the sons of the Most High: blessed are they that through love of Christ have come out from conformity with the world, for they shall judge the angels, and shall be blessed at the right hand of the Father.
11 Or, a great outpouring of lamentation in the house.
13 i.e., we rise again in our children.
18 2 Cor. i. 22; Eph. i. 13, iv. 30.
19 Some MSS. add: A widow, very rich.
20 One MS. has: God of our fathers, Son of the Most High. Another: O Lord God, who has mde the heaven and the earth, Son of the Most High, Lord Jesus Christ.
21 i.e., the exhibition of wild beasts.
22 Or, be taken off, i.e., put to death.
24 A part of the ancient theatres on or near the stage.
1 Or, will come to reveal thee.
2 One MS. has Ferusalem, and adds, and we came to Antioch, which suits the geography better.
7 This is the Syrian Laodiceia, opposite Cyprus.
9 Or, Pityussa, close to the Zephyrian promontory.
16 Lit., and idol-frenzy,-a term often applied to the worship of Bacchus.
18 i.e., snowy, an epithet of Olympus, the mountain they crossed.
19 Perhaps Curtium, which was nearer Palaeo Paphos than Curias Pr. was.
20 i.e., as a religious service.
21 Another reading is: In the city calle Curium.
22 Lit., assemblies of the whole nation.
23 Another reading is: Eusebius the Febusite. There is a legend that the Jebusites colonized Cyprus after they were driven out of Palestine by King David.
24 The Vatican MS. adds: on the 17th of the month Paiin according to the Egyptians, and according to the Romans the 11th of the month of June.
25 This place does not appear on the ancient maps, but there is a modern C. Limniti.
1 [This enlarged title is from the Venetian MS.; see p. 355.-R.]
2 Comp. Euseb., H. E., iii. 32.
8 Isa. xxviii. 16; 1 Pet. ii. 4, etc.
10 Another and more probable reading is: He who is the son of Barek, which means living water.
12 One of the MSS. has: has no resemblance to a man in anything.
13 A Bodleian MS. adds: for be cause I am wrathful, Jesus named me Son of thunder. [This is the MS. from which Grabe derived his text of the Acts of Paul and Thecla; comp. pp. 355 and 491.-R.]
16 The Bodleian MS. has the Hebrew thus: Saballon, prumeni, duthael, tharseli, annachathaei; adonab batclo teloe.
17 The Bodleian MS. has Ailoel.
26 On the subject of the immemorial practice of prayers for the dead, see Apostolical Constitutions, vi. 30, viii. 47. Comp. a Macc. xii. 44 and 2 Tim. i. 18.
27 Lit., president of the games.
1 Comp. Matt. x. 10; Mark vi. 9.
7 There seems to be some omission in the MSS. here.
10 It was James and John who were called sons of thunder (Mark iii. 17).
11 This last sentence is very corrupt in the original. A few changes give it the meaning above.
13 Better tax' a!n qea/sesqe-you will perhaps see.
14 Or, which the high priest casts off for himself.
15 Comp. Acts v. 39 and xxiii. 9 in Textus Receptus.
17 Or, thou being a chief man who has done away with.
18 There is some doubt about the readnig here.
1 [The Greek text of this addition is given by Tischendorf in the aupplement appended to his volume containing Apocalypses Apocryphoe, pp. 141-150. The MS. from which it is taken is of the eleventh century. Tischendorf regards this form as of Gnostic origin.-R.]
7 Here is a good deal of the text is wanting. The Bodleian MS. fills up the blank to some extent:-Walking two and two, but let them not talk with the young men, lest Satan tempt them. For he is a creeping serpent, and made Adam be sdestroyed even to death. And thus shall it be again at this time, for the time and the season shall be wicked. Many women and men shall leave the work of marriage, and the women shall assume the name of virginity, but knowing nothing at all about it, and that it has a great and glorious seal. And there shall be many men in those days in word only, and not in its power: for theys hall observe virginity in the members of the flesh, and commit fornication in their hearts, etc. [The MS. is that referred to on p. 500. Tischendorf gives large extracts from it; the Greek text of this paragraph may be found on pp. 154, 155, supplement to Apocalypses Apocryphoe.-R.]
1 Another reading is Aegeas. [This is the reading of the Bodleian MS., already frequently referred to (See p. 355). In mosh cases its text is followed in the Latin version collated by Tischendorf.-R.]
2 Deut. xxxii. 17; 1 Cor. x. 20, 21.
7 Another reading is: This is what I spoke of, as you know- that great is the mystery of the cross; and if so be that you are willing to listen, I will reveal it.
8 Perhaps we should read a0nadeicei, shalt exhibit, for a0nade/cei.
16 Another reading is, seven quaternions.
17 One of the MSS. [the Bodleian] has here: Giving orders to the centurions that he should be bound hand and foot as if he were stretched on the rack, and not pierced with nails, that he might not die soon, but be tormented with long-continuing torture.
18 Another reading is: I am attached to thee.
19 The original is obscure. The meaning seems to be that he was tied only, not nailed. The nailing, however, seems to have been an essential part of the punishment of crucifixion.
20 It was common to let loose wild beasts on the crucified (Sueton., Nero, 49).
21 Instead of this paragrph, on MS. [the Bodleian] has: And there ran up a great multitude, about twenty thousand in number, among whom was the brother of Aegeas, Stratocles by name: and he cried out with the people, It is an unjust judgment. And the holy Andrew, hitting upon the thoughts of the believers, exhorted them to endure the temporary trial, saying that the suffering counted for nothing when compared with the eternal recompense.
22 One MS. calls her the proconsul's wife. [So Pseudo-Abdias: but the Greek MSS., collated by Tischendorf, do not give this reading.-R.]
23 i.e., having nothing to do with us.
26 i.e., 30th November, St. Andrew's day.
27 One MS. thus ends: These things were done in the province of Achaia, in the city of Patras, on the day before the kalends of December; where also his glorious good deeds are shown even to this day; and so great fear came upon all ,that no one remained who did not believe in God our Saviour, who wishes all to be saved, and to come to the knowledge of the truth. To Him be glory to ages of ages. Amen. [This is the ending of the Latin version (in Tischendorf); the Bodleian MS. has a similar conclusion, but the text is differently arranged.-R.]
1 The oldest MS. has Matthias; the four or five others have Matthew.
3 One MS. inserts: having given thanks to God.
4 The winds from the four quarters of the heavens.
5 One MS. has: and the Lord prepared a small boat, and put angels in it for sailors; and Jesus was, as it were, the master of the boat.
9 One MS. inserts, besides women and children.
12 There seems to be something wrong here. One MS. has, the structure of the temple, and omits the following clause.
13 One MS. has: Do not say that I am a carved stone, and that you alone have a name, and are called high priests.
14 Gen. xxiii. 9, 17, following the version of the LXX. and the older interpreters.
15 Not one of the twelve patriarchs was buried in Machpelah.
16 One MS. inserts: And he saw the gate of that city.
18 Another MS. has: make men eat their like.
20 Two MSS. have: two hundred and forty-nin men.
21 Another reading is, praying.
24 One MS. adds: like wax before fire.
26 One MS. has: Thou art always warring against the race of the Christians.
27 One of the MSS. has Samael.
28 One MS. adds: And Andrew answered and said: O Belial! foe of the whole creation, thou hast always been a robber, warring against the race of men: thou in the beginning didst cause Adam to be cast out of paradise; thou didst cause the loaves upon the table to be turned into stones; and again thou has appeared in this city, to cause the people here to eat up men.
31 One MS. adds: And the devil answered and said to the seven wicked demons, My children, kill him that dishonours us.
36 One MS. has: Yea, for assuredly you have been honoured: for God did not write the law for His people on plates of gold or silver, but on plates of stone. Now therefore, O statue, do this that I require of thee.
40 One MS. adds: With the Father, and the Son, and the all-holy and good and life-giving and holy Spirit. Another MS. ends thus: Then the Apostle Andrew wished to go out again to preach. And they assembled from small to great of them, and said: There is one God and Father of all, one Lord, one faith, one baptism, which we have been taught by our father Andrew, the first called in (or by) Christ Jesus or Lord; to whom be glory for ever. Amen.
1 [This is the MS. frequently referred to in the previous pages. The Greek text of this fragment is given by Tischendorf in the supplement to Apocalypses Apocr., pp. 161-167.-R.]
2 Something seems to have fallen out here.
2 The other [Vienna] MS. has, eleven.
3 In some of the MSS. of the previous book the name of Matthew appears in place of that of Matthias-Matthaios for Mattheias.
5 The older [Vienna] MS. has: heretofore worshipping every evil thing.
6 The other [Paris] MS. has: having communicated in the Eucharist.
8 The other [Paris] MS. as Smyrna. Nicephorus calls it Myrmene.
9 Comp. Acts xviii. 9, xxiii. 11.
12 Lit., of the same form with him.
13 The other [Vienna] MS. has: for he neither ate nor drank, in his concern about these things.
14 The word thus translated is used by the LXX. in the sense of an asylum, or place of refuge.
15 Comp. Mark vii. 34. The addition of Jesus here shows that the writer did not know the meaning of the Aramaic word.
17 I should eb disposed to read e!kaion, set fire to, for e!kamnon, laboured.
18 The other [Vienna] MS. has: at our gods.
19 The other [Vienna] MS. adds: How my forefathers toiled, and with great trouble made the gods; and now, behold, they have been destroyed by one magician.
20 The change of person is noticable.
21 In the other MS. the king prays: And now, since there is still in me a little unbelief, I beseech thee that thou wilt bring the body of Matthew from the sea. For, behold, I will order the body to be thrown into the depths of the sea; and if thou deliver it as thou didst deliver it, in the funeral pile, I will forsake all my gods at onec, and believe in thee alone. [The Vienna MS., here cited, interpolates still more.-R.]
23 Ps. iii. 5 according to the LXX.
25 The meaning is not clera. The other MS. has: After one hour he sees in that place an image of a cross coming up from the depth of the sea. [The Vienna MS. varies more than this extract indicates.-R.]
26 The other [Vienna] MS. is much fuller here: And the cry of the multitude came to the king. And he asked: What is the uproar and shouting among the people? And he leraned that Matthew's coffin had shame of itself. Then, filled with great joy, the king straightway goes to the coffin, crying out, and saying with a loud voice: The God of Matthew is the only God, and there is none other but Him. And he fell on his face near the coffin, saying: Pardon me, Lord Jesus Christ, for what I have done against this holy man, for Iw as in ignorance. And the bishop, seeing the repentance and tears of the king, gave him a hand, and raised him from the ground, and said to him: Rise up, and be of good courage; for the Lord God hath accepted thy repentance and conversion through the good offices of His servant and apostle Thomas. And the king rose up from the ground, and fell at the bishop's feet, etc.-as in the text.
29 The other [Vienna] MS. has: And likewise his wife and his dauther-in-law deaconesses.
30 The other [Paris] MS. ends differently: And there came a voice, Peace to you, and joy, for there shall not be war nor stroke of sword in this city, because of Matthew, mine elect, whom I have loved for ever. Blessed are they who observe his memory, for they shall be glorified to ages of ages.
And the day of his commemoration shall be the fourteenth of the month of Gorpiaeus. Glory, honour, and worship to God, and to the Son, and to the Holy Spirit, now and ever, and to the ages. [The Paris MS. is usually followed by Tischendorf. But in the three concluding paragrphs, as given in the text above, he follows the Vienna MS.-R.]
1 This lis tis a transcript of Matt. x. 2-4, except in the last name.
2 This double name is in accordance with a tradition preserved by Eusebius (H. E., i. 13), that the true name of Thomas was Judas.
9 Ex. xxx. 23; Cant. iv. 14; Ezek. xxvii. 19.
10 Comp. Ps. xxiv. 7, according to the LXX.
11 Three of the five MSS. either omit the prayer altogether, or give it very briefly.
13 The text of this exhortation also varies much in the four MSS. which give it.
1 Dius was the first, and Xanthicus the sixth, of the twelve lunar months of the Macedonian calendar, which after the time of Alexander was adopted by the Greek cities of Asia generally. Dius fell partly in October and partly in November; Xanthicus answered generally to April.-Smith's Dict. of Antiq., s. v. Mensis. Another reading is: I shall begin in Hyperberetaeus-the twelfth month.
3 One of the MSS. has: that there is one God, namely Jesus.
4 One MS. has: But if thou buy it, thou shalt live in it. And he said to them: Can I buy it? And they said to him: See that thou obtain one like this which thou seest, or better if thou wilt, that when thou comest hither again, thou mayst not be driven into the darkness.
5 One of the MSS. here ends the history in these words:-And he sent, and brought out Thomas, and said to him: Pardon us if we have an ignorance been in any way harsh to thee; an dmake us to be partakers of him whjom thou preachest. And the apostle says: I too rejoice with you, that you are made partakers of His kingdom. And he took and enlightened them, having given them the washing of grace in the name of Father, and Son, and Holy Spirit, to whom is due all glory and kingdom without end. And when they had gone up straightway out of the water, the Saviour appeared to them, so that the apostle wondered, and a great light shone brighter than the rays of the sun. And having confirmed their faith, he went out, going on his way in the Lord.
6 i.e., give thanks, as in Matt. xi. 25, Luke x. 21, etc.
9 One MS. for this whole section has: The two brothers having been set apart by the apostle, said to him, Give us the seal in Christ. And he ordered them to bring him oil. And ends the history thus: And he arose, and sealed threm in the name of Father, and Son, and Holy Spirit, and baptized them. And the Lord was reveled to them, through a voice saying ot them, peace unto you! And the apostle sealed also all that were with them. And they all beleived in our Lord Jesus Christ: and the whole of India become believing. The last sentence in the text seems to be an interpolation. The oil was not for the lamps, but for the ceremony of baptism. The practice of bpatizing with oil instead of water-one of the "notable and execrable" heresies of the Manichaeans-is said to have been founded on this passage.
12 Perhaps for prosbolh|= we should read probol|=, projection or emanation.
13 Or, communicants of the Eucharist.
14 Or, arising from the things of the body.
21 In this passage we have one of the data for fixing the date of the writing.
22 Or, from those to whom he was lent.
23 And, by implication, gigantic.
27 Rom. xiii. 13; Luke xii. 34.
29 1 Cor. ii. 9; Isa. lxiv. 4.
37 i.e., get another instead of thee, my beloved.
38 Matt. xiv. 17; John xxi. 11; John iv. 6; Matt. xiv. 25.
44 sumye/llion, which is not Greek, is obviously the Latin sub. sellium.
49 Or, stand in awe of no one.
54 Or, having our sins in view.
57 Obviously omitted either in the MSS. or in the text.
1 The following translation of a MS. in the Bodleian Library, transcribed by Tischendorf (Apocal, Apocr., p. 158), gives a fuller account of the martyrdom of St. Thomas:- MARTYRDOM OF THE HOLY AND ALL-RENOWNED APOSTLE THOMAS
After the apostle had gone forth, according to the command of our Lord, and God, and Saviour Jesus Christ, the Lord appeared to him, saying: Peace to thee, my disciple and apostle! And the apostle fell on his face on the ground, and prayed the Lord to reveal to him the circumstances of his precious departure. And the Lord said to him: Misdaeus is contriving a plan to destroy thee very soon; but, behold, he will come to me. And after having sealed him, He ascended int othe heavens. And the aspotle taught the people, and there was added unto the flock of Christ. But some men who hated Christ accused him before King Misdeus, saying: Destroy this sorcerer, who corrupts and deceives the people in this new one God whom he proclaims. Moreover, has has deceived thy lady and thy son. On hearing this, Misdeus, without inquiry, ordered him to be laid hold of, and shut up in prison. And they quickly did what they were ordered, and threw him into the prison, and sealed it. And when the women who believed in God had heard that Judas was shut up, they gave a great sum of money to the warders, and went in to him in the prison. And the apostle says to them: My daughters, handmaidens of Jesus Christ, listen to me. In my last day I address you, because I shall no more speak in the body; for, lo, I am taken up to my Lord Jesus Christ, who has had pity upon me, who humble dHimself even to my littleness. And I rejoice that the time is at hand for my change from this, that I may depart and receive my reward in the end; for my Lord is just. And at the end of his discourse to them, he said: O my Saviour, who hast endured much for our sake, let Thy mercies be upon us. And he sent them away, saying: The grace of the Holy Spirit be with you! And they grieved and wepot, knowing that King Misdeus was going to put him to death. And Judas heard the warders contending with each other, and saying: Let us goa nd tell the king. Thy wife and thy son are going to the prison to this sorcerer, and for their sakes thou shouldst put him to death soon. And at dawn they arose and went to King Misdeus, and said: My Lord, release that sorcerer, or cause him to be shut up elsewhere; for though we shut in the prisoners, and secure the doors, when we rise we find them opened. Nay, more: thy wife and son will not keep away from the man any more than the rest of them. And when the king heard this, he went to look at the seals. And he looked all about them on the doors, and found them as they were. Then he said to the jailors: What are you telling lies about? for certainly these seals are quite safe: and how do you say that Tertia, and Mygdonia, and my son go within the prison? And the warders said: We have told thee the truth, O king. And after this the king went into the prison, and sent for the apostle. And when he came, they took off his girdle, and set him before the tribunal .And the king said: Art thou a slave, or free? And tThomas said: I am One's slave. Thou hast no power over me whatever. And Misdaeus says: Didst thou run away and come to this country? Thomas: I came here to save many, and I am to depat from my body by thy hands. Midsaeus says to him: Who is thy master? and what is his name? and what country dost thou belong to? Thomas: Thou canst not her His true name at this time; but I tell thee the name that has been given Him for the time: it is Jesus the Christ. And Misdaeus says: I have been in no hurry to put thee to deat, but have restrained myself; but thou hast made a display of thy works, so that thy sorceries have been heard of in every country. But no; I shall bring thee to and end, that thy sorceries may be destoryed, and our nation purified. And Thomas said: What thou callest sorceries shall abound in me, and never be removed from the people here. And aftrer this was said, Misdeus rflected in what manner he should put the apostle to death, for he was afraid of the people standing by who believed. And he arose and took Thomas outside of the city; and he was accompanied by a few armed soldiers. And the ultitude suspected that the king was plotting about him, and stood and addressed themselves to him. And when they had gone forth three stadia, he delivered him to four soldiers and one of the polemarchs, and ordered them to spear him on the mountain; and he returned to the city. And those who were present rant to Thomas, eager to rescue him. And he was led away, accompanied by the silders, two on each side. . . . And Thomas, walking along, said: O Thy secret mysteries, O Jesus! for even unto the end of life are they fulfilled in us. O the riches of Thy grace! . . . for, lo, how four have laid hold of me, since of four elements . . . (Here the fragment ends.) [The MS. in which this occurs is not that one which has been so frequently cited in the preceding Apocryphal Acts.-R.]
2 Pseudo-Abdias, in his Histories of the Apostles, has as follows: Wherefore, in a rage, Mesdeus king of India thrust into prison the Apostle Thomas, and Zuganes his son, and several others.
3 Abdias: Treptia, who was the king's wife, and Mygdonia the wife of Charisius, one of the king's friends, and Narchia the nurse, gave the jailor 360 pieces of silver, and were let in to the apostle.
4 Abdias: Thomas stood in the prison, and said: Lord Jesus, who didst endure very much for us, let the gates eb shut as they were before, and the seals be made again on the same doors.
5 Abdias gives an account of the king going to the prison, and the disbelieving the report of the warders, because he found the seals on the doors as he had left them.
6 The not should, by the context, be omited. [So Pseudo-Abdias.-R.]
7 Reading h0ei/xqhn for a0ph/xqhn.
9 Lit., polemarchs, who in the early times of Athens combined the duties of Foreign Secretary and War Secretary, and sometimes took the command in the field.
10 Abdias: The apostle said that great and divine mysteries were revealed in his death, since he was led by four soldiers, because he consisted of four elements; and the Lord Jesus had been struck by one man, because He kne that one Father had begotten Him.
11 Lit., the servants of the order.
13 These names are slightly different in form in this paragraph.
14 These names are slightly different in form in this paragraph.
15 Abdias: and buried them in the city of Edessa. [The translator cites the readings of Pseudo-Abdias, as given by Tischendorf (from Fabricius), as those of "Abdias." The same form of citation appears in the footnotes to the Martyrdom of Bartholomew, pp. 553-557.-R.]
1 The history of Abdias gives the name as Berith, after Judg. ix. 46.
3 Pseudo-Abdias says: a hundred times.
4 Pseudo-Abdias says: a hundred times.
7 Comp. Luke i. 26-38. Abdias goes on: He then, after His birth, suffered Himself to be tempted by that devil who had overcome the first man, persuading him to eat of the tree forbidden by God.
14 Abdias calls him Astyages; elsewhere he is called Sanathrugus.
15 Lit., no-priests-mierei=j for mh\ i0erei=j-a name given in scorn to heathen priests by Christian writers.
18 Or it may mean: that the apostle might be established.
1 [Curiously enough, the Vienna MS. has in the title: "one of the seventy," instead of "one of the twelve." The same confusion exists in the writings of Eusebius and Jerome.-R.]
3 [Compare with this letter that found in Eusebius (Hist. Eccl., i. 13), where the reply is also given. Eusebius claims that he had seen the original documents.-R.]
6 The other [Vienna] MS. here adds: And having gone into it, he preached Christ, saying to them all with tears, Ye men who have ears to hear, hear from me the word of life: hear attentively, and understand. Cast off your many opinions, and believe and come to the one living and true God, the God of the Hebrews. For He only is the true God and Maker of the whole creation, searching the hearts of mankind, and knowing all about each one before their birth, as being the Maker of them all. To Him alone, fixing your eyes, upon heaven, fall down evening and morning, and at noon, and to Him alone offer the sacrifice of priase, and give thanks always, refraining from what you yourselves hate; because God is compassionate and benevolent, and recompenses to each one according to his works.
1 Tischendorf gives a conjectural reading: who is present to them when they assemble; but the MSS. reading will bear the interpretation given above.
4 Lit., of all breath and flesh.
5 Equal to our proverb, Seeing is believing.
7 Tischendorf conjectures this clause, as the original is illegible.
13 The other MSS. has: not without concern.
15 The word digrwsi/w| is not to be found in any of the dictionaries. Perhaps it is a misreading of diazw/stra|.
1 There is great variety as to these names in the MSS. The true reading was probably diafu/twr or diafuteuth/j, a planter, and mhlata/j or mhlobo/thj, a keeper of sheep.
3 One MS. adds: And Adam lived 930 years; and when he came to his end he cried, etc.
4 One MS. has: and he will bring to me of the tree in which compassion flows, and thy trouble shall cease from thee.
7 Perhaps for i!son we should read ei!sw, within. Another reading is: for the days of his life have been fulfille , and he will live from today three days, and he will die.
8 C. has: I take counsel with thee. [C is a Vienna manuyscript of the twelfth century; see p. 358, and Tischendorf, Apocalypses Apocryphoe, pp. xi., xii.-R.]
9 It seems to be settled that the zizania of the Greeks, the zawdn of the Arabs, was darnel; but, from the associations connected with the word, it is better to keep the common translation.
13 I have read taxunqh/sei for taxunqh|/sei, thou shalt grow fat.
14 The text has matai/oij, vain; the true reading is probably kama/toij or mo/xqoij.
16 MS. B. inserts: And Eve was twelve years old when the demon deceived her, and gave her evil desires. For night and day he ceased not to bear hatred against them, because he himself was formerly in paradise; and therefore he supplanted them, because he could not bear to see them in paradise. [B is a Vienna MS. of the thirteenth or fourteenth century; see Tischendorf, Apocat. Apocr., p. xi.-R.]
17 This is after the version of the LXX., and it is also the interpretation of Gesenius of the Hebrew shuÆph, Gen. iii. 15.
19 This is the `sweet cane" of Isa. xliii. 24; Jer. vi. 20. See also Ex. xxx. 23; Cant. iv. 14; Ezek. xxvii. 19.
20 Or, and we were upon the earth.
21 Perhaps ta/fon, tomb, would be better than to/pon.
24 The text has ponh/santa, a misprint for poih/santa.
26 The last clause is not in C.
27 MS. A here ends thus: the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Spirit, now and ever, and to ages of ages. Amen. [A is the Venice MS. "of about the thirteenth century; " Tischendorf, Apocal. Apocr., p. xi.-R.]
28 The MSS. originally had days, and hours is substituted in another hand.
30 According to a Jewish tradition, these were the four angels who stood round the throne of God.
31 Probably the reading should be e#teron, another, and not e0ai=ron. Or it may mean: I will not receive a friendly body, i.e., one upon which I have no claims.
32 i.e., of which Adam was made.
34 MS. D ends here with: To whom be glory and strength to ages of ages. Amen. [D is the Milan manuscript which Tischendorf assigns to "About the eleventh century," Apocalypses Apocryphoe, p. xi.-R.]
2 Supplied by Tischendorf. Perhaps it should be days.
3 Perhaps this should be five-e' instead of c'-which would make seventy days, as above.
6 Tischendorf supplies this claues from conjecture, and adds that some more seems to have fallen out.
8 This seems to be the meaning of the text, which is somewhat corrupt. It obviously refers to Abraham pleading for Sodom.
9 This passage is very corrupt in the text; but a few emendations bring out the meaning above.
11 Comp. Ex. xxxiii. 19; Rom. ix. 18.
12 Lit., framing, or fashioning.
14 This is inserted by Tischendorf.
15 Comp. 2 Tim. iv. 1, 8; Tit. ii. 13.
24 There is something wanting here in the text.
28 Or, thy trust, or pledge. Comp. 1 Tim. vi. 20; 2 Tim. i. 14, in Textus Receptus.
32 The word is wanting in the MS.
34 Or, in a measure. Drakh/n in the text should be draka/. Comp. Isa. xl. 12 in the LXX.
35 Comp. 1 Kings ii. 11; Ecclus. xlviii. 9.
36 So the MS. Perhaps them would be better.
3 Or, according to the primary meaning of the word, shining, sparkling. The translation of the Syriac version has, "a box of white glass."
4 Syr., Thinking that there was something of gold within it.
8 i.e., to sinful matter-u#lh-the source of the sw=ma in the Gnostic doctrine.
13 Isa. xxii. 13; 1 Cor. xv. 32.
18 The hiatus is thus filled up in the Syriac: Yes, not only are their names written, but their works from day to day: the angel their minister brings tidings of their works every day from morning to morning; they are known to God by their hearts and their works. And after they are recorded, if there happen to them a matter of sun or deficiency, it is purified by chastisement according to their sin, that there be not unto them any defect in their strivings.
19 Rev. xi. 3-12. Enoch and Elijah were suppoesd to be the two witnesses there mentioned.
23 Syr., This is the place of the prophets. A very slight change in the Greek text would give this reading.
25 The Syriac has: Those who do not confess Jesus Christ, nor His resurrection, nor His humanity, but consider Him as all mortal, and who say that the sacrament of the body of our Lord is bread. The word qeoto/koj in the text was the occasion of the three years' struggle between Nestorius and Cyril of Alexandria, which ended by the condemnation of the former by the Council of Ephesus, a.d. 431. The vie wof the Eucharist in the text is not inconsistent with an early date, though it must be remembered that the idea of a substantial rpesence became the orthodox doctrine only after the Second Council of Nicaeea in a.d. 787.
31 For this trradition, see the Bible Dictionaries under Manasseh. Comp. Heb. xi. 37.
32 Here the [Greek] MS. abruptle ends. The Syriac thus continues:-And He gave not until I called upon Him again: then He gave unto them. But blessed art thou, O Paul, that they generation and thoes thou teachest are the sons of the kingdom. And know thou, O Paul, that every man who believes through thee hath a great blessing, and a blessing is reserved for him. Then he departed from me. And the angel who was with me led me forth, and said unto me: Lo, unto thee is given this mysterya and revelation. As thou pleasest, make it known unto the sons of men.-And then follow details of the deopsiting of the revelation under the foundation of the house in Tarsus,-details which Tischendorf says the translator of the Syriac did not find in his original. [The close of the English translation of the Syriac version is given in full by Tischendorf (pp. 68, 69). It varies greatly from the above paragraph in the text, besides the addition of the details which Tischendorf regards as spurious.-R.].
1 For the history of the tradition that the transfiguration occurred on Mount Tabor, see Robinson's Researches, ii. 358.
3 MS. B adds: And they shall be manifested at the consummation of the age, in the judgment to come. Just as the prophet Daniel saw the judgment, I sat, and the books were opened. Then also shall the twelve apostles sit, judging the twelve tribes of Israel. And when I heard this from my Lord, I again asked: Show me, my Lord, when these things shall come to pass, etc. [N is the designation of a Paris manuscript data 1523. All the manuscripts are comparatively recent; see Tischendorf, pp xviii., xix.-R.]
4 MS. B. here inserts Luke xxi. 11.
5 The choenix of corn was a man's daily allowance. It was equal to two points according to some, a pint and a half according to others.
7 MS. B. adds: And he will love most of all the nation of the Hebrews; and the righteous shall hide themselves, and flee to mountains and caves. And he shall take vengeance on many of the righteous; and blessed is he who shall not believe in him.
9 To the description of Antichrist, MS. E adds: He holds in his hand a cup of death; and all that worship him drink of it. His right eye is like the morning star, and his left like a lion's; because he was taken prisoner by the archangel Michael, and he took his godhead from him. And I was sent from the bosom of my Father, and I drew up the head of the polluted one, and his eye was consumed. And when they worship him, he writes on their right hands, that they may sit with him in the outer fire; and for all who have not been baptized, and have not believed, have been reserved all anger and wrath. And I said: My Lord, and what miracles does he do? Hear, righteous John: He shall remove mountains and hills, and he shall beckon with his polluted hand, Come all to me; and through his displays and deceits they will be brought together to his own place. He will raise the dead, and show in everything like God. [E is one of the Venice manuscripts.-R.]
12 Ps. xcviii. 6 according to the LXX.
13 Lit., form quarters even to quarters of the world.
14 Adapted from Eccles. xii. 4.
15 To this section MS. E adds many detalis: They that have gold and silver shall throw them into the streets, and into every place in the world, and no one will heed them. They shall throw into the streets ivory vessels, and robes adorned with stones and pearls ; kings and rulers wasting away with hunger, patriarchs and governors (or abbots), elders and peoples. Where is the fine wine, and the tables, and the pomp of the world? They shall not be found in all the world; and men shall die in the mountains and in the streets, and in every place of the world. And the living shall die from the stink of the dead, etc. Whosoever shall not worship the beast and his pomp shall be called a witness (or martyr) in the kingdom of heaven, and shall inherit eternal life with my holy ones.
16 Comp. Matt. xxii. 30, and parallel passages.
17 Ps. ciii. 14-16 according to LXX.
19 Ps. cxlvi. 4 according to LXX.
23 Two MSS. have this number; the other four have 500, 1800, 30, 60-100ths.
26 MS. D has: Again another prophet has said. [D is another Paris manuscript of the fifteenth century.-R.]
38 Ms. D inserts, Trinity and.
49 Lit., proportion or analogy.
51 Deut. xxxii. 8 according to the LXX.
53 John x. 16. [The correct text of John x. 16 is: "one flock, one shepherd." but it was altered quite early.-R.]
58 As a specimen of the eschatology of these documents, Tischendorf gives the following extracts from the termination of MS. E:-
Hear, righteous John: All these shall be assembled, and they shall be in the pit of lamentation: and I shall set my throne in the place, and shall sit with the twelve apostles and the four and twenty elders, and thou thyself an elder on account of thy blameless life; and to finish three services thou shalt receive a white rob and an unfading crown from the hand of the Lord, and thou shalt sit with the four and twenty elders, etc. And after this the angels shall come forth, having a golden censer and shining lamps; and they shall gather together on the Lord's right hand those who have lived well, and done His will, and He shall make them to dwell for ever and ever in light and joy, and they shall obtain life everlasting. And when He shall separate the sheep from the goats, that is, the righteous from the sinners, the righteous on the right, and the sinners on the left; then shall He send the angel Raguel, saying: Go and sound the trumpet for the angels of cold and snow and ice, and bring together every kind of wrath upon those that stand on the left. Because I will not pardon them when they see the glory of God, the impious and unrepentant, and the priests who did not what was commanded. You who have tears, weep for the sinners. And Temeluch shall call out to Taruch: Open the punishments, thou keeper of the ksy; oen the judgments; open the worm that dieth not, and the wicked dragon; make ready Hades; open the darkness; let loose the fiery river, and the frightful darkness in the depths of Hades. Then the pitiful sinners, seeing thei r works, and having no consolation, shall go down weeping into streatms as it were of blood. And there is none to pity them, netiher father to help, nor mother to compassionate, but rather the angels going against them, and saying: Ye poor wretches, why are you weeping? In the world you had no compassion on the weak, you did not help them. And these go away into everlasting punishment. There you will not be able to bear the sight of Him who was born of the virgin; you lived unrepenting in the world, and you will get no pity, but everlasting punishment. And Temeluch says to Taruch: Rouse up the fat three-headed serpent; sound the trumpet for the frightful wild beasts to gether them together to feed upon them (i.e., the sinners); to open the twelve plagues, that all the creeping things may be brought together against the impious and unrepenting. And Temeluch will gather together the multittude of the sinners, and will kick the earth; and the earth will be split up in diverse places, and the sinners will be melted in frightful punishments. Then shall God send Michael, the leader of His hosts; and having sealed the place, Temeluch shall strike them with the previous cross, and the earth shall be brought together as before. Then their angels lamented exceedingly, then the all-holy Virgin and all the saints wept for them, and they shall do them no good. And John says: Why are the sinners thus punished? And I heard a voice saying to me: They walked in the world each other after his own will, and therefore are they thus punished.
Blessed is the man who reads the writing: blessed is he who has transcribed it, and given it to other Catholic churches: blessed are all who fear God. Hear ye priests, and ye readers; hear ye people, etc.
1 The titles vary considerably. In two MSS. the author is said the be James the Lord's brother; in one, John Archbishop of Thessalonica, who lived in the seventh century.
4 A place near Rome; one MS. calls it Tiberis.
6 A canon is a part of the Church service consisting of nine odes. The canon of the third day is the canon for Tuesday.
9 Burning-MS. B. [This MS. is in Venice; see Tischendorf, Apocalypses Apocryphoe, p. xliii., for designations of MSS.-R.]
10 Lit., chiliarch, i.e., commander of a thousand.
12 Matt. xxi. 9; Luke xix. 38; Ps. cxviii. 26.
14 Lit., a going forth of illumination.
15 Perhaps the true reading is: thou shalt dwell where there is peace and joy of the holy angels.
17 Four of the MSS. give a different account here: While the apostles were going forth from the city of Jerusalem carrying the couch, suddenly twelve clouds of light snatched up the apostles, with the body of our Lady, and translated them to paradise.
19 One MS. has: To find mercy and remission of sins from our Lord Jesus Christ.
1 MS. B, the assumption. [For the list of MSS. used by Tischendorf, see his Apocal. Apocr., p. xliii.-R.]
2 MS. C adds: And cause all the apostles to be present at my departure.
4 Protevangelium of James, ch. 8, p. 363.
5 MS. C has: When, therefore, thou shalt see my archangel Gabriel coming to thee with a palm which I shall send to thee from heaven, know that I shall soon come to thee, my disciples, and angels, etc.
6 MS. C: And she began to give great thanks to God in these words: My soul doth magnify the Lord, and my spirit hath rejoinced in God my Saviour.
8 MS. A, raised. Levavit instead of lavit.
10 MS. c inserts: of the second day after the angel had come to her with the palm.
12 It was Joseph, theo ther candidate for the apostleship, who was called Justus (Acts i. 23).
13 MS. C adds: And she showed them the palm which the Lord had sent her from heaven by His angel.
14 MS. C has: just as the Holy Spirit appeared in a cloud to His disciples, viz., Peter, James, and John, when HE was transfigured, so, etc.
16 MS. C: By the divine vengeance, at that very instant they began to strike and slay each other with their weapons, and struck their heads against the walls like madmen.
17 MS. C inserts: a scribe of the tribe of Dan.
18 MS. C adds: and firmly to promise that, if he were made whole by their prayers, he would become Christian.
21 Bel and the Dragon, vers. 33-39.
23 MS. C adds: and in Cana of Galilee made wine out of water.
24 MS. C has this las tsection as follows: For I am Joseph, who laid the body of our Lord Jesus Christ in my sepulchre, and saw Him and spoke with Him after His resurrection; who afterwards kept His most pious mother in my house until her assumption into the heavens, and served her according to my poewr; who also was deemed worthy to hear and see from her holy mouth many secrets, which I have written and keep in my heart. That which I saw with mine eyes, and heard with mine ears, of her holy and glorious assumption, I have written for faithful Christians, and those that fear God; and while I live I shall not cease to preach, speak, and write them to all nations. And let every Christian know, that if he keep this writing by him, even in his house, whether he be cleric, or lay, or a woman, the devil will not hurt him; his son will not be lunatic, or demoniac, or deaf, or blind; no one will die suddenly in his house; in whatever tribulation he cries to her, he will be herad; and in the day of his death he will have her with her holy virgins for his help. I beseech continually that the same most pious and merciful queen may be always mindful of m, and all who believe in her and hope before her most pious Son, or Lord Jesus Christ, who with the Father and the Holy Spirit, lives and reigns God through endless ages of ages. Amen.
1 The other MS. has the following introductory chapter: Melito, servant of Christ, bishop of the church of Sardis, to the venerable brethren in the Lord appointed at Laodicea, in peace greeting. I remember that I have often written of one Leucius, who, having along with ourselves associated with the apostles, turned aside through alienated feeling sand a rash soul from the path of rectitude, and inserted very many things in his books about the acts of the apostles. Of their powers, indeed, he said many and diverse things; but of their teaching he gave a very false account, affirming that they taught otherwise than they did, and establishing his own impious statements, as it were, by their words. Nor did he think this to be enough; but he even vitiated, by his impious writing, the assumption of the blessed ever-virgin Mary, the other of God, to such a degree that it would be impious not only to read it in the church of God, but even to hear it. When you ask us, therefore, what we heard from the Apostle John, we simply write this, and have directed it to your brotherhood; believing, not the strange dogmas hatched by heretics, but the Father in the Son, the Son in the Father, while the threefold person of the Godheda and undivided substance remains; believing not that two human natures was created by a good God, which by the craft of the serpent was vitiated through sin, and restored through the grace of Christ. [Tischendorf gives this from Maxima Bibliotheca vet. patr., ii. 2, pp. 212 sqq. (ed. Sugdun).-R.]
4 The other MS. has a better reading: For, behold, on the third day I am to depart from the body; and I have heard, etc.
5 The other MS. here adds: And there came with them Paul, converted from the circumcision, who had been selected along with Barnabas for the ministry of the Gentiles. And when there was a pious contention among them as to which of them should be the first to pray to the Lord to show them the reason, and Peter was urging Paul to pray first, Paul answered and said: That is thy duty, to begin first, especially seeing that thou hast been chosen by God a pillar 9Gal. ii. 9) of the Church, and thou hast precedence of all in the apostleship; but it is by no means mine, for I am the least of you all, and Christ was seen by me as one born out of due time (1 Cor. xv. 8); nor-do I presume to make myself equal to you: nevertheless by the grace of God I am what I am (1 Cor. xv. 10).
6 The other MS. adds: at the humility of Paul.
9 This does not seem to make very good sense. Another reading is: And the splendour appeared great, and nothing was perceived, while the body, perfectly clean, and unstained by any horror of filth, was being washed.
11 The other MS. inserts: And Paul said to him: And I, who am younger than any of you, will carry along with thee. And when all had agreed, Peter, raising the bier at the head, began to sing and say.
18 The other MS. has: And when he had said this, "I believe."
19 Gen. xix. 11; Wisd. xix. 17.
1 Compae these Canons: Nicaea, vi.; Constantinople, ii., iii.; Ephesus, viii.; and Chalcedon, xxviii.
2 Episcopus ab extra; i.e., head of temporalities.
3 Hincmar of Rheims opposed them as he could. See Prichard's Hincmar, Oxford, 1849.
4 See vol. v. p. 154, Elucidation III.
5 See his Eccles. History, Cent. iii. p. 173, ed. Longdon, 1693.
13 History of Latin Christianity, vol. iii. p. 191.
14 History of Latin Christianity, vol. iii. p. 193. [In the marvellous confusion of vol. ix. of the Edinburgh series, these Decretals are mixed up with genuine works as "Fragments of the Third Century."]
1 The little that is known of Zephyrinus is derived from Eusebius. That historian states that Zephyrinus succeeded Victor in the presidency of the Roman church "about the ninth year of the reign of Severus" (a.d. 201), and that he died in the first year of the reign of Antoninus (Heliogabalus, a.d. 218). He is several times aluded to in the fragments ascribed to Caius, or in connection with them. The two letters bearing his name are forgeries. They belong to the famous collection of False Decretals forged in the ninth century.
2 The word "bishops" is omitted in MS.
4 This means the seventy-third apostolic canon, in which it is ordained that episcopal cases be not decided but by superior bishops, councils, or the Roman pontiff. [See note 1, p. 612.]
5 Another reading has sixty, and another fifty. Whatever be the reading, it is true that by these decrees are meant the apostolic canons: and although their number was only fifty, yet, because sometimes several decrees are comprehended in one canon, there would be no inconsistency between the number of sixty or seventy apostolic decrees and the number of fifty apostolic canons (Sev. Bin.).
8 Job xxix. 13-17, according to the Vulgate version.
9 Or, Gallus. But Saturninus and Gallus were consuls in the year 198, while Victor was yet alive.
1 Or, diligence. [See note 2, p. 612.]
3 By these apocrisarii are meant the deputies of the bishops, and their locum tenentes, as it were, who manage the affairs of the Church, hear the cases of individuals, and refer them to the bishops. They are therefore calle dapocrisarii, i.e., responders, from a0pokri/nomai, oporteat Episcopos, chap. xii. Albericus understands by them the legates of the Pope. [Note 3.]
15 The MS reads, "and those wearing the priestly dignity."
18 Or, Gallus. [See note 5, p. 610.]
1 Callistus succeeded Zephyrinus in the bishopric of Rome, and discharged the duties of that office for five years. This is all the information which Eusebius (in his Chronicon and Hist. Eccl., vi. 21) gives us in regard to Callistus. Later writers make many other statements. [See note, p. 618.] The letters attributed to him form part of the False Decretals of the pseudo-Isidorus, mentioned in the notice of Zephyrinus.
7 See Augustine's Confessions, book ix. ch. ix.
2 The reference is to the 11th and 12th of the canons of the apostles. [Vol. vii. p. 501, this series.]
5 Canons 35 and 36. [Vol. vii. p. 503.]
16 Ezek. xviii. 32 and xxxiii. 11.
1 Urban was the successor of Callistus. The letter ascribed to him is one of the pseudo-Isidorian forgeries.
2 Mansi, Concil. Collect., i. p. 748.
14 "Sectatori," for which read "factori."
1 Eusebius tells us that Pontianus was bishop of the Roman church five or six years (230-235 a.d.). He succeeded Urbanus. The letters are the forgeries of the pseudo-Isidorus.
1 Mansi, Concil. Collect., i. 735.
10 Veridicas. The text reads "Viratas."
1 Anterus succeeded Pontianus in the bishopric of the Roman church (232-236 a.d.). The letter ascribed to him is one of the pseudo-Isidorian forgeries.
9 The bracketed passage is wanting in one manuscript.
1 Fabian was bishop of Rome from 236 to 250 a.d. The letters ascribed to him are rejected by all as spurious.
9 Clementines: Ep. of Clem. to James, xviii. [P. 221, supra.]
1 The unguent of oil and balsam used in the so-called sacrament of confirmation. [See p. 604, supra.]
4 Matt. xxii. 39; Mark xii. 31.
1 Dist. 90, Si quis contristatus. Basil, in Reg., c. 74.
2 6, Q. 1, Quicunque sciens. Regino in the Book pf Penance.
3 32, Q. 7, Neque furiosus. And in the Decret. Ivo., book vi., Regino adduces it from the law of Rome.
4 35, Q. 2 and 3, De propinquis. From the Poenitentiale of Theodorus.
6 35, Q 6, Consanguineos extraneorum. And in the Decret. Ivo., vii.
7 De consecr., dist. 2, Etsi non. And in the Decret. Ivo., i.
8 Dist. 78, Si quis, 30; and in the Decret. Ivo., iii.; from Martin Bracar, ch. 20.
1 See his genuine Epistle, vol. i. p. 1, this series. Compare vol. I. pp. 69, 416, with vii. p. 478.
2 1 Pet. v. 1-4. The Bishops of Rome have only to restore themsevles to the spirit of St. Peter as here set forth, and the schisms of the churches will be at an end. For Tertullian's testimony, see vol. iii. p. 258, note 9.
3 De Maistre, thinking to overthrow the Anglicans, and imagining the Thirty-nine Articles to be "terms of communion" in the Anglican Church, where they never were, commits himself rashly to the following position: "If a people possess one of these Codes of Belief , we may be sure of this: that the religion of such a people is false." No people on earth has such as enormous Code of Belief as those who profess the creed of Pius the Fourth, and who accept the decrees of Pius the Ninth. See De Maistre, Le Principe Generateur, etc., p. 20, Paris, 1852. This Trent Creed is the fruit of the Decretals.
4 Dupin, ut supra, p. 17. See also Bryce's Holy Roman Empire, pp. 43 and 100. He pronounces "the Donation of Constantine" to be "the most stupendous of all the mediaeval forgeries. The Decretals certainly surpass it in their nature and their effects; but Mr. Bryce's reference to these is very feeble and unsatisfactory, after Dupin. See p. 156 of his work, ed. Macmillan, 1880.
1 Had the early Christians used icons,-i.e., pictures in their churches,-the churches themselves would everywhere have been visible proof against the Council of Frankfort and all who condemned icons. Sculptured images are not icons, technically.
3 Jacobite primate, died 1286.
5 Wake, Apostolic Fathers, p. 4.
10 Hist. of the Church, vol. i. p. 109 (Foreign Theol. Lib.).
11 Bayer, Historia Edessena e nummis illustrata, l. iii. p. 173.
12 Humphreys' Coin-Collector's Manual, p. 364.
15 The translator takes the opportunity of correcting the error by which the preparation of Tatian's work in vol. iii. of the Edinburgh Series was ascribed to him. The credit of it is due in the first instance to his lamented friend Mr. J. E. Ryland, at whose request, and subsequently by that of the editors, he undertook to correct the manuscript, but was soon obliged by other engagements to relinquish the task. [The correction was dult made in this series. See vol. ii. pp. 59, 61.]
1 By Eusebius of Caesarea.-TR. The MS. from which this extract from Eusebius is taken is numbered 14,639, fol. 15 b. It is described in Cureton's Corpus Ignatianum, p. 350.
2 Book I. chapter the thirteenth.-TR.
3 Properly Urrhoi, or Orrhoi ( ). It seems probably that the word is connected with Osrhoene, the name of the province in which Edessa held an important place, the correct form of which is supposed to be Orrhoene. The name Edessa ( ) occurs only once in these Documents, viz., in the "Acts of Sharbil," sub init.-TR.
4 "By this title all the toparchs of Edessa were called, just as the Roman emperors were called Caesars, the kings of Egypt Pharaohs or Ptolemies, the kings of Syria Antiochi." Assem., Bibl. Or., vol. i. p. 261. Assemani adds: "Abgar in Syriac means lame." Moses of Chorene, however, with more probability, derives it from the Armenian Avag-air, "grand homme, a cause de sa grande mansuetude et de sa sagesse, et de plus, a cause de sa taille." See below the extract from his History of Armenia, book ii. ch. 26.
5 Eusebius has di' e0pistolhfo/rou. See note on taxudro/mou, on next page.-TR.
6 Lit. "deemed him worthy of."-TR.
7 Gr. swthri/an: and so the Syriac word, meaning "life," is generally to be translated in this collection.-TR.
8 Syr. "near to him;" Gr. tw=n proshko/ntwn.
9 His real name was Judas Thomas: see p. 8.
10 The name is taken from Eusebius, but in the original Syriac treatises, which follow, he is called Addaeus.
11 In The Teaching of the Apostles he is said to have been one of the "seventy two apostles." His name, like that of Thomas, seems to have been the very common one, Judas.
12 These were kept in the archives of the kingdom, which were transferred by Abgar from Nisibis to Edessa when he made it the capital of his dominions. See Moses Chor. B. ii. ch. 27, infra. The archives appear to have been still kept at Edessa in a.d. 550. [Compare this fact with Tertullian's statement, vol. iii. p. 164.]
13 The kingdom of Edessa was brought to an end and entirely subjected to the Romans in a.d. 217 or 218.
14 The extract from the archives was probably made by Sextus Julius Africanus, and copied by Eusebius from his Chronographia.
16 Called Hanan in the original Syriac document; and so in Moses Chor.; Eusebius has 'Anani/aj, which is copied here.
17 Gr. taxudro/mou. But the post held by Hananias must have been one of more dignity than that of a courier. He was probably a Secretary of State. In The Acts of Addoeus (infra) he is called, in connection with the name Tabularius, a sharir, or confidential servant. It would seem that Tabularius has been confounded with Tabellarius, a letter-carrier. -TR.
18 Or "Abgar Uchomo." The epithet was peculiar to this King Abgar. He was the fourteenth king: the eleventh was calle dAbgar Sumoco, or "the Red." The occasion of the name "Black" is doubtful: it can hardly have arisen from the fact that Abgar was suffering, as Cedrenus asserts, from the black leprosy.-TR.
20 Comp. Matt. iv. 24; "And His fame went throughout all Syria," etc. See also Moses Chor. B. ii. c. 30.
21 Gr. a0ntigrafe/nta, "written in reply."
22 [John ix. 39, and xx. 29, 31; Hab. i. 5; with Isa. lii. 15, liii. 1.
23 Cureton, "were assembled and standing;" nearly as Euseb.: paro/ntwn kai\ e0stw/twn. But in 2 Sam. xx. 1, the only reference given by Castel for the word is used for the Heb. )rqn
, "he chanced."-TR.
24 , like the proseku/nhse of Eusebius, may be rendered "worshipped."-TR.
25 ; Gr. mega/lwj, lit. "greatly;" C. "nobly." But nothing more than intensity is necessarily denoted by either word. Compae, for the Syriac, Ps. cxix. 107, 167; Dan. ii. 12.-TR.
26 Compare the letters of Abgar and Tiberius, infra.
27 In another piece, The Teaching of Addoeus, i.e., Thaddaeus, we have a portion of the original Syriac from which Eusebius' translation was made. The only portions that correspond are: in the present piece, from this place to "-accept that of others," near the end; and, in the following one, from the beginning to "- that which is note ours." Some of the variations are worthy of notice.
29 This answers sufficiently well to the Greek: o0j kai\ au0to/j proselqw/n u0po\ tou\j po/daj au0tou= e!pesen; but, as the original Syriac, p. 12, reads "he too brought his feet to him, and he laid his hands upon them and healed him," the Greek translation must have been at fault. For brought read presented.-TR.
30 The original Syriac has "I will not hold my peace from delclaring this."
31 So Euseb. The orig. Syr. has "His sender."
32 The orig. Syr. has "the certitude of His preaching." The error seems to have arisen from the Greek translator confounding with . More probably with , "newness (of his preaching)," which was freely translated by him (peri) th=j kainh=j au0tou= khru/cewj; and this, again, was by the Syrian re-translator rendered literally, as in the text. The word certitude (above) may be rendered unerring truth. -TR.
33 Or "Sheol," as in Hebrew. The orig. Syr. gives "the place of the dead."
36 Valesius says that the Edessenes commenced their era with the 117th Olympiad, the first year of the reign of Seleucus. The year 340 corresponds, therefore, with the fifteenth year of Tiberius. It should eb the beginning of the 117th Olympiad.-TR.
1 Or, "MNr Lord," or "Mr." -TR.
2 This is taken from Cod. Add. 17, 158, fol. 56, where is added: "when she sent to our Lord to come to her."
5 [This ancient imitation of the Canticles shows how that book was understood, as of Christ and His Church.]
1 Taken from Cod. Add. 14,535, fol. i.
2 From Cod. Add. 12,155, fol. 53 vers.
3 From Cod. Add. 17,193, fol. 36. See Teaching of Addoeus, p. 657, infra.
5 Extrqacts IV. and V. are fro mCod. Add. 14,601, fol. 164, written apparently in the eighth century.
7 Extrqacts IV. and V. are fro mCod. Add. 14,601, fol. 164, written apparently in the eighth century.
8 From Cod. Add. 16,484, fol. 19. It consists of an apocryphal work on the Virgin, of the fifth or sixth century.
9 i.e., "My Lady" or "Madam" (= mea domina): it is the feminine form of "Mar."-TR.
10 Beginning with the new moon of October. The former Tishrin was the month immediately preceding.-TR.
11 The Greek e0pi/tropoj is used.-TR.
12 From Cod. Add. 14,624, apparently written in the ninth century.
13 From Cod. Add. 14,590, of the eighth or ninth century.
14 [A note of the Middle Age. The reverse is taught in the Scriptures, but even Hebrew Christians slurred the name of Paul.]
15 This is probably the correct reading: the printed text means "among the Assyrians."-TR.
16 Lit. "set their faces."-TR.
1 This fragment, extending t othe lucuna on P. 658, is contained in the MS. No. 14,654, at fol. 33. It consists of one leaf only, and is part of a volume of fragments, of which the age is certainly not later than the beginning of the fifth century.
3 Moses Chor says that he had been suffering seven years from a disease caught in Persia.
4 "The certitude."-C. [See p. 653, supra, note 6.]
6 The vowels supplied in thie word are conjectural, as is the case with most of the proper names in these Documents. Perhaps the name of this person is to be read Shalamtho, as there is a Salamyiw/, the wife of Phasaelus, mentioned in Jos., Antiq., b. xviii. c. v.
7 Who this was, does not appear. He may have been some connection of Meherdates king of the Parthians, of whom Tacitus, Ann., xii. 12, speaks as having been entertained at Edessa by Abgar.
8 According to Moses Chor. b. ii. ch. xxxv., the first, or chief, wife of Abgar was Helena.
9 Probably one of the second rank. Tacitus, Ann., vi. 31, 32, mentions a man named Abdus, perhaps the same as this one, as possessing great authority in the Parthian kingdom. [Note 2, p. 653, supra]
11 The remainder of "The Teaching of Addoeus" is taken from anotehr MS. of the Nitraian collection in the Brit. Mus., Cod. Add. 14,644. It is one of thoes which were procured in the year of the Greeks 1243 (a.d. 931) by the abbot Moses during his visit to Bagdad. It appears to be of the sixth century.
12 Both "for" and "willing" are conjectural, the MS. being damaged.-WRIGHT.
13 Both "for" and "willing" are conjectural, the MS. being damaged.-WRIGHT.
14 Possibly "earthquake," for which sense see Mich., p. 161; and so on p. 659, infra.-TR.
15 Properly "miserable." Compare Rom. vii. 24; 1 Cor. xv. 19.-TR.
16 Otherwise Caesarea Paneas, or C. Philippi: now Banias.-TR.
17 Cureton: "the whole object of our Lord's coming into the world was." But is = omnino.-TR.
18 A few lines are wanting here in the MS.
19 The greater part of the word rendered "deaf" is conjectural.-WRIGHT. The "your" looks as if it were impersonal: "it is useless for any one to talk to the deaf."-TR.
20 "By" ( ) is not in the printed text.-TR.
21 Lit. "the blame in which justice is involved (promp., buried) is yours." -TR.
23 "This" is doubtful.-WRIGHT.
24 I have very little doubt that we should substitute -the erath trembled- for -who is from the earth.-WRIGHT. [Words in italics are by the translator.]
25 Lit. "have proclaimed."-TR.
26 Cureton renders: "They would not have proclaimed the desolation of their city, nor would they have divulged the affliction of their soul in crying Woe!" Dr. Wright pronounces the two words whose equivalents are given in italics to be very doubtful. Dr. Payne Smith, instead of the latter of the two ( ), conjectures . This conjecture has been adopted. "Brought down" is lit "cause to drop."-TR.
27 The ancient Syriac Gospel, Luke xxiii. 48, gives: "And all those who were assemble dthere, and saw that which was done, were amiting on their breast, and saying, Woe to us! what is this? Woe to us for our sins!"
30 Perhaps "town" will not seem too insignificant a word if it be taken in its original sense of a fortified place, which the Syriac term also denotes. IT seemed desirable to distinguish, if possible, the two words which have been rendered respectively "city" and "town" in these pages. the only exception made is in a single passage were Rome is spoken of.-TR.
31 These words are not in the letter of Christ to Abgar. They must therefore be, either a message brought by Addaeus himself, or, much more probably, a later interpolation : earlier, however, than Ephraem Syrus, who alludes to them in his Testament. This notion of the immunity of the city of Edessa is referred to us by several Syriac writers. Nor was it confined to the East : it obtained in very early times in our own contry, where the letter of our Lord to Abgar was regareded as a charm. In a very ancient service-book of the Saxon times, preserved in the British Museum, the letter followed the Lord's Prayer and the Apostles' Creed; and an appended description of the virtues of the epistle closes with these words, according to the Latin version of Rufinus: "Si quis hanc epistolam secum habuerit, securus ambulet in pace." Jeremiah Jones, writing of the last century, says: "The common people in England have had it in their houses in many places in a frame with a picture before it: and they generally, with must honesty and devotion, regarrd it as the word of God and the genuine epistle of Christ." Even now a similar practice is believed to linger in some districts. The story of Abgar is told in an Anglo-Saxon poem, published in Abgarus-Legenden paa Old-Engeisk by G. Stephens, Copenhagen, 1853. It consists of 204, lines, is a tolerable close rendering of Eusebius, and is ascribed by Stephens to Aelfric, archbishop of York from 1023 to 1052. Note that ambulet (above) is for ambulabit, apparently.-TR.
35 Lit. "Spirit of holiness."-TR.
37 Prop. "lost," or "being lost," "perishing."-TR.
38 Lit. "support of your head."-TR. The word rendered "support" is not in the dictionaries, but its derivation and form are known. Mar Jacob, infra, has a similar expression: "A resting-place for the head, etc." Where, however, his word is derived from a root meaning to "prop up" , whereas the root of our word denotes to "bend itwself," "bow down" , and is often used of the declining day (as Luke xxiv. 29). It is used of the bending of the head in John xix. 30. The actual leaning of the head of support is not expressed in the verb, but would naturally be inferred from it.-TR.
39 Lit. "the truth of Christ is not believed in many things."-TR.
40 Lit. "the Spirit of His Godhead" = His Spirit of Godhead = His divine spirit."-TR.
43 Abgar had two sons of his name. This is probably the elder, who succeeded his father at Edessa, and reigned seven years. Bayer makes him the fifteenth king of Edessa.
44 Abgar's mother: see p. 657.
46 The vowels in this name are supplied from the treatise of Bardesan. Whiston, from the Armenian form, writes the name Samsagram. He was sent, together with Hanan and Maryhab, as envoy to Marinus. See Mos. Chor. B. ii. c. 30.
49 The son of Zati (see p. 663, note 7, supra).
50 Or "the headbands of the kings." Nothing appears to be known of the derivation of the word , which does not occur in the ordinary lexicons. Dr. Payne Smith has favoured the translator with the following note: " is evidently some king of ornament. In Ephs. ii. 379 (in the form it is an ornament worn by young people. B.A. (Bar Alii Lex. Syro-Arab.) and K. (Georgii Karmsedinoyo Lex.) render it (in the form , which may mean `a circlet of jewels. 0'" Cureton says: "These headbands of the king, or diadems, seem to have been made of silk or muslin scarves, like the turbans of orientals at the present day, interwoven with gold, and with figures and devices upon them, as was the case with that worn by Sharbil. See Acts of Sharbil, sub init." The art. Diadema in Dr. W. Smith's Antiqq. seems to furnish a good idea of what is intended. The ornament was probably white; and this has caused our expression to be sometimes confouneded with the similar . See Teaching of Simon Cephas, init.-TR.
51 The same name as berosus, who is so called in the modern Persiah.
52 These were the chief gods of Edessa, for former representing the sun, and the latter the moon.
53 The reference seems to be to Mark v. 15-TR.
54 The "soft clothing" of Matt. xi. 8, where the Peshito and the "Ancient Recension" have the same word as appears here. Cureton renders it "silk,"but remarks: "It would appear to be cotton or muslin, lana xylina, not bombycina." [The word clothing, with the Peshito and, should be credited to the translator.]
55 The text has not , but it is best to supply it.-TR.
56 Cureton gives "chains," which in his notes he changes to "silks," or "muslins," adopting, with C., the reading instead of the of the printed text. Mos. Chor. calls Aggaeus "un fabricant de coiffures de soie," according to the translation of Florival; or "quendam serici opificem," according to Whiston. It may be added that the word is doubtless the same as our "silk," which is only a form of Sericum, an adjective from Seres, the people whose country was the native home of the silk-worm.-TR.
57 These terms could only have been used here in the sense of the Law of Moses and the Gospel. If by the Acts of the Apostles is meant the work of Luke, this passage seems to show that the compiler of this account of Addaeus wrote some years subsequently to the events which he relates, or that it has been added by a later interpolator. For at the earlier period of Addaeus' ministry no other part of the New Testamemt was written than the Hebrew Gospel of Matthew, which is probably the gospel here meant.
58 Or "Ditornon."The reading of the MS. is not clear. IT seems that it ought to be Diatessaron, which Tatian has the Syrian compiled from the four Gospels about the middle of the second century. This was in general use at Edessa up to the fourth century, and Ephraem Syrus wrote a commentary on it. If this be so, we have here a later interpolation. [The translator says (of Ditornon and Diatess.): "The two words would differ but slightly in the mode of writing." He also corrects Cureton, who calls Tatian "the Syrian:" it should eb "the Assyrian."]
59 Lit. "the hand of priesthood:" and so passim.-TR.
60 Strabo, de Persis, b. xv. (ch. iii.): "They sacrifice to fire and to water."
61 See his letter in Mos. Chor., infra.
62 Dio Cassius, liv. 8: "Augustus fixed as the boundaries of the empire of the Romans the Tigris and Euphrates."
63 See it also, with some variations, in Mos. Chor., infra.
64 It was Pilate's duty, as governor of Judea, to send an account to the Roman Government of what had occured in respect to Jesus; and his having done so is mentioned by Justin Martyr, Tertullian, and several other writers.
65 the word is evidently misspelt. The name intended may have been confounded with that of the Albinus who was made governor of Judea at a later period by Nero, a.d. 62. The same person is referred to, in the Exit of Mary, infra: "Sabinus, the governor who had been appointed by the Emperor Tiberius: and even as far as the river Euphrates the governor Sabinus had authority." The person meant can only be Vitellius, who was then governor of Syria, who removed Pilate from the administration of Judea, sending Marcellus in his stead, and ordered him to appear before Tiberius at Rome. The emperor died before he reached Rome.
66 No mention is made by historians of any war with Spain. But about this time Vitellius, mentioned in the precding note, was mixed up with the wars of the Parthians and Hiberians; and, as Hiberi is an ame common to Spaniards, as well as Hiberians, the apparent error may have arisen in translating the letter ouf ot Latin into Syriac.
67 Baronius says Pilate violated the law by crucifying our Lord so soon after sentence had been passed, whereas a delay of tne days was required by a law passed in the reign of Tiberius.
68 Tiberius is said by Tertullian (Apol., 5) to have referred to the senate the question of admitting Christ among the gods. This has been interpolated into the epistle of Tiberius to Abgar as given in Moses Chor., B. ii. c. 33. He also adds another letter from Abgar in reply to this.
69 This word has been so much distorted and disfigured by the transcribers, that I am unable to recognise what is the place intended. -CURETON.
70 This word may be read Ortyka, and may be intended for Ortygia near Syracuse, which was not far from the island of Capreae, where Tiberius then desided, seldom leaving it to go farther than to the neighbouring coast of Campania.
71 Lit. "the other villages." So, in several passages of these Documents, "the rest of the other-." The habit of including two or more distinguished nations under a class tow hich only one of them belongs was not unknown among classical writers also: as when, e.g., Thucydides speaks of the Peloponnesian war as the most remarkable of all the wars the preceded it. Milton's imitation, "The fairest of her daughters, Eve" [Paradise Lost, iv. 324], is well known.-TR.
72 The (and) seems to have been altered into (of).-WRIGHT. Perhaps "of" is the better reading.-TR.
73 It is plain from the context here, as well as wherever it occurs in these early Syriac Documents, that this title (or that of Guide alone) is precisely the same as that of Bishop, although the Greek word e0pi/skopoj had not yet obtained in the East. The first mention we find of the title Bishop (in these pages) is in the Acts of Sharbil about a.d. 105-112, where Barsamya is called "the Bishop of the Christians," although he is more generaly designated as here. It is also found ni the Teaching Simon Cephas, sub fin., which seems to have been written early in the second century or at the end of the first. The passage in the Teaching of Addoeus, p. 665, infra, where it occurs, was interpolated at a much later period. [The parenthetic words of this note are supplied by the translator.]
75 Perhaps the same as Izates: see Jos., Antiq., xx. ii. 1, 4: Tac., Ann., xii. 14.
76 This seems to be the person spoken of by Moses Chor., B. ii. c. 30, under the name "Mar-Ihap, prince d'Aghtzink," as one of the envoys sent by Abgar to Marinus.
77 Tacitus writes this name Sinnaces: see Ann., vi. 31, 32.
79 These are given at pp. 673 sqq., infra.
80 Quoted in the Epistle of Addoeus, infra.
81 Probably "wicked," the meaning being that all such wandering is wilful. Cureton makes "hateful" the predicate: "error is adominable in its paths."-TR.
82 One leaf apparently is lost from the ms. in this place. What follows appears to be part of the reply of those addressed-their "testimony concerning the teaching set forth in their preaching."-TR.
83 The reference seems to be to Matt. x. 7-10.
84 May. The death of Addaeus occurred before that of Abgar, which took place a.d. 45. It would appear, therefore, that his ministry at Edessa lasted about ten or eleven years.
85 Compare the Teaching of the Apostles, Ord. xviii. p. 669, infra.
86 This seems to apply to those who especially belonged to the ministry of the Church. This is the only passage in the Documents in which women are spoken of as connected with the ministry.-TR. [The estate of deaconesses was of Apostolic foundation. Rom. xvi. i.]
87 The reference is only to their purity of life. It is not implied that they lived in seclusion.-TR.
88 Lit. "their burden-bearing."-TR.
90 An allusion to Matt. iv. 19; "I will make you fishers of men."
91 i.e., refusing to accept Christianity: as a few lines before.-TR. The person referred to would seem to be the second of the two sons of Abgar calle dMaanu, who succeeded his brother Maanu, and reigned fourteen years-from a.d. 52 to a.d. 65, according to Dionysius as cited by Assemani.
92 This ignominious mode of execution, which was employed in the case of the two theives at Calvary, seems to have been of Roman origin. The object of the king in putting Aggaeus to this kind of death was, probably, to degrade and disgrace him.
93 This paragraph is a barefaced interpolation made by some ignorant person much later, who is also responsible for the additions to the Martyrdom of Sharbil, and to that of Barsamya. For this Palut was made Elder by Addaeus himself, at the time that Aggaeus was appointed Bishop, or Guide and Ruler. This took place even before the death of Abgar, who died a.d. 45; whereas Serapion did not become bishop of Antioch till the beginning of the third century, if, as is here stated, he was consecrated by Zephyrinus, who did not become Bishop of Rome till a.d. 201.
94 Moses Chor., ii. 36, calls him, in the translation of Le Vaillant de Florival, "Gheroupna, fils de l'ecrivain Apchatar:" in that of Whiston, "Lerubnas, Apsadari scribae filius." Apchatar of the first, and Apsadar of the second, translator are evidently corruptions in the Armenian from the Adbshaddai (= Ebedshaddai) of the Syriac. Dr. Alishan, in a letter to Dr. Cureton from the Armenian Convent of St. Lazarus, Venice, says he has found an Armenian MS., of probably the twelfth century, which he believes to be a translation of the present Syriac original. It is a history of Abgad and Thaddaeus, written by Gherubnia with the assistance of Ananias (= Hanan), confident (= sharir) of King Abgar.
1 This work is taken, and printed verbatim, from the same MS. as the preceding, Cod. Add. 14,644, fol. 10. That MS., however, has been carefully compared with another in the Brit. Mus. in which it is found, Cod. Add. 14,531, fol. 109; and with a third, in which the piece is quoted as Canons of the Apostles, Cod. Add. 14m173, fol. 37. In using the second, a comparison has also been made of De Lagarde's edition of it (Vienna, 1856). This treatise had also been published before in Ebediesu Metropolitoe Soboe et Armenioe collectio canonum Synodicorum by Cardinal Mai. It is also cited by Bar Hebraeus in his Nomocanon, printed by Mai in the same volume. These three texts are referred to in the notes, as A. B. C. respectively. [It seems to me that this and the Bryennios fragment are alike relics of some original older than both. To that of vol. vii. (p. 377) and the Apostolic Constitutions, so called, this is a natural preface.]
2 A. omits "three hundred and." They are supplied from B. the reading of C. is 342.
3 This month answers to Sivan, which began with the new moon of june.-TR.
5 The day of Pentecost seems to be put for that of the Ascension.
6 Syr. "Baith Zaithe." Comp. Luke xxiv. 50 sqq.
8 [It is evident that the apostle shad no such ideas until after the vision of St. Peter, Acts x. 9-35.]
9 [It is evident that the apostle shad no such ideas until after the vision of St. Peter, Acts x. 9-35.]
10 The reading of B and C.: A. reads "answered them."
11 B. reads "suddenly." [The translator interpolates upon him.]
12 On praying toward the east, comp. Apost. Constitutions, ii. 57, vii. 44; and Tertullian, Apol., 16. A.C., ii. 57, contains an interesting account of the conduct of public worship. It may be consulted in connection with Ordinances 2, 8, and 10, also.-TR.
14 B. and C. read "at the last." Ebediesu has "from heaven."
16 C. reads "His holy angels."
17 For Ords. 3 and 4, see Ap. Const., v. 13-15.
18 B. reads "His manifestation."
20 Lit. " the evening," but used in particular of the evening of the sixth day of the week, the eve of the seventh: the evening being regarded, as in Gen. i. 5, as the first part of the day. Similarly, paraskeuh/, which the Peshito translates by our word, is used in the Gospels for the sixth day, with a prospective reference to the seventh.-TR.
22 Comp. Eccl. Canons, No. 43. The Gr. u0podia/konoi is here used, though for "deacon" the usual Syriac word is employed, meaning "minister" or "servant." From Riddle, Christian Antiqq., p. 301, with whom Neander agrees, it would seem that subdeacons were first appointed at the end of the third century or the beginning of the fourth.-TR. [See vol. v. p. 417.]
23 , equivalent, not to e0pi/skopoj, but to skopo/j = watchman, as in Ezek. xxxiii. 7.
26 See Ap. Const., v. 13. Christmas, of which no mentikon is made in these Ordinances, is called "the first of all," the Epiphany being ranked next to it in the Constitutions.-TR. [See vol. vii. p. 492.]
27 January: the Jewish Tebeth. "The former Canun" is December, i.e., Chisleu.-TR.
28 The era of the Seleucidae, 311 a.d., appears to be referred to. In this new names were given to certain months, and Canun was one of them. See p. 666, supra.
29 Eccl. Can., No. 69.-TR. See Ap. Const., v. 13-15.
30 Properly "the sealer:" for, although the word is not found in the lexicons, its formation shows that it denotes an agent. The meaning seems to be, that the Gospel gives completeness and validity to the Scriptures.-TR.
32 See Ap. Const., ii. 57; Teaching of Simon Cephas, ad fin; Eccl. Can., Nos. 60, 85.-TR.
33 B. and C., as well as Ebediesu, read "and."
34 Lit. "it is not certain (or firm) to him."-TR.
35 The exact words of the Peshito of 1 Sam. ii. 3. The E.V. following the K'ri wlw
, instead of the )lw
of the text, redners "And by Him actions are weighted." The Peshito translator may have confounded the Heb. verb Nbt@
which appears not to exist in Aramaean, with its own verb Nqt@
( ), throught the similarity in sound of the gutturals 'th/
and q
36 See Eccl. Canons, No. 44-TR.
37 Comp. Eccl. Canons, Nos. 65, 70, 71.-TR.
38 See Eccl. Canons, No. 35.-TR.
39 See the letter of the Church of Smyrna on the martyrdom of Polycarp, and Euseb., Hist. Eccl., iv. 15: [also p. 664, note 4, uspra].
41 The particip. , though usually pass., may, like some other participles Peil, be taken actively, as appears from a passage qutoed by Dr. R Payne Smith, Thes. Syr., s.v. This would seem to be the only possible way of taking it here.-TR.
42 Comp. Ap. Const., ii. 45 sqq.
43 [Note the Institutions of Samuel, vol. vii. p. 531, and observe the prominence here assigned to that prophet. Comp. Acts iii. 24.]
44 [But note the case of Ambrose and Theodosius; Sozomen, Eccl. Hist., book vii. cap. 25.]
46 The belief was common among the Jacobites that Caiaphas, whose full name was Joseph Caiaphas, was the same person as the historian Josephus, and that he was converted to Christianity. See Assem., Bibl. Orient., vol. ii. p. 165.
47 [The visible Church and sacraments are necessary, on this principle, to the conversion of the world.]
48 [Perhaps a metaphrase of Job v. 12, 13.]
49 This would seem to have been written anterior to the time when the title of Bishop, as specially appropriated to those who succeeded to the apostolic office, had generally obtained in the East. [Previously named as in the Greek of 2 Cor. viii. 23.]
50 For writings ascribed to Andrew and Thomas, see Apocryphal Scriptures, this volume, infra. Comp. Eccl. Canons, No. 85.-TR. There is no mention here of the Epistles of Paul. They may not at this early period have been collected and become generally known in the East. The Epistle of Jude is also omitted here, but it was never received in to the Syriac canon: see De Wette, Einl., 6th ed. p. 342.
51 So the printed text. But "the apostles" seems to be meant.-TR.
52 See note 10 on p. 668.-TR. It is plain from this that the Epistles were not at that time considered pat of what was called the New Testament, nor the prophets of the Old.
53 Lit. "nod," or "bidding," or "impulse."-TR. [See Tertull., vol. iii. p. 252.]
54 Lit. "were quiet and silent at."-TR.
58 A. has "the Indians;" C. "the Ethiopians."
59 C. adds, "and built a church at Antioch."
61 [The omission of reference to St. Paul is a token of a corrupt and mediaeval text here.]
62 The reading of C. The MS. A. gives what Cureton transcribes as Gothia, which is almos the same as the word rendered "Inner." Possibly this explains the origin of the reading of A. "Galatia" was perhaps accidentally omitted.-TR.
64 Or "Soba," the same as Nisibis.
65 The number seventy-two may have arisen from the supposition, mentioned in the Recognitions and in the Apostolical Constitutions, that our Lord chose them in imitation of the seventy-two elders appointed by Moses.
68 B. reads "Priscilla," C. "Pricilas." Prisca and Priscilla are the forms in which the name occurs in the New Testament.
69 Probably the same as Manaen, mentioned in Acts xiii. 1, as associated with Paul at Antioch.
70 [The failure to praise the work of him who "laboured more abundantly than all" others, is noteworthy, and can only be accounted for by Middle-Age corruptions of the text.]
71 C. adds, "crucifying him on a cross." C. also adds, "Here endeth the treatise of Addaeus the apostle."
1 This is found in the same MS. as the preceding, quoted as A. There is also another copy of it in Cod. Add. 14,609, referred to here as B. [It looks like an afterthought of a later age, when the teaching of Peter was elevated into a specialty.[
2 B. reads "the Apostle Peter."
3 [This apocryphal history proceeds on the theory that St. Peter preceded St. Paul at Rome, which cannot be reconciled with Scripture and chronology. Gal. ii. 9; Rom. i. 5-15.]
4 The reading of the MS. is "thirtieth."
5 From this place to "the light" (last line of text on this page), A. is lost, and the text has been supplied from B.
6 The MS. gives, "clad in the white."
7 Lit. "His marvellous helps."-TR. [See p. 652, supra.]
8 [Mark i. 16-17. Compare Jer. xvi. 16.]
9 The text A. is resumed after this word. The reading "and now that the light," etc., seems faulty. The (that) might easily have been occasioned by the of the word which it precedes.-TR.
10 The word so rendered is much effaced in B., but it seems to be , "humbled." This, however, might require further change of the text, such as Cureton suggests, so as to give the sense, "He humbled His Godhead on account of our mangood," unless we translated "inour manhood"-neither of which renderings seems to give so good a sense as that in the text of A.-TR. Respecting the word "mingled" ( ), which was supposed to countenance the Eutychian heresy, see Assemani, Bibl. Orient., vol. i. p. 81.
12 [On the Acts of Pilate see Lardner, Credib., vi. p. 605, and Jones, On the Canon, vol. ii. p. 342. If Leucius Charinus forged what goes by the name, it does not prove that genuine records of the kind never existed. The reverse is probably. See vol. i. p. 179.
13 [Vol vii. p. 453. Compare vol. vi. p. 438, note 15; also vol. i. p. 171. On Justin's simple narrative all the rest was embroidered by a later hand.]
14 From this place to "a gathering-place," p. 675, line 20, col. 2, the text of A. is lost.
15 [St Peter's visit could not have been previous to St. Paul's, and up to that time Simon had certainly not corrupted the Romans (Rom. i. 8). The subject may be elucidated by what follows, infra.]
16 Perhaps Cyprianus, which is found written in Syriac in the same manner as the word here.
17 This is the time often allotted to Peter's episcopate at Rome, although it is certain that he did not constantly reside there during that period: we find him the year after at Jerusalem. [The chronological incredibility of this residence in Rome has been fully demonstrated; but it is so entirely inconsistent with the scriptural history, and with that of St. Paul in particular, that no other argument is necessary. On the other hand, it appears to me conclusively established, that St. Peter closed his life in Rome, under Nero. And I think this apostle's visit fully explained by the fact that the Roman Christians were so largely ": of the circumcision," that St. Paul himself might naturally have invited him to share his own labours in Rome, on the well-known rule of his conduct (Rom. xv. 20; 2 Cor. x. 13-16). See vol. vi. elucid. p. 47.]
18 B. has Lainus = Linus, the person undoubtedly meant. The error arose chiefly from the [L] being taken as the sign of the accusative case. Below, the name appears as Isus, and in the Acts of Barsamya we have Anus. This sign of the accusative may be omitted.-TR.
19 In canon x. (See next note) it is said "in the pulpit of the church;" and in the Teaching of Addoeus it is said that "a large multitude of the people assemble dfor the reading of the Old Testament and the New." The inhibition seems, therefore, to refer only to public reading. [See p. 661, supra.]
20 This agrees with the tenth canon in the Teaching of the Apostles. [See p. 668, supra.]
21 That is, their martyrdom. But B. reads "labour."
22 This abrupt termination seems to indicate that there was something more which followed. The famine referred to seems to be the same as that mentioned in the interpolated passage at the end of the Acts of Sharbil.
1 There are two MSS. from which this piece os taken. The first is Cod. Add. 14,644, fol. 72 vers. This, which is referred to as A., has been copied exactly, except that a few manifest errors have been corrected and some deficiencies supplied from the other. This latter, quoted as B., is Cod. Add. 14,645. It is some three or four centuries later than the first. They were first taken down by shorthand-writers, called notarii (notaries), or exceptores, by which name they are mentioned towards the end of this extract; the Greeks called them taxugra/foi. They were then arranged in proper order by persons called by the Greeks u0pomnhmatogra/foi, and by the Romans Ab Actis.-The use of u0pomne/mata and other Greek words seems to show that these Acts were originally written in that language. Notaries, i.e., actuarii, or at a later dat exceptores.-TR.
2 The Latin Acta, to which the Greek u0pomnh/mata here employed corresponds, was used to denote the authorized records of judicial proceedings.-TR.
4 That is, a.d. 112. But the Greek era commences 311 or 312 B.C., and therefore A.G. 416 would answer to a.d. 105. There appears to be some error in the date.
5 The king reigning in the fifteenth year of Trajan was Maanu Bar Ajazath, the seventh king of Edessa after Abgar the Black.
6 It would thus appear that Paganism and Christianity were tolerated together in Edessa at this time, equal honour being attributed to the head of each religious paty. Cf. Teaching of Addoeus, p. 661: "Neither did King Abgar compel any man by force to believe in Christ."
7 A little before the passage quoted in the las tnote it is said that this altar was left standing when the altars to Bel and Nebu were thrown down.
8 Perhaps this is the same as the "Archives" mentioned p. 007, note 14.
9 B. adds, "before the god Zeus."
10 B. adds here: "And in all these things thou hast forgotten God, the Maker of all men, and because of His long-suffering hast exalted thyself against His mercy, and hast not been willing to turn to Him, so that He might turn to thee and deliver thee from this error, in which thou standest."
12 The Peshito, for Zeu/j in Acts xiv. 12, has "Lord of the gods."
13 B. has "the work of men's hands." [Jer. xvi. 20.]
14 B. makes a considerable addition here, which it is hardly necessary to quote, the words being in all probability only an interpolation. Cureton elsewhere remarks: "I have almost invariably found in these Syriac MSS. that the older are the shorter, and that subsequent editors or transcribers felt themselves at liberty to add occasionally, or paraphrase the earlier application in regard to early Chriistian literature.-TR. [But Cureton is speaking for his pet idea.]
16 Lit. "a hidden dead man."-TR.
17 B. adds, "from Sharbil, his tears flowed and he wept."
18 B. adds, "of baptism, baptizing him." The "seal" (sfragi/j) is probably explained by such passages as Eph. iv. 30, that which bore the seal being regarded as the property of him whose seal it was. Thus Gregory Naz. (Orat. 40) speaks of baptism. See Riddle's Christian Antiqq., p. 484.-TR.
19 [This identifies the "seal" with baptism.]
20 B. adds, "and he sat and listened to the Scriptures of the Church, and the testimonies which are spoken in them, touching the birth and the passion and the resurrection and the ascension of Christ; and, when he saw those that came down to him-"
21 In B., in a passage added further on, he is styled "Lysinas," and in the Martyrdom of Barsamya, infra, "Lysinus" or "Lucinus." In the Martyrologium Romanum he is called "Lysias praeses." Tillemont supposes him to be Lusius Quietus. But the time does not agree. The capture of Edessa under this man was in the nineteenth year of Trajan, four years later than the martyrdom.
22 B. adds, "from the Sharirs of the city."
23 B. has added several lines here.
24 B. adds, "the Sharirs of the city."
25 Lit. "in which they stand."-TR.
26 Lit. "kings:" and so throughout.-TR.
27 The Syriac is (Toris), and is a foreign word, probably the Latin loris, which the Syriac translator, not understanding it or not having an equivalent, may have written loris, and a subsequent transcriber have written toris. It is plain that the latter copyist to whom the text B. is due did not know what is meant: for he has omitted the word, and substituted "Sharbil."
28 B. reads "governor" (h0gemw/n), and so generally in the corresponding places below.
31 The word used is the Latin "officium" (= officiales, or corpus officilium-TR.), which denoted the officers that attended upon presidents and chief magistrates. The equivalent Gk. ta/cij is used below [in the Martyrdom of Habib, "attendants"].
33 Those who officiated at a "quaestio," or examination by torture.-TR. The Latin "quaestionarii."
36 Or "thou art not the avenger of."-TR.
37 Lit. "candles of fire."-TR.
38 The passage from this place to "in the eyes," below, is lost in A., and supplied from B.
39 Or "dealer in fables," if the word employed here, which is a foreign one, be the Latin "fabularius," which is not certain.
41 So Cureton. Dr. Payne Smith remarks: "Cureton's `chest 0' is a guess from . The only sense of with which I am acquainted is cadus, a cask." The word occurs again in the Martyrdom of Habib. In both places it seems to refer to some contrivance for holding fast the person to be scourged. The root appears to be , custodivit, retinuit (Castel).-TR.
42 The martyr Minias, about a.d. 240, had the same torture inflicted on him: "ligneis verubus praecutis sub ungues ejus infixis, omnes digitos ejus praecepit pertundi." See Surius, Sanctt. Vit. Not "the same," perhaps.-TR.
44 Here a few lines have been torn out of A., and are supplied from B.
45 "Which" is not in the printed text.-TR.
46 The word used looks like a corrpution of the Latin craticula. Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. v. 1, uses the Gk. word for this (th/ganon) in describing the martyrdom of Attalus, who "was set in the th/ganon, and scorched all over, till the savour of his burnt flesh ascended from his body."
47 [St. Paul's Stigmata. Gal. vi. 17; Phil. iii. 11.]
51 Lit. "of confessorship."-TR.
52 Lit. "of confessorship."-TR.
53 The Latin "velum," or rather its plur. "vela."
55 This expression xalino=n e0mbalei=n is used similarly in the life of Euthymus in Eccl. Groec. Monumenta, vol. ii. p. 240.
56 See Teaching of the Apostles, Ord. 1, p. 668, note 1.-TR.
57 Lit. "have pity on my salvation."-TR.
58 By a transposition of letters, B. reads "laics."
59 B. has several lines here in addition.
60 The passage hence to the end is evidently a later addition by a person unacquainted for chronology: for it is stated at the beginning of these Acts that the transactions took place in the fifteenth year of Trajan, a.d. 112; but Fabians (See next note) was not made bishop of Rome till the reign of Maximinus Thrax, about the year 236. [An index of the history of this postscript.]
61 B. reads "Fabianus:" in A. the first syllable, or rather letter, has been dropped.-The mention of Fabianus probably arose from the fact of his having instituted notaries for the express purpose of searching for and collecting the Acts of Martyrs.
1 This is taken from the MS. cited as B. in the Acts of Sharbil. There is an Armenian version or extract of this still in existence: see Dr. Alishan's leter referred to on p. 665. [See elucidation, p. 689, infra.]
2 This is a mistake for Cerealis, and the consulate meant must be that of Commodus Verus and Tutilius Cerealis, which was in the ninth (not fifteenth) year of Trajan, which agreed with the 416th year of the Greeks, or a.d. 105.
6 See note 6 on p. 658.-TR. [The Syriac for "assuredly."]
8 Lit. "portrayed and fixed."-TR.
9 [Gaurdian angels.] Comp. Dan. iv. 13. This designation was given to angels after the captivity, in which the Jews had become familiar with the doctrine of tutelary deities.-TR.
10 Lit. "the Spirit of His Godhead."-TR.
11 This seems to be Lusius Quietus, Trajan's general in the East at this time.
13 We have here probably the most authentic copy of the edict of Trajan commanding the stopping of the persecution of the Christians, as it was taken down at the time by the reporters who heard it read.
15 2 Cor. viii. 12. Both the Peshito and the Greek (if ti/j be rejected) have "what it hath:" not "what it is."-TR.
18 What follows, down to the end, is a much later addition, evidently made by the same ignorant person as that at p. 685, above: see note 2 there.
19 That is "Pius." The blunder arose from taking the prefix D (?) as a part of the name.
21 Or "Eorttis." The person referred to is "Evaristus." Cureton reads "Erastus:" it does not appear why.-TR.
22 i.e., "Linus:" see p. 675, note 3.-TR.
23 See note 3 on p. 667.-TR. [Also see p. 666, supra.]
24 Put by mistake for "sixteenth," which agrees with the statement of Julius Africanus as to the date of our Lord's death; also with the year of the consulate of Rubellius Geminus and Fufius Geminus (the persons intended below), and with the year of the Greeks 341, which was a.d. 29 or 30.
25 Prop. "rising," as of the sun.-TR.
26 The Greek ei0lhta/rion: see Du Fresne, Glossarium.
27 Moses Chor., ii. 36, calls him, in the translation of Le Vaillant de Florival, "Gheroupna, fils de l'ecrivain Apchatar:" in that of Whiston, "Lerubnas, Apsadari scribae filius." Apchatar of the first, and Apsadar of the second, translator are evidently corruptions in the Armenian from the Adbshaddai (= Ebedshaddai) of the Syriac. Dr. Alishan, in a letter to Dr. Cureton from the Armenian Convent of St. Lazarus, Venice, says he has found an Armenian MS., of probably the twelfth century, which he believes to be a translation of the present Syriac original. It is a history of Abgad and Thaddaeus, written by Gherubnia with the assistance of Ananias (= Hanan), confident (= sharir) of King Abgar.
1 This is found in the same MS. as the preceding: Cod. Add. 14,645, fol. 238, vers.
3 They were consuls together in a.d. 312, 313, 315.
4 It does not appear who is meant.-TR.
5 The Greek strathgi/a, with a Syriac termination. Strathgoi/ was used for the Latin Magistratus or Duumviri.
6 He laid the foundation of the church at Edessa a.d. 313: see Assem., Bibl. Orient., vol. i. p. 394.
7 Called "Thelsaea" by Metaphrastes, p. 700, infra.
9 The owrd used is probably e0ntoliko/j = proefectus: see Dr. Payne Smith, Thes. Syr.-TR.
10 Dr. Wright's reading, by the change of a letter, for "shall perish."-TR.
11 This place was on the right bank of the Euphrates, and derived its name from a bridge of boats laid across the river there. It was about forty miles from Edessa.-TR.
12 Cureton has , which he renders "alone." Dr. Payne Smith considers this a mistake for .-TR.
15 The Gk. ta/cij here used corresponds to the Latin officium. See note 4 on p. 679.
20 Lit. "Wilt thou renounce that in which thou standest?"-TR.
22 [Seems to be a reference to Rev. xx. 4.]
24 Or "the stocks." The word is of the most indefinte kind, answering to cu/lon and lignum.-TR.
25 For this sense, which appears to be the one intended, it is necessary to change into .-TR.
27 Lit. "it is written for me."-TR.
31 Chaldee, "restrain (literally, smite) His hand." See Dan. iv. 35.-TR.
32 Or "departed from his covenant."-TR.
34 Cureton's "for" seems not so good, the reference not being to a single tomb.-TR.
35 Probably that in which Sharbil and Babai were buried: see p. 684, above.
36 Lit. "secular persons," or "men of the world."-TR.
37 In Simeon Metaphrastes, whose copy would seem to have had a slightly different reading, it is written Bethelabicla, and is said to lie on the north side of the city.
38 i.e., the sixth day of the week. See note 9 on p. 668.-TR.
39 As Simeon Metaphrastes, infra, evidently made use of these Acts of Habib in his account of that martyr, it is probable that his narrative of the martyrdom of Guria and Shamuna also was founded on the copy of their Acts to which Theophilus here refers.
1 Cureton gives it in Latin.-TR.
2 This piece is taken from the well-known work of Surius, De probatis Sanctorum vitis. IT does not appear who made this Latin translation. Metaphrastes is a celebrated Ryzantine writer, who lived in the ninth and tenth centuries. He derives his name from having written paraphrases, or metaphrases, of the lives in the saints. Fabricius gives a list of 539 lives commonly attributed to him.-Dr. W. PLATE, in Smith's Dict. Biog. and Myth.-TR.
3 [A token of mediaeval origin.]
8 Or "through his disobedience in the matter of the tree," if per ligni inobedientiam are the real words of the Latin translator, who is not, generally speaking, to be complimented for elegance or even correctness, but seems to have made a servile copy of the mere words of the Greek.-TR.
13 In the Syriac account "Telzeha:" see p. 690, supra.-TR.
14 Compare the "combs" of the Syriac, p. 684, supra.-TR.
15 Reading "totum" for "solum."-TR.
1 This extract is taken from the edition, in two volumes, printed at Paris, of which the following is the title: MOISE, DE KHORENE, auteur du Ve Siecle: HISTOIRE D'ARMENIE, Texte Armenien Et Traduction Francaise, avec notes explicatives et precis historiques sur l'Armenie, par P. E. LE VAILLANT DE FLORIVAL.
1 The MS. from which this is taken is Cod. Add. 17,158, fol. 30 vers. Mar Jacob, bishop of Sarug, or Batnae, was one of the most learned and celebrated among all the Syriac writers. He was born a.d. 452, made bishop of Sarug a.d. 519, and died a.d. 521. He was the author of several liturgical works, epistles, and sermons, and, amongst these, of numerous metrical homilies, of which two are given here. Assemani enumerates no less than 231. Ephraem Syrus also wrote a similar homily on Habib, Shamuna, and Guria. The metre of the original in this and the following homily consists of twelve sylables, and six dissyllabic feet: but whether they were read as tambs ortroches, or as both, appears to depend on the nature of the Syriac accentuation, which is still an unsettled question. Hoffmann, in his slight notice of the subject (Gram. Syr., 13), merely says: "Scimus, poesin Syriacam non quantitatis sed accentus tantum rationem habere, versusque suos syllabarum numero metiri. Qua tamen poeseos Syriacae conditione varietas morarum in pronuntiandis vocalibus observandarum non tollitur."-TR.
3 Cureton has "prosperous," which Dr. Payne Smith condemns, remarking: " I find generally used for the Gk. a!ristoj, and one or twice for kra/tistoj. It answers more frequently to strenuus = courageousm heroic."-TR.
4 Lit. "the party" or "side."-TR.
5 As in Gal. v. 7, answering to the Gk. e0ko/ptw. The verb (Pa.) properly means to disquiet (As in John xiv. 1), then to hinder.-TR.
6 The ordinary word for "Christians" in these documents is the borrowed Xristianoi/: here a native word is used, formed from the one which we read as "Messiah."-TR.
7 A corruption of the word samuhra/ is used here. It is said by Josephus, Antiq., xx. 2, 3, to have been the name given by the Assyrians to some kind of sword. Suidas mentions it as a barbarian word for spa/qh, a broadsword. Cureton's "scimetar" would be preferable, as being somewhat more distinctive, if it appeared that a scimetar could have two edges.-TR.
8 The temptation was strong to render , "became unleavened" (or, "tasteless"), a sense apparently required by the decided figure employed and by the language of the next couplet, where "insipid " corresponds to "salt." The word (=a!zumon), moreover, if not the Arabic (to which Schaaf, though it does not appear no what authority, assigns the meaning "sine fermento massam subegit"), seems to point in the same direction. Dr. Payne Smith, however, is not aware of any instance of the proposed meaning: he says, "My examples make = e0kleipw, to fail."-TR.
9 Or "brought to contempt."-TR.
11 Or "that his voice might cease."-TR.
13 Lit. "reached the king in great rage (i.e., so as to cause great rage, being often = ei0j denoting result), and, because . . ., he decreed."-Dr. PAYNE SMITH.
14 Lit. "openness of countenance."-TR.
15 Prop. "agitate questions."-TR.
18 Lit. "he entered into bondage."-TR.
20 Or "of the sacrifices."-TR.
23 Lit. "side," or "party."-TR.
24 Lit. "the sacrifices of."-TR.
3 Or "salvation:" a different word from that used in speaking of the serpent.-TR.
9 Lit. "with openness of countenance."-TR.
10 Lit. "portray the image of their crowns."-TR.
11 Lit. "magnified his words."-TR.
13 Lit. "how much the outstretched forms bore in consequence of the inflictions.-TR.
17 , though not in the lexicons, is the same word that appears in Castel as .
18 Lit. "to the forms (sxh/mata) of all afflictions."-TR.
19 This seems preferable to Cureton's "Ye are the stewards of (her) faith." The expression exactly corresponds in form to that in Luke xvi. 8 (Peshito): "the steward of injustice" = "the unjust steward."
22 By this name the men referred to (not, however, the elders, but the two false witnesses suborned by them) are called ni 1 Kings xxi. 10, 13. The expression in the text is literaly "sons of iniquity," and that is used by the Peshito.-TR.
23 Or "have an open countenance."-TR.
24 New-York Independent, June 24, 1886.
25 That is, in vol. xxii. of the Edinburgh edition.
26 Vol. xxiv., ed. Edinburgh. The latter was formerly ascribed to Justin Martyr.
27 The Ambrose and the Serapion.
1 Lit. "Son of Daisan," from a river so called near Edessa.-HAHN. [Elucidation I. "The Laws of Countries" is the title. For "Various Countries" I have used "Divers."]
2 Called by Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., iv. 30, The Discourse on Fate ( 9O peri\ ei0marme/nhj dia/logoj). This is more correct than the title above given: the "Laws" are adduced only as illustrations of the argument of the piece. The subject would, however, be more properly given as "The Freedom of the Will."
3 Lit. "going in." Cureton renders, "we went up."
5 Lit. "before him." Merx: "ehe er kam."
6 The word used is formed from the Greek eu0sxhmo/nwj. [Here observe what is said (in Elucidation I.) by Noldke on the Hellenization theory of Mommsen, with refernece to this very work; p. 742, infra.]
7 Lit. "hast anything in thy mind."
8 Lit. "there are for thee other things also."
9 is here substituted for the of the text, which yields no sense.
10 Lit. "the wisdom of the truth."
11 Lit. "are not able tos tand."
12 Or, "in the hand of the oeprator;" but it is better to employ two words.
14 The word , here used, occurs subsequently as a designation of the Gnostic Aeons. Here, as Merx observes, it can hardly go beyond its original meaning of ens, entia, Wesen, that which is. It evidently refers, however, in this passage to a system of things, a world.
15 Lit. "required." [It is a phenomenon to find this early specimen of "anthropology" emanating from the far East, and anticipating the Augustinian controversies no "fixed fate, free-will, foreknowledge absolute." Yet the West did not originate the discussion. See vol. iv. p. 320. See the tehical or metaphysical side of free-will discussed in Eaton's Bampton Lecutres for 1872, p. 79, ed. Pott, Young, & Co., New York, 1873. On St. Augustine, see Wordsworth's valuable remarks in his Bampton Lectures for 1881.]
16 Gen. i. 27. The Hebrew itself, Myhl) Mlcb
17 Cureton renders, "for which he is created." Merx has, "das ihn gemacht hat."
19 , that which exists, especially that which has an independent existence, is used here of the Gnostic Aeons. They were so called in respect of their pre-existence, their existence independent of time or creation. When they came to be "created," or more properly "fashioned," they were called "emanations."
21 Lit. "the strength of their exactness," i.e., their exact (or complete) strength. Cureton has, "their force of energy."
22 "being lessened," or "lowered."
23 Lit. "do not take place by."
24 Cureton renders, "have the use of his hands:" Merx gives "etwas erwirbt."
27 Lit. "every man in whom there is a soul."
30 Lit. "A mind the son of the free."
32 Lit. "is not sound in his nature."
33 Cureton, "for good hope." But is a common expression for "in hope," as in Rom. viii. 20.
36 Lit. "in whom there is a soul."
38 Lit. "as children of the free."
39 Lit. "in which there is a soul."
41 Lit. "patient," i.e., tolerant of the craving which seeks gratification.
42 Lit. "in which they had stood."
45 So Merx, "in either Rede." Cureton, "by a vain plea."
46 Lit. "this knowledge of art (or skill)."
47 To what other work of his he refers is not known.
48 Cureton, "is capable." Dr. Payne Smith (Thes. Syr., s. v.) says, referring to as used in this passage: "eget, cupit, significare videtur."
49 So Dr. Payne Smith. Merx renders, "Even that which men desire to do." Cureton has, "and the same men meditate to do."
55 , Shlitane. [Of Angels, see vol. i. p. 269.]
56 , Medabhrane. Merx, p. 74, referring to the Peshito of Gen. ih. 16, thinks that by the Potentates are meant the sun and moon, and by the Governors the five planets.
57 [The book of Job and the Book of Ecclesiastes, with the eloquent and pathetic remonstrance (chap. iii. 18-22) "concerning the estate of the sons of men," are proofs that God foresaw the sruggles of faith against the apparently unequal ways and rulings of Providence. For popular answers see Parnell's Hermit, and Addison, Spectator, No. 237. But a valuable comment may be found in Wordsworth's Bampton Lecutres (for 1881) on the one Religion, p. 5, Oxford, Parker, 1881.]
58 Merx renders by "emanation," quoting two passages from Eph. Syr. where the root is used of the issuing of water from a fontain. Dr. Payne Smith says: "The word seems to mean no more than cursus: cf. Eusb., Theoph., i. 31. 5, 55. 1, 83, 22, where it is used of the stars; and i. 74. 13, where it means the course of nature."
62 Or "nativity," "natal hour" ( = place of birth, "Geburtshaus:" Merx).
63 Lit. "this agent of change." Cureton, "this alternation." "Das diese Veranderung bewirkende Agens" is the rendering of Merx.
64 Dr. Payne Smith thinks the reference to be to the Gnostic nou=j, yuxh/, and sw=ma, which seem to be spoken of just before. This difficult passage is rendered by Cureton: "And this alternation itself is called the Fortune, and the Nativity of this assemblage, which is being sifted and purified for the assistance of that which," etc. Merx being sifted and purified for the assistance of that which," etc. Merx has, ". . . zur Unterstutzung des Dinges, welches . . . unterstutzt worden ist und unterstilzt bleibt bis zur Vernichtung des Weltalls."
66 Lit. "a sufficiency in measure for all bodies."
70 Lit. "agent of change," as above. Merx: "das Veranderungsprincip."
72 i.e., zones of the earth. See p. 732, note 2, infra.
73 Or, "power as to themselves."
74 Lit. "the matter compels thee to be convinced."
77 The Greek Kli/ma, denoting one of the seven belts (see p. 732, below) into which the earth's latitude was said to be divided. The Arabs also borrowed the word.
79 That is, their own "houses," as below. Each house had one of the heavenly bodies as its "lord," who was stronger, or better "located" in his own house than in any other. Also, of two planets equally strong in other respects, that which was in the strongest house was the stronger. The strength of the houses was determined by the order in which they rose, the strongest being that about to rise, which was called the ascendant.
80 Lit. "the signs of humanity."
82 Lit. "while Mars was witness to them."
83 The difficult word is not found in the lexicons. Dr. Payne Smith remarks that it could only come from , which verb, hwoever, throws away its , so that the form would be . He suggests, doubtfully, that the right reading is , from , which is used occasionally for appetite, and forms such an adjective in the sense of animosus, anima proeditus; and that if so, it may, like in Jude 19 and 1 Cor. xv. 44, 46, be = yuxikoi/, having an animal nature, sensual. Eusebius and Caesarius have spata/louj, a word of similar force.
84 Cureton's rendering, "and some adorn themselves," etc., is not so good, as being a repetition of what has already been said. It is also doubtful whether the words can be so construed. The Greek of Eusebius gives the sense as in the text: kosmou=sai pollw|= xrusw|= kai\ li/qoij brauti/moij tou\j i#ppouj. If , horses, be masc., or masc. only, as Bernstein gives it, the participle should be altered to the same gender. But Dr. Payne Smith remarks that Amira in his Grammer makes it fem. Possibly the word takes both genders; possibly, too, the women of Bactria rode on mares.
90 Eusebius has, Par' #Ellhsi de\ dai\ oi9 sofoi\ e0rwmen/nouj e!xontej ou0 yegontai\.
92 The text of Eusebius and the Recognitions is followed, which agrees better with the context. The syriac reads "Germans."
93 So Eusebius: a0gxonimai/w| mo/rw|. Otherwise "suffocation."
94 So called from containing each ten of the parts or degrees into which the zodiacal circle is divided. Cf. Hahn, Bardesanes Gnosticus, p. 72.
95 Lit. "who surround the whole world."
96 Lit. "have been in all the winds."
100 According to Neander, General Church History, i. 109, this was the Abgar Bar Manu with whom Bardesan is said to have stood very high. His conversion is placed between 160 and 170 a.d.
101 For , Merx, by omitting one , gives , "Readings." But what is meant is not clear. Ephraem Syrus ascribes certain compositions of this name to Bardesanes. Cf. Hahn, Bard. Gnost., p. 28.
103 Lit. "this man who is seen."
108 The five planets are called by their Greek names, Kro/noj, k.t.l.
1 [Elucidation I. p. 742, infra. See p. 722, supra.]
3 Or, "my daily converse is with learning." So Dr. Payne Smith is inclined to take these difficult words, supplying, as Cureton evidently does, the pronoun . The construction would be easier if we could take the participle as a passive, and render: "It (the kind of life men lead) has been explored by me by means of study."
5 The meaning probably is, that the maxims referred to lost their importance for him when he entered upon the new life of a Christian (so Cureton), or their importance to mankind when Christianity itself was born into the world. But why he did not substitute more distinctive Christian teaching is note clear. Perhaps the fear of persecution influenced him.
6 That is, the matters constituting "a liberal education."
7 Cureton's less literal rendering probably gives the true sense: "with whose liberty nothing else can be compaed."
8 Cureton: "I have heard." The unpointed text is here ambiguous.
9 Read , instead of , "peoples."
11 Cureton: "and the dark cloud collected our sighs." But the words immediately following, as well as the fact that in each of the clauses the nominative is placed last favours the rendering given.
13 Lit., "because thy loneliness has."
14 Or "error." He may refer either to the delusion of those who persue supposed earthly good, or to the false appearances by which men are deceived in such pursuit.
16 Cureton: "A sage among men once began to say to us." This would require , not .
20 No verb is found in the lexicons to which can be referred. It may perhaps be Eshtaphel of a verb , cognate with , "to be bent."
23 Cureton: "dumb." The word has both senses.
25 So Dr. Payne Smith, who is inclined to take in the sense, "it goes before, it is best, with respect to it." Cureton translates, "it should also proceed to practice," joining with the participle just mentioned; whereas Dr. Smith connects it with , thus: "but that it should be put in practice is best with respect to it."
26 This appears to show that the life of learned seclusion which he has been recommending is one of celibacy-monasticism.
27 Or, "and thou shalt be to me a comfort," as Cureton.
29 Such appears to be the sense of their obscure passage. The literal rendering is, "We acknowledged of old that we received equal love and honour to the fullest extent from her multitude" (or, from her greatness); "but the time forbade our completing those things which were already accomplished in our mind." What things he refers to (for his words seem to have a particular reference) is not clera. The word rendered "greatness," or "multitude," is in reality two words in pointed MSS. Here it does not appear, except from the sense, which is intended.
30 Lit., "We are putting ourself to the proof to see how far we can stand in wisdom," etc.
31 "This is a very hopeless passage. . . . Perhaps the codex has , `the kingdom of our ruin, 0' i.e., the ruined contry in which we used to dwell. For possibly it refers to what he has said before about the ruined greatness of his city, captured by the Romans. I suppose Mara was a Persian."-Dr. Payne Smith.
1 This piece has much in common with the Discourse to the Greeks (Lo/goj pro=s \Ellhnaj), ascribed by many to Justin, which is contained in vol. i. pp. 271-272 of this series. Two things seem to be evident: (1) That neither of the two pieces is the original composition: for each contains something not found in the other; (2) That the original was in Greek: for the Syriac has in some instances evidently mistranslated the Greek.
3 Lit., "and in the beginning of his words."
4 Lit. "what is the newness and strangeness of it."
5 The word also means "sin;" and this notion is the more prominent of the two in what follows.
6 It is diffficult to assign any satisfactory meaning to the word , which appears, however, to be the reading of the MS., since Cureton endeavours to justify the rendering given. "Calamities," a sense the word will also bear, seems no easier of explanation. If we could assume the meaning to be "nations" (nationes), a word similar in sound to that found in the text, explaining it of heathen peoples, Gentiles (comp. Tertullian, De Idol., 22, "per deos nationum"), this might seem to meet the difficulty. But there is no trace in this composition of a Latin influence: if a foreign word must be used, we should rather have expected the Greek e!qnh.
9 It has been proposed to substitute in the Greek copy lipapou= "dainty," for leprou=. But the Syriac confirms the MS. reading. The term is thought to be expressive of the contempt in which shepherds were held. Se vol. i. p. 271, note 1.
10 In the Greek this is adduced as an evidence of his weakness; "because he was unable to stop his ears by his self-control (fronh/sei)."
11 , the reading of the text, which can only mean "fled," is manifestly incorrect. The Aphel of this verb, , "caused to flee," is suggested by Dr. Payne Smith, who also proposes , "exstirpavit."
13 This is not intended as a translation of , which is literally "conquered." Dr. Payne Smith thinks it just possible that there was in the Greek some derivative of u0perba/llw = "to surpass belief," which the Syrian translator misunderstood.
14 This is conjectured to be the meaning of what would be literally rendered, "et id quod coactum est."
15 Lit., "of how many cnesures is . . . full."
16 Since he could change his form to suit his purpose.
17 That is, "the Daughter" (namely, of Demeter), the name under which Proserpine was worshipped in Attica.
18 Because the beahaviour of which he had to complain was sanctioned by the highest of the gods.
19 For , "was tried," read . The Greek has memi/shto. Cureton: "forgotten."
21 Dr. Payne Smith reads instead of , word which, as Cureton says, is not in the lexicons.
22 The reading of the Greek copy, a0kola/stwj zw=san, is here given. The Syrian adapter, misunderstanding a0kola/stwj, renders: "and is without punishment."
25 So in the Greek copy. The Syriac, which as "valiant,"appears to have mistaken a!nandroi for a0ndrei=oi.
26 The tradition seesm to be followed which makes Procne to have been changed into a swallow, and her sister (Philomela) into a nightingale.
27 Cureton: "play with a tremulous motion." But the Syriac very well answers to the Greek e0kkalou/menoi pro=j oi0strw/deij kinh/seij, if we take to denote result: q.d., "so as to produce movement."
29 Lit. "bed of falsity." [Compare notes on vol. i. pp. 271, 272.]
30 For previous quotations refer to p. 721, supra.
31 It must not be inferred that I speak as a Syriac scholar. I have laboured unsuccessfully, and late in life, to repair my sad neglect at an earlier period; and I can speak only as a penitent.
32 Dean Payne Smith has assumed the unfinished task of Bernstein.
33 See his Preface to the Testament, published at Hamburg a.d. 1664. He had the type cut at his personal expense, and set up the press and lodged the printers in his own house.
34 See his translation of the Peshito Syriac version, Stanford & Swords (Bishop Hobart's publishers), New York, 1855.
1 But see Lightfoot, A.F., part ii. vol. i. p. 524.
2 On Quadratus and Aristides, consult Routh, R.S., p. 71; also Westcott, On the Canon, p. 92.
1 In Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., iv. 3.
2 [Westcott supposes the Diognetus of Mathetes (vol. i. p. 23) may be the work of Quadratus; Canon, p. 96.]
1 Routh, R.S., vol. i. p. 93. Westcott, Canon, p. 106. Grabe's mention. Routh's discussion, in annotations, is most learned and exhaustive.
1 Routh, R.S., vol. i. p. 113. And see Westcott, Canon, p. 245.
2 Lightfoot, A.F., vol. ii. p. 48.
4 Vol. ii. (Stromata) p. 301, this series.
5 Vol. i. p. 186, this series.
6 Lightfoot, A.F., vol. i. p. 468.
1 "Which was delivered in the presence. . . and in which etc." This appears to be the sense intended, and is that given by M. Renan: "Sermo qui factus est." Cureton renders, "Who was in the presence, etc.," and supposes that Melito first saw and conversed with the emperor, and afterwards wrote this discourse. Melito speaks of it more than one as written. This view, however, does not dispose of that fact that Melito is here affirmed to have "exhorted (Lit., said to) Caesar, etc." It was clearly meant to be understood that the discourse, or speech, was spoken: the references to writing merely show that it was written, either before or after the delivery.
2 Cureton: "passion." The word takes both meanings.
7 Cureton: "light without envy." But the expressions resemble sthe Gk. a0f1onwj, ungrudginly ,without stint.
8 Lit. "to the ditch is his way." Comp. Matt. xv. 14.
9 See vol. i. p. 280, this series, where the following lines are quoted by Justin Martyr from the Sibylline Oracles:- "But we have strayed from the Immortal's ways, And worship with a dull and senseless mind Idols, the workmanship of our own hands, And images and figures of dead men."
10 Cureton: "thoes belonging to the Caesars." But the Caesars themselves are clearly meant.
11 Cureton: "sacks full." The first word is used of a leathern pouch or wallet, as in Luke x. 4 (Peshito) for ph/ra.
13 Cureton, without necessity, reads the word "Dionysius."
14 Cureton renders "originally." But comp. Judith iv. 3, where the same word answers to prosfatwj.
16 Cureton's conjecture of or for has been adopted.
17 Some have identified it with Aphek, Josh. xix. 30. The rites observed here were specially adominable.
18 Cureton: "the patrician." Dr. Payne Smith, Thes. Syr. s.v., regards the word as equivalent to path\r th=j polewj, pater civitatis, "a title of honour found in the Byzantine writers," and is inclined to think it a term belonging to the dislect of Edessa. A similar use of the same adjective is quoted from Buxtorf, Lex. Chald. Talm., p. 12: " yyb@a)a
cognomen R. Nachmanis, qui a celebritate familiae sic cognominatus est, quasi Patritius." This view appears to be supported by the similar use of an adjective for a substantive above: "persons of Caesarean rank," or "Caesars."
19 Lit., "be (or, get to be) with thyself." Cureton: "enter into thyself." The meaning appears to be, "think for thyself."
20 Cureton: "Everything cometh through His hands." It should rather be, "into His hands," i.e., "He has power to do everything." See note 7, p. 725.
21 Lit., "be running in thy mind."
22 The text has , which M. Renan derives from the root and translates "commovetur." This, although correct in grammer, does not suit the sense. The grammers recognise the form as a possible Eshtaphel of , "tangere," but it is not found in actual use. Dr. Payne Smith thinks the right reading to be , which gives the required sense.
23 Or, "that which is fixed and invariable." There seems to be a reference to the derivation of (truth) from , firmus (stabilis) fruit. Cureton has strangely mistranslated , by "that which, without having been brought into existence, does exist." The first is nothing but the sign of emphatic denial which is frequently appended to , and is the infinitive of emphasis belonging to the second .
24 Cureton: "Materials." The printed text has "drugs." The correct reading, there can hardly be a doubt, is .
25 Lit., "the property of the gold or silver," if the word is rightly taken. Although no such derivative of is found in the lexicons, the form is possible from the Palel of that verb: e.g. from . See Hoffmann, Gram. Syr., sec. 87, 19.
27 Or, "of what pertains to it."
30 Cureton is probably right in so taking the words, although the construction is not quite the same as in the similar sentence a little below. If so, for we must read .
32 Lit. "into an insult of God." So M. Renan, "in opprobrium Dei." Cureton, admitting that this may be the sense, renders, "an abomination of God," and refers to the circumstance that in Scripture an idol is frequently so spoken of. But is not used in such passages (it is either , or, less frequenly, ), nor does it appear ever to have the meaning which Cureton assigns to it.
37 This seems preferable to Cureton's, "and let thy children also follow after thee." Had this been the meaning, probably the verb would have been used, as in the preceding sentence, not .
38 So the Sibylline oracle, as quoted by Cureton in the Greek:- "And, when he would the starry steep of heaven Ascend, the Sire Immortal did his works With mighty blasts assail: forthwith the winds Hurley prostrate from its height the towering pile, And bitter strife among the builders roused."
39 Lit. "chosen." The same expression, except that the simliar is used for , occurs Sap. Sol. xiv. 6, as a translation of u0perhfa/nwn giga/ntwn, gigantes superbi. See Thes. Syr., s.v. .
41 Cureton, for the last clause, gives "as thou wilt," remarking that the sense os obscure. The literal rendering is, "if thou wilt," the consequent clause being unexpressed. "If you please, accept them," seems what is meant.
42 By Melito, bishop of Sardis.
43 seems to be the true reading, note the of the pointed MS.
44 [Such passages sustain the testimony of Jerome and others, that this venerable and learned Father was an eloquent preacher.]
46 Or "wove-a body from our material."
50 By Melito, bishop of Attica. [Of this epigraph, which becomes Ittica below, I have never seen a sufficient explanation.]
51 Lit. "the Lamb without voice."
53 [For Phlegon's testimony, see references, vol. vii. p. 257. But note Lightfoot, Ap. F., part ii. vol. i. p. 512; his remark on Origen Celsus, vol. iv. p. 437, this series.]
54 This is the rendering of ; but Cureton has "fled," as though he read .
55 By the holy Melito, bishop of the city of Ittica. [For Melito, in Lightfoot's Apost. Fathers, consult part ii. vol. i. pp. 133, 328, 428, 443-446, 468-469, 494. See Lardner, Credib., vol. ii. 157, etc.; Westcott, Canon, p. 246. See Polycrates, infra; on which consult Schaff, History, etc., vol. ii. p. 736. above all, see Routh, R.S., tom. i. pp. 113-153.]
56 The following Fragments of Melito are translated from the Greek, except No. IX., which is taken from the Latin.
57 In Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., iv. 26. [Melito wrote two books on the Paschal and one On the Lord's Day (o0 peri\ kuriakh=j lo/goj), according to Eusebius. But is this One the Lord's Day other than one of the books on the Paschal? It may be doubted. Routh refers us to Barnabas. See vol. i. cap. 15, note 7, p. 147, this series. See also Dionysius of Corinth, infra.]
58 He was bishop of Laodicea, and suffered martyrdom during the persecution under M. Aurelius Antonius.-MIGNE.
59 The churches of Asia Minor kept Easter on the fourteenth day from the new moon, whatever day of the week that might be; and hence were called Quartodecimans. Other churches, chiefly those of the West, kept it on the Sunday following the day of the Jewish passover. In the case here referred to, the 14th of the month occurred on the Sunday in question.
60 Migne, not so naturally, punctuates otherwise, and renders, "which had happened then to fall at the proper season, and on that occasion this treatise was written."
61 In Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., l. c.
62 Migne thinks that by these are meant the orders given by Magistrates of cities on their own authority, in distinction from those which issued from emperors or governors of provinces.
63 The refernce must be to private letters: for in any of the leading cities of Asia a mandate of the emperor would have been made public before the proconsul proceeded to execute it.-MIGNE.
64 !Estw kalw=j geno/menon seems to be here used in the sense of kalw=j alone. The correctness of Migne's translation, recte atque ordine facta sunto, is open to doubt.
65 The Jews. Porphyry calls the doctrines of the Christians ba/rbaron to/lmhma. See Euseb., Hist. Eccl., vi. 19.-MGNE.
67 Commodus, who hence appears to have been not yet associated with his father in the empire.-MIGNE.
69 'Af' w\n kai\ to\ th=j sukofanti/aj a0lo/gw| sunhqei/a| peri\ tou\j toiou/touj r9uh=nai sumbe/bhke yeu=doj.
71 The reading of Valesius, sou= ta\ pa/nta sundioikou=ntoj au0tw|=, is here adopted.
73 In the Chronicon Alexandrinum.
80 Meta\ spoudh=j. Migne: Cumfestinatione.
81 In the edition of the LXX. published by Card. Caraffe, 1581.
82 krema/menoj. The Hebrew is zx)n
, the Syriac , both meaning simply "caught."
83 See note on the fragment just before.
88 In Anastasius of Sinai, The Guide, ch. 13.
89 Or, according to Migne's punctuation, "His soul, and the body of His human nature." The words are, to\ a0lhqe\j kai\ a0fa/ntaston th=j yuxh=j au0tou= kai\ tou= sw/matoj th=j kaq' h9ma=j a0nqrwpinh=j fu/sewj.
90 Ou0siaj. [Comp. Note 13, infra.]
93 [ 9O Qeoj peponqen u9po\ deci/aj 'Israhli/tidoj. Compare Tatian, vol ii. p. 71, note 2; also Origen, vol. iv. p. 480, note 4, this series. And see Routh, R.S., i. p. 148. So "God put to death," p. 757, supra.]
119 Ps. xlv. 6; comp. Ps. v., xxix.
143 1 Thess. iv. 15. [The above has been shown to have no claim to be the work of Melito. It is a compilation of the sixth century, in all probability.]
2 Routh, Rel. Sac., vol. i. pp. 205-219. Lightfoot is culpable lax in calling Rome "the Papal throne" (temp. Anicet.), and mistaking alike the testimony of Irenaeus and of our author. Ap. F., part ii. vol. i. p. 435.
1 In Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., ii. 23. [Comp. Isa. iii. 10, Sept.]
4 The reference appears to be to the Hebrew word lpe(o
, a rising ground, which was applied as a proper name to a fortified ridge of Mount Zion. See 2 Chron. xxvii. 3. It has been proposed to read e0kalei=to Saddi\k kai\ 'Wzlia\m, o# e0stin di/kaioj kai\ perioxh\ tou= lau=. The text, in which not only a Hebrew word but also a Greek (Di/kaioj) is explained in Greek, can hardly give the correct reading. [The translator suggests 'Wbli/aj as the probable reading of the LXX., though it is corrupted as above.]
6 Also in Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., iii. 20.
9 Also in Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., iii. 32.
10 9Upatikou=. [St. John died a few years before.]
12 Also in Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., iv. 22.
16 'Eme/risan th\n e0nwsin th=j e0kklhsi/aj. [Acts xx. 29-31.]
1 Book iv. cap. 24, from which these Fragments are collected. See Westcott, On the Canon, p. 206.
2 See Lightfoot, Ap. Fathers, part ii. vol. i. p. 555, where he corrects the reading kai\ Polu/karpoj.
1 [Routh (also on Pinytus and Soter), R.S., p. 177. This series, vol. vi. p. 102, note 3. Note also Lightfoot, A.F., part ii. vol. ii. p. 192, note 1; and Westcott, Canon, p. 206.]
2 [Comp. p. 758, note 8, supra. Also Ignatius, vol. i. p. 63, at note 2, this series.]
4 The text is evidently corrupt.
5 [For the reply of Pinytus, and what is said by Eusebius of seven other epistles, see Routh, R.S., vol. i. pp. 181-184.]
6 i.e., of such importance or of such a character.
1 In Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., v. 13.
3 Vol. vii. pp. 333-338, this series, where I neglected to insert a reference to Routh, Rel. Sac., vol. ii. pp. 183-217.
5 Vol. ii. p. 62, this series.
6 See Origen, vol. iv. p. 567, this series.
7 Rel. Sac., vol. i. pp. 437-446.
2 Politei/a|. See Migne's note.
3 'Arxh/n. [See vol. vii. p. 365, this series.]
5 Some copies have "Marcion the sailor," and so Tertullian (de Proescriptionibus) speaks of him. [Vol. iii. cap. 30, p. 257, this series.]
1 A fact which gave rise to a controversy, on which cnosult Routh, Rel. Sac., vol. ii. p. 78.
2 See vol. vi. p. 358, etc., this series, where I have spoken of Maximus as the original of the Dialogue ascribed to Mathodius.
3 Routh, Rel. Sac., vol. ii. p. 85. See pp. 77-121, devoted to this author.
1 In Eusebius, Praep. Evang., vii. 22.
2 Xwrhto\n, the reading of one MS. instead of xwrhtiko/n.
3 For ei0 de\ me/roj au0th=j, o_lon e0xw/rhsen au0to/n, Migne reads, ei! ge (or ei0 dh\) me/roj au0th=j o#on, k.t.l.
5 Tw=n gigome/nwn (e0n) au0tw|=, Migne.
6 This word, a0ge/nnhton, is added from Migne's conjecture.
7 'Ek tw=n u0posta/ntwn genhtwn.