1 The Rev. C. W. Hayes, M.A., Of Westfield, N.Y.
2 The Boston Press of Rand Avery Company.
3 John Fiske, The Idea of God, Boston, 1886, pp. 73, 86.
2 Credib., vol. ii. pp. 345-364.
4 The honour done to St. Paul is enough to settle any suspicion d this sort.
5 See vol. i. p. 270, note 2, this series.
6 Rev. vii. 4. Dan is excepted.
7 Rev. iv. 4. See vol. vii. p. 348, this series.
9 See The Christ of Jewish History in Stanley Leathes' Bampton Lectures, p. 51, ed. New York, 1874: aIso Westcott, Introduction to Study of the Gospels, 3d ea., London, Macmillans, 1867. Note, on the Book of Henoch, pp. 69, 93-101; on the Book of Jubilees p. 109. He puts this book into the first century, later than Henoch, earlier than the Twelve Patriarchs. Consult this work on the Alexandrian Fathers, on inspiration of Scripture, etc.; and note the Jewish doctrine of the Messiah, pp. 86, 143, 151, also the apocryphal traditions of words of our Lord, p. 428.
10 Acts xxi. 18-26. To my mind a most touching history, in which it is hard to say whether St. Paul or St. James is exhibited in the more charming light. It suggests the absolute harmony of their Epistles.
11 Vol. i. Elucid. 11. p. 57, this series,
12 Adv. Marcionem, v. I; Scorpiace, 13; cf. Benj. 11.
13 Hom. in Josuam, xv. 6; cf. Reub. 2, 3.
15 [Compare Westcott, Introduction to Study of the Gospels, p, 123, ed. Boston, 1862.]
23 vi. 16. [See vol. vii. p. 457, this series.]
24 [Of whom see Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers, Part 11. vol. i. p. 77, ed. London, 1885.]
25 Historia Anglorum, a.d. 1242, p. 801, ed. London, 1571.
26 Op. cit. a.d. 1252, p. 1112.
28 [See, e.g., the curious reading in Levi 18, kai\ sth/sei, where the Latin mss. are unanimous in giving stare faciet; also the mistake of 'Iakw/b for 'Roubh/m in Issachar 1.
29 See Tischendorf, Aus dem heiligen Lande, p. 341.
31 e.g., 1483: Hagenau, 1532; Paris, 1549: and often.
32 This English translation having been made from the Latin, the printed editions of which swarm with inaccuracies (Grosseteste's Latin version itself being a most exact translation), I have been able to make much less use of it than I could have desired. It has. however, been compared throughout.
33 Monsieur Macè, Chefecier, curè de Saint Opportune, Paris, 1713.
34 e.g., Vienna, 1544; Strasburgh, 1596; Hamburgh, 1637.
1 There seems a reminiscence here of the words of Dan. x. 3, [LXX.; For proofs of penitence, see p. 11, note 3, infra].
2 For this use of pneu/mata as applied to the senses, we may cite Plutarch (De placitis philosophorum, iv. 21), who, speaking with reference to the Stoic philosophy, says, h\ me=n o!rasij e0sti\ pneu=ma diatei=non a0po\ tou= h\gemonikou= me/xrij o0fqalmw=n.
3 This clause is only found in Cd. Oxon.; it seems demanded by the following a\po/
4 Cf. Gen. xxxv. 22. The Gader mentioned below is the Edar of ver. 21, the Hebrew (
being reproduced, as often, by g.
5 [This section is censured by Lardner as unsuitable to dying admonitions. He forgets Oriental simplicity.]
6 This name, occurring once again in the Testaments (Naph. 3), is one frequently found applied to the angels as the custodians of the world and of men. Thus, in the Chaldee of Daniel (iv. 10, 14, 20:13, 17, 23, Eng. Ver.), we find the expression ry(
which Aquila and Svmmachus render e0grh\goroj. The corresponding Ethiopic term is of frequent occurrence in the book of Enoch, not only of the fallen angels (e.g., x. 9, 15, xvi. 1, etc.), but of the good (xii. 2, 3, etc., ed. Dillmann). See also Gesenius, Thesaurus, s.v. ry(
7 [Gen. vi. 4; Revised margin, I Cor. xi, 10; Jude 6, 7.]
8 [See Lardner on this root idea of our author, vol. ii. p. 353; but he is wrong as to Levi and Mary. Also Joseph, sec. 19, note 2, infra.]
9 The reading of Cd. Oxon., met' au0to/u, is doubtless to be preferred.
10 i.e., Machpelah, which in Hebrew means double, and is so ran- dered by the LXX., e.g., Gen. xxiii. 9.
2 That Simeon was prominent in the hostility to Joseph, is perhaps implied by his detention in Egypt as a surety for the return of the others: and Jewish tradition generally accords with this view. Cf. the Targum of the Pseudo- Jonathan on Gen. xxxvii. 19: "Simeon and Levi, who were brothers in counsel, said one to another, Let us kill him." Also this same Targum on Gen. xlii. 24: "And he took from them Simeon, who had counselled to kill him." Cf. also Breshith Rabba, §91.
3 [Gen. xxxvii. 22, 29, xlii. 22.]
4 [See Speaker's Com., N.T., vol. iv. p. 387, ed. Scribners.]
5 The Cam. ms.. seems wrongly to omit the negative here. The reference is doubtless to Gen. xlix. 7.
6 The reference seems to be to the Philistines, Cf Deut. ii. 23, Amos ix. 7 where the LXX. reads Kappadoki/a.
7 [For modern views of these, see Encyc. Brit., s.v. "Hittites."]
8 [Two of the many passages that leave no room for Lardner's imaginary "Unitarianism" in this author.]
9 The construction here is awkward of the participles after o#ti: possibly a clause may have dropped out after 'Ada/m.
10 [See p. 10, note 5, supra.]
11 John the Baptist. His greatness is declared by Christ Himself.]
12 [Two of the many passages that leave no room for Lardner's imaginary "Unitarianism" in this author.]
4 For the Jewish idea of seven heavens, cf. Clement of Alexandra, Strom., iv. 7: and Wetstein's note on 2 Cor. xii. 2; [also vol. vii. note 11, this series; and vol. ii. note 7, p. 438, this series].
7 [e0pi tw| pa/qei tou\ 'Uyisou=. Compare Tatian, vol. ii. p. 71, this series.]
8 This document, the idea of which is that of a book containing what is fore-ordained in heaven as to the course of the future, is one often appealed to in Apocalyptic literature, when some oracular declaration of weighty import is needed. Thus, in the Book of Enoch, the angel Uriel tells Enoch that the tablets contain all wisdom, the dying Enoch tells his children that the tablets are the source of all understanding etc. (see, e.g., cc. 81. 1; 93. 2; 106, 19, ed. Dillmann). In the Book of Jubilees, again, it is said that inscribed on the tablets are, e.g., the punishment of the angels who sinned with mortal women, the plan of the division of weeks, the name of Abraham as the friend of God, etc. (cc. 5, 6, 19). See also Test. Asher, 2, 7, infra.
9 [Gen. xlviii. 16. The Jehovah-Angel ]
10 a0spi/j. The Latin version gives the other meaning to a0spi/j here, of asp or viper. The epithet xalkh=n, however, renders "shield" much more probable, as there seems nothing in the context pointing to the "brazen serpent."
11 A quotation from I Thess. ii. 16, where the context also is similar to the present. [See Lardner's refutation of the learned Grabe on this quotation, vol. ii. p. 359.]
12 With the whole of this passage we may compare the description of the vestments of Aaron. See especially Ex. xxix. 5, 6 (LXX.). The pe/talon is the translation of Cyc
, the plate of gold on the fore head of the high priest over the mitre. The logi/on, or logei=on, is the breastplate, with the Urim and Thummim. For the podh/rhj, see Ex. xxviii, 27 (LXX.).
13 On the possible reference here to the elements of the Eucharist see Grabe's note, Spicilegium, in loc.
14 Nitzsch (p. 19, n. 37) explains this division into three a0rxai/, as referring to the three orders of the Christian priesthood. This, however, seems improbable. Cf. Kayser, p. 119; Vorstman, p. 41. It is far more probable that the reference is to Moses, Aaron, and Christ. Thus with pisteu/saj as we may compare Num. xii. 7. For this use of a0rch/, cf Gen. ii. 10. [Isa. lxvi. 21.]
15 [Rom. xvi 15, 16, 17, Greek. Compare Heb. v.1.]
16 Or, if we follow the reading of Cd. Oxon., "Prophet of the Most High."
17 Or rather, with Cd. Oxon., "with our father."
18 We constantly find Peter, in the Clementine Homilies and Recognitions, combining with the Agapae the practice of bathing. Cf, e.g., Recog., iv. 3, v. 36.
19 Cf. Hom., xiv. I [Lev. ii. 13, Mark ix. 49.]
20 [Annas and Caiaphas. John xix. 11.]
21 This document is frequently quoted in the Testaments: cf. Sim. 5: Levi 14, 16; Judah 18; Dan 5; Naph. 4; Benj. 9. Most of these citations, however, are not to be found in the work as it has come down to us. We must therefore either assume the reference to some other books of Enoch not now extant, or rather perhaps that they are general appeals to the spirit of the book, regarded as a great fount of prophecy.
22 Read au0tou= with Cd. Oxon.
23 [John i. 4-9, viii. 12, ix. 5, etc.]
24 The word pleonci/a, like the English "excess," has not unfrequently special reference to sins of sensuality. Cf. 1 Cor. v. 11, Eph. iv. 19, v. 3, 5, Col. iii. 5, 1 Thess. iv. 6, the context in all of which pasages points strongly to this conclusion. See Suicer's Thesaurus, s.v.
25 Cf. Matt. xxvii. 63, where e0kei=noj o0 pla/noj is said of our Lord.
27 [John iii. 5; Isa. xii. 3; 1 Pet. iii. 20.]
29 [Matt. ii. 2. Constant references to the Gospels proofs of text.]
30 An additional clause occurs here in Cd. Oxon., which generally has a tendency to omit; the copyist of Cd. Cam. having possibly looked on to the same initial words in the next clause: "And in Hi priesthood shall the Gentiles be multiplied in knowledge on the earth and shall be enlightened through the grace of the Lord; but Israel shall be minished in ignorance, and be darkened in sorrow."
31 The reading of Cd. Oxon. here, a0posth/sei, is to be preferred to Cd. Cam., sth/sei. Crosseteste's Latin version, m all probability made from the latter, has stare faciet. [See p. 7, note 1, supra.]
1 Gen. xxix. 35 [The name = Praise. So Gen. xlix. 3.]
2 In c. 5 we find this name, with a slight variety of spelling. as that of a place over which this king may have ruled. It is doubtless equivalent to the Hebrew Tappuah, a name of sesveral cities mentioned in the Old Testament. See Josh. xv. 34, xvi 8, xvii. 8, 1Chron. ii. 43. Cf Thapha, Jubilees, 34.
3 Cd. Oxon. reads e0te/ran; but cf. Aresa, Jubilees, 34.
4 Cf. c. 12; also Chezib (Gen. xxxviii. 5) Chozeba (1 Chron. iv. 22). and Achzib (Josh. xv. 44; Mic. i 14), ail of which are probably different names for the same place, and all connected with Judah.
6 Cf. 1 Chron. xi. 36. [Here the translator supplies a note of doubt-an interrogation-point.]
7 Cd. Oxon. reads Gaa=j po/laij basile/wn. Cf. Josh. xxiv. 30: Judg. ii. 9: 2 Sam. xxiii. 30. Cf. also "Gaiz," Jubilees, l.c.
8 The Timnah of the Old Testament, which name is, however borne by several places. Most probably it is the Timnah near Beth-shemesh, on the north frontier of Judah, in the neighbourhood, that is, of many of the other localities mentioned in the Testaments. This may be the same as the Timnathah on the Danite frontier (Josh. xix. 43), and with the Timnathah where Samson's wife dwelt (Judg. xiv. 1 sqq ). The geographical position of Timnath-serah is against the allusion being to it here. Cf. however, Jubilees, c. 34, where Thamnathares is one of the hostile towns.
11 Cd. Oxon. e0n 'Anonira/m, probably per incuriam scribae, for e0pa/nw 'Ira/m
12 This seems to arise from the wish to disconnect Israel as far as possible from non-Shemite associations. Cf. the Targum of Onkelos on Gen. xxxviii. 6. "Judah took a wife for Er, his first-born, a daughter of the great Shem, whose name was Tamar."
13 die/fqeire de\ to\ spe/rma e0pi\ th\n gh\n
14 [Herod. i., cap. 199; Baruch vi. 43.]
15 [To this section Lardner objects. But compare Gen. xxxviii. 12.]
16 Cd Oxon. here reads the additional clause zhmiou/menoj ou0k aisqa/netai kai\ a!docon ou0k ai0sxu/netai. Ka@n ga/r tij basileu/sh, porneu/wn-perhaps omitted from Cd. Cant. through the homoeoteleuton.
17 Cd. Oxon. omits the negative. The, basi/leia will then be that from which the man falls by his sin.
18 Cd. Oxon. read ti/ de\ legw; mhd' o#lwj pi/nete, which seen s much more suitable to the context.
19 [1 Kings xi. 1, and ver. 11.]
20 [Num. xv. 25 and Acts iii. 17.]
21 [See cap. 13, p. 19, supra.]
22 Cd. Oxon. omits the whole of this chapter.
24 The reading of Cd. Oxon. is doubtless to be preferred, which joins klh|/dosi kai/ dai/mosi pla/nhj to what precedes
25 [Eccles, ii 8; Ecclus. ix. 4.]
27 Cd. Oxon. omits from here to end of c. 25.
29 [2 Macc. vii. 9-36 and Heb. xi. 35.]
30 ie., for the purpose of embalmment.
2 The Cam. ms.. reads 'Iakw/b by an obvious error.
5 [See Dan, note 12, p. 26, infra. "Eternal" = "long".]
1 The Ox. ms.. reads 150, and refers the event to two years after Joseph's death. The text of the Cam. ms.. gives an impossible result here, as it would make Zebulun twenty-eight years younger than Joseph, who died at the age of 110. According to the Ox. ms., Reuben (cf. c. 1) and Zebulun would die in the same year, the former at 125, the latter 150. A comparison of Test. Reub., c. 1 shows the most probable solution to be to give the numerals, rid', b'.
2 The derivation of Zebulun seems to be from lbz
collateral form of dbz
to give. Hence Leah plays on the double meaning of the former verb, Gen. xxx. 20.
3 Cf. the Targum Ps. Jon. on Gen. xxxvii. 28.
4 [Deut. xxv. 7, 8, 9. See Lardner on the animus of these quotations from Enoch, as it strikes him, vol. ii. p. 350.]
5 Cam. ms. dia\ traglokolphtw=n; Ox. ms.. dia\ trwglodutw=n.
6 ["Finis non determinant probitatem actus."]
8 The Ox. ms. reads: "And ye shall return from your land, and ye shall see the Lord in Jerusalem for His name's sake." [Heb. vii. 2. At least, Salem is His name.]
9 [Another of those unequivocal passages which refute Lardner's charge of "Unitarianism" in this book.]
10 [Ezek. xlviii. 26, 27. An important example of Hebrew exposition of this prophets.]
1 [The tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh.]
2 The reading of the Ox. ms.., mh\ kinei=sqe is to be taken.
3 Cam. ms.. ei0j ei0de/an; Ox. ms. ei0j a0hdi/an.
5 The Ox. ms.. omits from here to toi=j e!qnesi Swth/r in c. 6.
6 'Ekporeu/ontej may be an error for e0kporneu/ontej, which Grabe wrongly gives as the reading of the Cam. ms..
7 [The root idea, p. 18, notes 5, 6, supra.]
9 [Here is the Chiliasm of Barnabas, vol. i. p. 146.]
10 [That is, not with the glory of His throne above.]
11 Cf. Dorner, Doctrine of the Person of Christ, Introd., p, 15, Eng. transl.
13 See Zebulun 10, p, 25, supra.]
1 Gen. xxx. 8. Josephus, Ant., i. 19. 7
3 [Wis. xi. 20; Ecclus. xiii. 7.]
4 The Greek text here is obviously corrupt, and doubtless one or two words are wanting. The reading of the Cam. ms.. is ou0k e!stin ei0pei=n o!ti e0n tw=|e0ni/ toi=j prosw/poij h@ tw=n o9moi/wn. In the Ox. ms.. the passage is wanting.
5 It seems very doubtful what is meant by ka/lamoj here. I have thought it best, therefore, to leave the matter open. The Ox. ms. punctuates stoma/xou ka/l.
6 Cf. Reuben 5 [note 3, p. 10 supra]
7 [Eccles. iii. 5; 1 Cor. vii.1.]
1 Cf. Targum Ps. Jon of Gen xxxvii. 2.
2 The narrative of Genesis (xxxvii. 28) gives twenty pieces of silver; the LXX. twenty pieces of gold, with which latter agrees Josephus' mnw=n ei!kosin (Antiq., ii. 3. 3). [It is worthy of note that Judas took a meaner price for the "Son of Joseph."]
3 For this unusual use of o0ligoyuxi/a, cf. Prov. xiv. 29, LXX. where there is the same contrast with makroqumi/a.
4 [This passage is cited by Lardner as conspicuously fine.]
6 The Ox ms.. omits from here to the last clause of c. 7.
7 For dolwfwnh=sai, the reading of the Cam ms.. here, Grabe conjectured dolofonh/sei. Probably dolofqnh/sei is to be preferred.
8 [The Virgin was the daughter of Judah, but had kinship with Levi. Luke i. 36. Compare Jer. xxxiii. 20-22.]
1 [See the Duae Viae, vol. vii., p. 377, this series.]
2 [This section is commended by Dr. Lardner.]
3 Cf. Lev. xi. 5, 7. [Vol. ii. p. 555 note 6.]
4 Cf. Levi 5. [P. 13, note 8 supra.]
5 [Matt. v. 45. This seems contradictory.]
6 The Ox ms.. adds, e0n tn= eu0frosu/nh h0 me/qh, e0n tw=| ge/lwti to\ pe/nqoj, e0n tw=| ga/mw| h0 a0krasi/a [Ecclus. xlii. 24.]
7 [The Hebrew triad, father, son, and proceeding.]
1 The Greek spelling here is Fwtima/r, in the later chapters Petefri/j (Pentefrh=j, Cd. Oxon.). The former is more like the Hebrew, the latter really the LXX. spelling, Petefrh=j We may perhaps see herein a trace of a double authorship in the Test. Joseph.
2 Cf. Gen. xxxix. 1 LXX., and Josephus (Antiq., ii. 4. 1), who calls Potiphar magei/rwn o9 basileu/j. The view of the Eng. ver. is most probably correct, though we find xb@/+
used in the sense of cook in 1 Sam. ix. 23.
3 [Matt. vi. 6. He veils the quotation by a fiction, au to authorship, to support the plan of his work.]
5 This repetition of a clause seems like the slip of a copyist. The OX. ms.. reads, ei0j th\n ei9rkth=n tou= Faraw/
6 [To this section Lardner takes exception, as unbecoming to the gravity of Joseph.]
7 Another account is given in the Targ. Ps. Jon. of Gen. xii. 45, "And he gave him to wife Asenath, whom Dinah bare to Shechem: and the wife of Potipherah prince of Tanes brought up."
8 This wearing of a linen garment would seem to imply a connection with the priestly tribe. St. Luke (i. 36) indeed calls the Virgin the kinswoman of Elisabeth. On this tendency to associate the old sacerdotal tribe with the new royalty of Messiah, cf., e.g., Protevangel Jacobi, cc. 6, 7, 9: Augustine. contra Faustum, xxii. 4; Epiphanius, Haer., lxxvii. 13. [See Reuben, sec. 6, p. 10, supra.]
10 Cf. Test Simeon 8, and Jubilees 46. The account of Joseph's burial in the Targ. Ps. Jon. on Gen. 1. 26 is: "And Joseph died! a hundred and ten years old: and they embalmed him, and placed hum in a coffin, and sank him in the middle of the Nile of Egypt."
1 The ordinary theory as to the meaning of Benjamin is comparatively late, and seems doubtful. The Targum Jerushalmi (on Gen xxxv. 18) and the Breshith Rabba. §82, make Benjamin and Benoni synonymous. Cf. Josephus, Antiq., i. 21.3; Cyril, Glaph. in Gen., lib. iv. With the view mentioned in the text, cf. Arethas on Rev. vii. 8 (Cramer's Catena, viii. 289):
2 This would seem to be the earliest instance of the application of the word a0nama/rthtoj to our Lord.
3 [How could any Christian more fully testify to the Nicene Faith? So the Gloria in Excelsis.]
4 [Matt. vi. 22: Luke xi. 34.]
5 For e9ptakosi/oij e!tesin the Ox. ms.. reads simply e9pta/.
6 This would seem to be the meaning of prw=toj nao/j.
7 [Rev. xx. 5, 6. See p. 25, note 4, supra.]
8 Gen. xlix. 27. This passage, referring to St. Paul (who was of the tribe of Benjamin, Rom. xi. 1, Phil. iii. 5), is quoted by Tertullien, Adversus Marcionem, v. 1. [See vol. iii. p. 430, this series.]
9 Compare Scorpiace, cap. 13 [with reference to Gen. xxv. 34 and xxvii 2, vol. iii. p. 646, this series. Lardner adds Origen, Hom. in Ezech., iv. tom. iii. p. 731; Theodoret, in Gen. Quaest., cx. tom. i. p. 77; and Augustine, Serm., 279 (and passim), tom. v. ed. Benedict.]
10 ["Mel in ore, melos in aure, melodia in corde."-St. Bernard.]
1 Vol. i. pp. 371-376. These Selections are often quoted as "Eclogues."
1 [I have prefixed this title, which Mr. Wilson has omitted. possibly because these extracts are themselves somewhat abridged.]
2 [For all the confusions about Theodotus and the divers persons so called, see Lardner, Credib., viii. 572-579. These are the extracts commonly called the Eclogues or Excerpts of Theodotus; but they do not contain certain passages, which may have been interpolations.]
4 [See vol. vi., this series, note 9, p. 147.]
13 "Blow ye the cornet in Gibeah, and the trumpet in Ramah."-A. V.
15 Moses who divided the sea, and Joshua who divided the Jordan.
18 [In a quotation which Jones makes from the Excerpts (not found here) the reverse is shamelessly asserted. Canon, vol. i. p. 375.]
21 o#tan ou\n pistou= sw/matoj h0|.
22 The sense is hazy. but about as clear as that to be obtained by substituting conjecturally for prosbolh/n (assault), pro\j bolh/n, or e/pibolh/n or e0piboulh/n.
29 [This looks as if the text of the three witnesses had been in this compiler's copy of St. John's First Epistle. See vol. iii. Elucid. 111, p. 631. St. Augustine also seems to me to sustain the African text it the De Civit., lib. v. cap. xi. p. 154, ed. Migne.]
32 The reading is ei0 mh\ parh/sei pro\j to\ oi0kei=on te/loj; and the Latin translator renders "si non segnes simus ad finem proprium." It seems better, with Sylburgius, to take ei mh as equivalent ei0 de= mh\, and to put a comma after mh\, so as to render as above.
33 [A happy reference to the Lord's Prayer as connected with St. Paul's reference to the Abba: and it is worth while to compare the use of this word with the prayer as used in the synagogue. Vol. v. Elucid. III. p. 559, this series.]
34 [A happy reference to the Lord's Prayer as connected with St. Paul's reference to the Abba: and it is worth while to compare the use of this word with the prayer as used in the synagogue. Vol. v. Elucid. III. p. 559, this series.]
47 It seems better, with Sylb., to read akrbou=j, qualifying, e0ceta/sewj (as above), than a0kribw=j, adv. qualifying basanizo/menon, tested.
53 [It is not to be doubted that much sound Alexandrian teaching is here mixed up with folly. ]
54 [Compare Tatian's use of a like figure, vol. ii. note 2, p. 67, this series.]
58 For a0blabe/j in the text, we must, translating thus, read a0blabh=. If we translate, as we may, "Gnostic virtue is a thing everywhere good, and meek," etc., no change is required in the reading.
60 [From some lost work of his ]
63 [On these quotations see Lardner, Credib., ii. 256, and Jones, Canon. vol. i. p 373.]
69 kth/sewj, instead of kti/sewj, as in the text, and kth=sin for kti/sin in the next clause.
70 'Anastre/fei e0pi\ mo/nouj tou\j e0n sarki/. For which, as slightly preferable, Sylburg. proposes ;e!ti me/nontaj e0n sarki/, as above.
71 [See note 6, p. 48, supra.]
72 Adopting the reading, moi/raj, instead of that in the text, pei/raj.
73 [See note 6, p. 48, supra.]
75 Ps. xix. 1. [Here follow notes on successive verses, some not unworthy of an orthodox Father.]
80 For e0a=n, which is the reading of the text, Sylburgius' suggestion of ei!a or ei!ase has been adopted.
82 [No doubt he may have said this.]
83 Or rather, as Sylb. points out, this is a case of the past used for the present, etc.
84 parousi/an, kata/stasin, the reading of the text, is, as Sylburg. remarks, plainly corrupt; parau=san, as above, is the most obvious correction.
87 meq' here clearly should be kaq' or e0f'.
88 If we may venture to change au0tou= into au0tw=n.
89 'En th=| a0krh=| a0pokarasta/sei. The last word yields no suitable sense, and conjecture as to the right reading is vain; and we have left it untranslated. The Latin translator renders "qui in summa arce collocati sunt."
90 #Hlioj is (with marvellous ignorance of the Hebrew tongue, as Combefisius notices) here identified with Eli, yli)'
94 ai9 toiau=tai e0piqumi/ai, for which the Septuagint has epiqumhta/ as in A. V.
2 Against this class Cyprian stoutly contended,Comp. Cyprian, Ante-Nicene Fathers, vol. v. pp. 357, 358, 587-592.
1 In later Greek parqe/noj was used of both sexes (comp. Rev. xiv. 4). The Syriac original employs both a masculine an a feminine form. This will not always be indicated in the following translation.
3 Or "to the holy virgins who are in God: peace." So Zingerle, and probably Wetstein.
4 Zing., not so well, takes this to mean, "by the confession of the mouth" (durch das mündliche Bekenntniss), comparing Matt. vii. 21
6 The Greek word sxh=ma, here adopted in the Syriac, c, is some. times thus used.-Beelen.
13 Probably referring to 1 Cor. xiv. 40.-Beelen
17 Lit. "let every one be trying."
19 Matt. xii. 33. [More probably Luke vi. 44.-R.]
20 Or "consider". There is no play on words in the passage quoted (2 Tim ii. 7), nor perhaps was this intended in the Syriac.
22 Lit. "true in fear of God." The reading is probably faulty.-Beelen
23 The ellipsis is usually to be thus filled up in these epistles. [In similar cases which follow, italics will not be used.-R.]
25 Or "the sensual pleasures."
26 Or "from all intercourse with."
27 Either something is here omitted by the transcriber, or Clement has varied the form of expression.-Beelen.
28 "Sanctification."-Beelen. [So A. V. The R. V. correctly renders a9giasmoj, "sanctification," in every instance.-R].]
36 The words, "in the might of the Holy Spirit," appear to obscure the sense.-Beelen.
41 Lit. "the Eucharist of the Godhead." This is an evidence of later date than the sub-apostolic age.-R].]
45 i.e. continency. [The use of the terms "sanctity," "holy," etc., in the limited sense of "continency," "chaste," etc., is strong evidence of the later origin.-R]
46 The last two sentences properly belong to chap. vi.
60 1 Pet i. 15 (cf. Lev. xi. 44).
63 Lit. "the worship of idols." The single word sometimes used to express "idolatry" (as in Eph. Syr., opp. tom. i.p. 116), is not found in these epistles
66 The word thus rendered is not in the lexicons, but is well illustrated by Isa. xxix. 21 ("that make a man an offender"), where the Hiphil of )+/x/
67 The word is used in the Peschito of 1 Tim. vi. 5, to express diaparatribai/ ("incessant quarrellings," Alf.); [R. V., "wranglings"-R.].
68 Ex. Conject. Beelen. The word is not in the lexicons.
70 Lit. "folly," but so used in 2 Cor. xii. 13.
78 Gen. vi. 3. [This is an example of the vicious method of interpretation, not yet extirpated, which carries Paul's distinctive use of the term "flesh" hack to the Pentateuch, where no ethical sense is necessarily implied.-R]
79 Rom. vii. 9. [The Apostle speaks of "the Spirit of Christ."-R. ]
89 The words which follow, "concerning those things which we speak," appear not to be genuine.-Beelen.
90 Beelen supposes a e#n dia\ duoi=n: "along the lonely road."
94 Lit. "profit and righteousness."
95 Lit. "go about and wander."
97 Lit, "in their barefacedness."
98 1 Cor. xii. 29. [But compare Jas. iii. 1: "Be not many many teach" (R.V.) which precedes the next citation.-R.]
106 Lit. "in his place." Col. iv. 6.
107 Lit. "his soul for life." Prov. xviii. 6, xiii. 3, xxi. 23.
112 As 1 Cor. xv. 44 (yuxiko/j).-See Jas. iii. 15 [also 1 Cor. ii. 13, 14.-R.]
117 An obscure clause, which Beelen supposes to be due to the misapprehension of the Syrian translator. Perhaps the difficulty will he met if we read "gifts," as do Wets. and Zing., by a change in the pointing.
120 Lit. "elegant and numerous words."
122 Matt xvii 21. [Or Mark ix. 29; the verse in Matthew is of doubtful genuineness.-R].]
126 Lit. "and things similar to these," Matt. xxv. 36.
129 Beelen here omits, as spurious, the words, "because this same thing is pleasant and agreeable to you: because ye are all taught of God."
131 Lit. "without shame," 2 Tim. ii 15.
139 [Comp. the term xriste/mporoj "Christ-monger," "Christ-trafficker," in Teaching, chap. xii. 5, vol. vii. p. 381.-R.]
1 Lit. "or is a daughter of the covenant."
2 Beelen's rendering, "we do not even pass the night," seems not to be favoured either by the arrangement or the context.
4 Or "consolation." So para/klhsij in the N T. has both senses.
7 ie., one who has taken the vow of celibacy.
8 Lit. "will with him minister all those things."
9 [The minuteness of all these precepts is of itself suspicious. The "simplicity" of the earlier age had evidently passed when these prohibitions were penned.-R.]
10 , Beelen's conjecture for , "rich." Zingerle proposes , "about to be married."
11 Lit. "come to the delight of the truth."
12 Lit. "ask of the peace of."
13 Lit. "for that which in his;" or "for what belongs to him."
16 Lit. "all of them are believing women and maidens."
17 Lit. "some place on the right side." The Syrian translator has probably mistaken the meaning of ei0j e!na to/pon decio/n, where decio/n may be compared with dexter in Hor., Sat., ii, 1, 18.-Beelen.
18 Probably meaning, "when we have inquired of their welfare."
20 Lit. "chaste," or "modest."
23 Rom. xiv. 15 [The Apostle's noble and consistent counsel to the "strong" brethren at Rome is in sharp contrast with the use here made of it. Only one of the "weak" brethren could have written this epistle.-R.]
32 Beelen joins "because of their wickedness" with the words that follow.
38 Wetstein and Zingerle join on this sentence to the next, by a change of the construction.
39 Lit. "her passion and her desire."
45 1 Sam. xvi. 13; Ps. lxxxix. 20, seqq.; Acts xiii. 22.
47 "By the pleasure derived from the sight of her."-Beelen
48 Ps. xviii. 50; 2 Sam. xix. 21.
54 Susanna having a husband, Joachim.
55 Lit. "a mind of chasteness."
65 Lit. "their conduct and living was with."
71 Beelen suggests the reading "from,"or to render the present text "by."
1 History of the Christian Church, vol. ii. p. 436, new edition.
2 See the Introductory Note of the Edinburgh translator.
3 Uhlhorn, article Clementines. Schaff Herzog, i. p. 497. A second Epitome has been published by Dressel; see Introductory notice to Homilies.
4 Lechler, Apostolic and Post-Apostolic Times, ii. p 268, Edinburgh translation, 1886, from 3rd edition.
6 Comp. Uhlhorn, p. 392; Schaff, History, ii. p. 436; Lechler, ii. p. 288. See Schaff-Herzog, i. art. Elkesaites.
7 See Hippolytus, Refutation of all Heresies, book ix. 8-12, Ante-Nicene Fathers, vol. v. pp. 131-134. The forms occur in chap. 10, pp. 132, 133.
8 See Recognitions, i. 45-48: Homilies. Epistle of Peter to James, 4, Homily xiv. 1.
9 3 This is the last opinion of Uhlhorn (Herzog, Real-Encykl, 1877. art. Clementinen; comp. Schaff-Herzog, i. p. 498). This author had previously defended the priority of the Homilies (Die Homilien and Recoginitionen des Clemens romanus, Gottingen, 1854; comp. Herzog, edition of 1854, art. Clementinen).
10 Die Clementine nebst den verwandten Schriften, and der Ebionitismus, Hamburg, 1844.
11 Die Clementinischen Recognitionen and Homilien, nach il re2~2 Urspriung and Inhalt dargestellt, Jena, 1848.
12 See supra, note 3. Uhlhorn found the nucleus of the literature in Homilies, xvi.-xix.
13 Die Clementinischen Schriften, Gotha, 1869.
14 Die Quellen der romischen Petrussage, Kiel, 1872.
15 Apostolic and Post-Apostolic Times, vol. ii. p. 270.
16 So Hilgenfeld, Lehmann, Uhlhorn.
17 See especially Homilies, xvii. 19. Here there is "probably only an incidental sneer at Paul" (Schaff, History, ii.. p. 438).
1 [See supra, p. 69, and Introductory Notice to Homilies.-R.]
2 Die Clementinischen Recognitionen and Homilien, nach ihrem Ursprung und Inhalt dargestellt, von Dr. Adolf Hilgenfeld, Jena, 1848, p. 1. [Despite the morbid taste of this school for heretical writings, and the now proven incorrectness of the "tendency-theory," due credit must be given to Baur and his followers for awakening a better critical discernment among the students of ecclesiastical history. Hilgenfeld's judgments, in the higher and lower criticism also, are frequently very incorrect; but he has done much to further a correct estimate of the Clementina. See Introductory Notice, supra.-R.]
3 [The title, which varies in different manuscripts, is derived from the "narrating, in the last books, of the re-union of the scattered members of the Clementine family, who all at last find themselves together in Christianity, and are baptized by Peter" (Schaff, History).-R.]
4 See Schliemann, Die Clementinen, Hamburg, 1844, p. 295.
5 [See a brief account of the discussion supra, p, 70.-R.]
7 See Merx, Bardesanes von Edessa, Halle, 1863, p. 113.
8 Die Homilien and rekognitionen des Clemens Roman us, nach ihremn Ursprung und Inhalt dargestellt, von Gerhard Uhlhorn, Goltingen, 1854, p. 429. [Schaff thinks "the Homilies probably originated in East Syria, the Recognitons in Rome." But Rufinus gives no intimation of the Roman origin of the Greek work he translated. still,. the apparently more orthodox character of the Recognitions suggests an editor from the Western Church.-R.]
1 Var. readings: "magnanimous one," "my lord," "my friend."
2 [The reference is probably to the transformation of the father of Clement into the appearance of Simon Magus. This is narrated in both the Recognitions (book x. 53, etc.) and in the Homilies (xx. 12, etc.), though the latter book closes without any statement of the restoration. It would seem unlikely, then, that Rufinus refers to the Homilies as the "other" collection. The recovery of the closing portion of that work has given us its account of the transformation.-R.
3 [How far Rufinus has omitted portions which occured in Greek cannot known. It is is quite probable that the apparent heresy of some passages, rather than their incomprehensibility, led him to omit them. This may be urged in favour of the priority of the Homilies, but is not conclusive.-R.]
4 [There is no good reason for doubting that Rufinus refers to the extant epistle prefixed to the Homilies, and forming, with "the Episle of Peter to James," which precedes it, a preface and fictitious au. thentication of that collection.-R.]
5 1 [The of language of Rufinus confirms that of Irenaeus, Eusebius, and Jerome, as to the episcopal succession at Rome (assuming that Cletus and Anacletus, named by Irenaeus, is identical with Cletus). For other variations, see Church Histories and Encyclopaedias (under Clemens Romanus). The current opinion at Rome in the beginning of the fifth century is evident from this passage. Comp. Ante-Nicene Fathers, vol. i. pp. 1, 2.-R.]
1 [The first six chapters closely resemble the corresponding chapters of Homily 1. The variations are no greater than might readily appear in a verson.-R.]
2 V. R. in the time of Tiberius Caesar.
3 [In Homily 1, a warning of future punishment is added.-R].]
4 [The narrative in the Homilies is fuller; the preacher at Rome is not named Clement attempts to go to Judaea, is driven to Alexandria, and meets Barnabas there: the occurrences here given in chaps. 8-11 are placed in Alexandria, whence Clement goes, after the departure of Barnabas, to Caesarea where he meets Peter (comp. chap. 12).-R.]
5 [The two accounts of the meeting with Peter at Caesarea are closely parallel.-R]
6 [This discourse is given somewhat more fully here than in the Homilies.-R.]
7 [Comp. Homily I. 20, where there is a curious inconsistency. Both accounts seem to insert this to tally with the fictitious relation to James, and both may be used to support the theory of a common documentary basis.-R.]
8 [In the Homilies this is not expressed, but implied. The whole passage suggests a separatism quite contrary to Pauline precept. Compare the more detailed statement of separatism in book ii 70, 72, vii. 29: Homily XIII. 4-R.]
9 [Identified in the Homilies with the publican of Jericho. Fifteen others are named in Homily 11. 1: some of them are introduced in Recognitions, ii. I.-R.]
10 Here we follow a marginal reading.
11 [This chapter has no direct parallel in the Homilies. While there is a general resemblance in the remainder of book i. to Homily 11., much of the matter is peculiar, or at least Introduced in a connection different from that of the Homilies.-R.]
12 That is, that I may be sure that you remember these things.
13 [Hilgenield regards chaps. 27-72 as as of the Jewish-Christian document called Kerygma Petri, of which an outline is given in book iii. 75. This he thinks was of Roman origin. Certainly these chapters bear many marks of an earlier origin than most of the pseudo-Clementine literature. Much of the matter is not found elsewhere in this literature: the tone of the discourse is much superior; the instruction represented as given to Clement, is quite well adapted to his needs as a heathen inquirer: the views presented are not so extravagant as much that occurs in the Homilies: the attempt to adjust the statements to the New-Testament narrative is skilfully made, and there is not lacking a great vraisemblance, It may not be improper to add, that the impressions first given in regard to this passage were made upon the writer of this note quite independently of Hilgenfeld's theory; some of them committed to writing without a thought of maintaining that theory.-R]
15 That is, his soul, according to the doctrine of the pre-existence of souls.
16 Gen. vi. 2. [Compare with this chapter Homily VIII. 12-17, where there are many more fanciful details.-R]
17 The writer here translates the words of the Septuagint, of oi9 gi/gantej oi9 a9p' ai0w=noj oi0 a!nqrwpoi oi9 o0nomastoi/, illi qua a seculo nominantur. We have given the translation of our authorized version. It is likely, however, that the writer believed the name to Imply that they lived to a great. age, as is maintained by Diodorus quoted by Suicer on the word, or he may have traced the word to gh=.
19 [With this chapter compare Homily IX. 3-7.-R.]
21 [This orderly and consistent explanation of the Old-Testament economy (chaps. 32-39) is peculiar to the recognitions.-R.]
24 That is, picture or statue.
26 Deut. xvii. 15; Acts iii. 22, 23.
27 Deut. xii. 11; 2 Chron. vii. 12.
28 Hos. vi. 6; Matt. ix. 13, xii. 7.
29 Matt. xxiv. 2; Luke xix. 44.
37 [Chaps. 42, 43, show little of the Ebionitic tendency, except m the attempt to reduce the difference between Jews and Christians to the single point of belief in the Messiahship of Jesus.-R]
42 [Evidently "the Lord's brother." Comp. chap. 68.-R.]
43 This account of occurrences in Jerusalem (chaps. 45-70) is probably meant to supplement Acts v. and viii. The date tallies with the stoning of Stephen, to which there is no allusion. The whole bears abundant marks of "manipulation" of the New-Testament record.-R.]
44 [The discourse of chaps. 45-52 is interesting from its christo logical consistency. The doctrine, while showing Ebionitic origin, is closer to the Catholic view than that of the Homilies.-R.]
45 [The references to oil in chaps. 45-48, particularly the connection of anointing with baptism, have been regarded, since the discovery of the full text of Hippolytus, as showing traces of relationship to the system of the Elkesaites. See Introductory Notice. In the forms given by Hippolytus (see Ante-Nicene Fathers, v. pp. 132) the oil is represented as one of "seven witnesses" to be adjured by the subject of baptism.-R.]
50 That is, the sin of sacrifice.
52 [Comp. book ii. 8-11 and Homily 11. 24. The writer here confuses the later Dositheus with an earlier teacher, whose disciple Zadok was the founder of the sect of the Sadducces.-R.]
54 [Here we encounter that favourite notion of apocryphal writers, that each Apostle must he represented as contributing his portion to the statement and defence of the faith.-R.]
57 We should doubtless read "Barsabas."
59 Dan. ix. 27; Matt. xxiv. 15.
61 [This title is consistent with the position accorded to James the Lord's brother in the entire pseudo-Clementine literature.-R.]
62 [This sentence seems to have been framed to accord with the Catholic doctrine.-R.]
63 A marginal note in one of the manuscripts states that this enemy was Saul. [This is confirmed by chap. 71.-R.]
64 Acts xxii. 5. [There is an evident attempt to cast a slur upon the apostle Paul, but the suppresssion of the name is significant.-R.]
65 [Comp. book ii. 7 and Homily II. 22, 24.-R.]
66 [The visit of Peter to Caesarea narrated in Acts x was for a very different purpose. It is probable that the author of the Recognitions connected the persecution by Saul and the sorceries of Simon because of the similar juxtaposition in Acts viii.-R.]
1 I [With this list compare that in iii. 68, where four others are added (or substituted), and some importance given to the number twelve. See also Homily II. 1 The variety and correspondence point to the use of a common basis.-R.]
2 That is, the lamp which had been lighted in the evening.
3 [In the Homilies the discourse before the discussion with Simon is much fuller.-R.]
6 [The statements of Niceta and Aquila are introduced in the Homilies before the postponement of the discussion with Simon There is a remarkable variety in the minor details respecting Simon as given in the two narratives.-R.]
7 [Comp. i. 54. In Homily II. 23 Simon is said to be a follower of John the Baptist, one of the thirty chief men: so Dositheus. Here Dositheus is represented as the head of a separate sect; so in i. 54.-R.]
8 [Called "Helena" in the Homilies, and identified apparently with Helen, the cause of the Trojan War.-R.]
9 [The statements made in the Recognitions respecting the claims of Simon are more extravagant and blasphemous than those occurring in the Homilies. Comp. the latter, ii, 26-32.-R.]
10 The meaning seems to be, that she was seen at all the windows at once.-TR.
11 [This parody of the miraculous conception is not found in the Homilies:-R.]
12 [In Homily II. 37-53 the discourse of Peter is quite different and far less worthy. In Homily III. 1-28 a similar discourse e is given just before the discussion with Simon, abounding in statements that suggest erroneous views of Scripture, and indicate a Gnostic origin.
14 [Three discussions with Simon Magus are detailed in the pseudo-Clementine literature,-one in the Recognitions, ii. 20-iii. 48; two in the Homilies, iii. 30-58 and xvi.-xix. The differences between these are quite remarkable.
I. External Differences.-That in the Recognitions is assigned to Caesarea and is represented as lasting three days details of each day's discussion being given. The earlier one in the Homilies is given the same place and time but it is very brief. The details of the first day alone are mentioned; and it resembles that in the Recognitions less than does the later vie This is represented as taking place at Laodicea, and as occupy ing four days. The account is the longest of the three. In its historical setting this discussion has no parallel in the Recognitions. Faustus, the father of Clement, is made the umpire; and this discussion before him takes the place of the discussions with him which occupy so large a part of Recognitions, viii-x.
II. Internal differences.-Of course there are many thoughts common to the discussions; but the treatment is so varied as to form one of the most perplexing points in the literary problem. All are somewhat irregular in arrangement hence an analysis is difficult.. The discussion in the Recognitions seems to be more ethical and philosophical than those in the Homilies; the latter contain more theosophical views. Both of them emphasize the falsehoods of Scripture arid abound more in sophistries and verbal sword-play. In the Recognitions against Simon's polytheism and theory of an unknown God, Peter opposes the righteousness of God, emphasizing the freedom of the will, discussing the existence and orgin of evil, reverting to the righteousness of God as proving the immoriality of the soul. The defeat of Simon is narrated in a peculiar way.
The Caesarean discussion in the Homilies is very briefly narrated. After the preliminary parley, Simon attacks the God of the Scriptures attributing defects to Him. Peter's reply, while explaining many passages correctly, is largely taken up with a statement of the view of the Scripture peculiar to the Homilies. This is really the weapon with which Simon is defeated. The discussion, therefore, presents few points of resemblance to that in the recognitions.
The Laodicean discussion in the Homilies, covering four days is of a higher character than the preceding. It is not strictly parallel to that in the Recognitions. The opening argument concerning polytheism. To Peter's monotheism Simon opposes the contradictions of Scripture: these Peter explains including some christological statements which lead to a declaration of the nature, name and character of God. On the second day, after some personal discussion, Simon asserts that Christ's teaching differs from that of Peter: the argument reverts to the shape and figure of God The evidence of the senses is urged against fancied revel ations, which are attrebuted to demons. On the third day the question of God the Framer of the world is in and His moral character. Peter explains the nature of revelation with some sharp personal thrusts at Simon, but soon reverts to the usual explanation of Scripture.
On the fourth day the existence of the evil one becomes the prominent topic: the existence of sin is pressed; and the discussion closes with a justification of the inequalities of human life, and an expression of judgment against Simon by Faustus.
Throughout thse portions footnotes have been added, to indicate the correspondences of thought in the several accounts-R.]
15 [This opening sentence occurs in the Homilies, but in other parts the discourses differ. This is far more dignified and consistent than that in the Homilies, which at once introduces a claim to authority as messenger of the Prophet.-R.]
19 [In Homily III. 38, 39, Simon is represented as at once attacking the Apostle and his monotheism: the arguments are, in the mate, those given in chap. 39 of this book. Chaps. 23-36 are without a direct parallel in the Homilies.-R.]
24 Matt. x. 35, 36: Luke xii. 53.
26 Matt. x. 12-15; Luke x. 5, 6.
30 [The discussion in the Homilies is represented as virtually beginning with this statement of the Apostle: comp. Homily III. 37. The arguments here, however, are given with greater detail.-R.]
31 [In both the Recognitions and the Homilies the contest turns upon the monotheistic teaching of the Old Testament and the supreme Deity of Jehovah. This is rightly regarded as an evidence of Ebionitic origin. But Gnostic elements enter again and again.-R.]
39 [Compare Homily XVI. 6.-R.]
40 [The reply of Peter here is of a higher character than that given in the Homilies (see iii. 40, etc.). Indeed, the report of the entire discussion in the Recognitions shows a superior conception of the Apostle.-R.]
43 [This remarkable chapter is peculiar to the Recognitions. The angelology seems to be Ebionitic, rather than Gnostic.-R.]
54 Gen. iii. [The same thought occurs in Homily X. 10, 11 -R.]
59 [Compare Homily XVII. 4.-R.]
60 Matt. xi. 27. [Comp. Luke. x. 22. This objection is given in Homilies XVIII. 4.-R.]
62 This chapter presents the topic which is made the main point in a subsequent discussion with Simon; see Homily xviii.-R.]
63 [With chaps. 50, 51, comp. Homily XVII, 13, etc.-R.]
64 We render by a periphrasis the expressions ineffabili quadain ratione comertum. The meaning seems to be, that the belief of the existence and unity of God is not the result of reasoning, not of intuition or instinct.
65 [The argument of Simon here differs from that represented in Homilies xvii., XVIII. There Simon asserts that the Framer of the world is not the highest God, because He is not both just and good. Comp. also book iii. 37, 38.-R.]
66 [The attitude of the Apostle Peter toward the Old Testament is differently represented in the Homilies, where false views are admitted to exist in the Scriptures. Comp. Homilies 11. 38, 40, 41, 51, 111.
67 That is, you take the idea of substance from the God of the Jews, and only enlarge it by the addition of the words above all.
69 [This story (chaps. 62-65) is peculiar to the Recognitions. In Homily XVII. 14-19 there is an argument against the trustworthiness or supernatural visions, which is supposed to be anti-Pauline in its aim.-R.]
70 [The remaining chapters of this book hare no exact parallel in the Homilies.-R.]
71 That is, have no visible or sensible species, according to the Platonic theory of perception.
72 [Comp. book i. 19, vii. 29; Homilies 1. 22, xiii. 4.-R..]
74 [On the demonology of this work see book iv. 15-19; comp. Homily IX. 8-22.-R.]
1 [The larger part of book iii, has no direct parallel in the Homilies though, of course, many of the views presented are given in the latter under different circumstances.-R.]
3 Chaps ii.-xii. are wanting in the mss.. of best authority, and it seems to us indisputable that they form no part of the original work For this reason, and because we have found them utterly untranslatable, we have ommitted them.
4 [Comp Homily XVII. 2 for a similar accusation made by Simon.-R.]
6 Luke viii 5 [Comp. Matt. xiii. 3, etc.; Mark iv. 3, etc.-R.]
7 [In Homily XIX. the discussion with Simon is respecting the existence of the evil one. Here the treatment is apparently of a higher philosophical character.-R.]
9 [Comp. Homilies XI. 8, XIX. 15 But in the Recognitions this topic is more frequently treated. See chap. 26, and elsewhere.
10 [Comp. Homily XIX. 12. The argument here is far more philosophical.-R.]
18 [Comp Homilies XVII. 4, etc., XVIII. I. The objection is of Gnostic origin.-R.]
23 [The concluding portion of this discussion (chaps. 42-48) is peculiar alike in its argument and its colloquies.-R.]
24 [Comp. book ii. 15 and Homily 11. 26.-R.]
25 Evidently parodied from Acts viii. 18-24. This incident is peculiar to the Recognitions.-R.]
26 [Compare with this chapter book ii. 9, 14; Homily 11. 32.-R.]
27 [This account of the close of the discussion is peculiar to the Recognitions.-R.]
33 [The substance of chaps. 59, 60, occurs in Homily 11. 33, 34, just before the postponement of the discussion with Simon.-R.]
34 [On the doctrine of pairs compare Homily II. 15, etc., 33; 111. 23.-R.]
36 [This incident is narrated only in the Recognitions.-R.]
37 [With the remainder of the book compare Homily III. 58-73. The resemblance is general rather than particular.-R.]
38 Matt. xviii. 7, Luke xvii. 1.
39 [In the Homilies full details are given respecting the choice of Zacchaeus (who is identified with the publican in Luke xix.), his unwillingness to serve; precepts are also added concerning Church officers.-R.]
40 This may be translated, "that he may partake of holy things." Cotelerius supposes the words "holy things" to mean the body and blood of Christ.
41 [Compare with this chapter the lists in book ii I and in Homily II. 1. The special significance attached to the number twelve is peculiar to this passage.-R.]
42 [In Homily III. 58 Simon is represented as doing great miracles at Tyre. Peter follows him there, but finds that he has gone. The long discussions with him are assigned to Laodicea. See Homilies, xvi., etc.-R.]
43 Cotelerius remarks that these ten books previously sent to James (if they ever existed) ought to be distinguished from the ten books of the Recognitions, which were addressed to the same James, but written those now those mentioned.
44 [This chapter furnishes some positive evidence that the recog- nitions are based upon an earlier work. The topics here named do not correspond with those of the Homilies, except in the most general way. Hence this passage does not favour the theory that the author of the Recognitions had the Homilies before him when he wrote. Even in xvi.-xix. of the later work, which Uhlhorn regarded as the nucleus of the entire literature the resemblances are slight. As already intimated (see Introductory Notice, p. 71), Uhlhorn has abandoned this theory.
On the other hand the chapter bears marks of being the conclusion to a complete document. It can therefore be urged in support of the new view of Lehenann (Die Clementinischen Schriften, Gotha, 1869), that the Recognitions are made up of two parts (books i.-iii., iv.-x.) by two different authors, both parts being based on earlier documents. This chapter is regarded by Hilgenfeld as containing a general outline of the Kerygma Petri, a Jewish-Christian document of Roman origin. In i. 27-72 he finds a remnant of this document incorporated in the Recognitions.-R.]
1 [In books iv.-vi. the scene is laid at Tripolis. The same city is the locality to which Homilies viii.-xi. are assigned. The intervening portion (Homilies IV.-VII.) gives the details of the journey here alluded to, telling of various discourses at Tyre. Some of the matter of these discourses occurs in the Recognitions, but under different circumstances The heathen disputants are not the same.
The parallelisms of the portions assigned to Tripolis are as follows: book iv. has its counterpart. In Homily viii. and in much of Homily IX book v. has a parallel in Homily X. and it, parts of XI.: book vi in its general outline resembles Homily XI.
The discourses of the Apostle as given in the Recognitions are more orderly and logical than those in the Homilies, The views presented differ somewhat, in accordance with the general character of the two works. Much of the matter in the Recognitions occurs In a different order in the Homilies but the internal evidence seems to point to the priority of the former. Both might be different manipulations of a common documentary source, but that theory is not necessarily applicable to these portions of the literature.-R.]
2 ["Maroones," Homily VIII. I.-R.]
4 [With chaps. 4-11 compare Homily VIII. 4-11. The correspondence is quite close.-R.]
6 Luke xiii. 29; Matt. viii. 11.
9 Matt. xi. 25, [Luke x. 21; comp. Homily XVIII. 15-17.-R.]
11 Aedes, in the singular, probably a temple.
12 [In Homilies VIII. 8, 24, IX. 24, the healing takes place after the dtscourses.-R.]
13 [In Homily VIII. 12-16 there is inserted a curious account of the fall of man and angels, and of a race of giants.-R.]
14 [Chap. 12 has no exact parallel in the Homilies, but Homily VIII. 17 resembles it.-R.]
15 The writer means, that insult is offered to that name which belongs to God alone by giving it to others, and thus placing it in a position which is unjust to it.
17 [There is a similar chapter in Homily IX. 7, but in a discourse: on the following day.-R.]
18 [With chaps. 14-22 compare Homily IX. 8-18. The general outline is the same, and the resemblances quite close in the larger part of both passages.-R.]
20 [Chaps. 23-26 have no exact parallel in the Homilies; comp. book in 16-26 The questions of the origin of evil and of free-will are more fully treated in the Recognitions.-R.]
21 There is considerable variety of reading in this sentence, and the precise meaning is somewhat obscure. The general sense, however, is sufficiently evident, that if God had refrained from creating those who He foresaw, would fall into evil, this would have been to subject His goodness co their evil.
22 [Comp. Homily VIII. 13.-R.]
23 [With chaps. 27-31 compare Homily IX. 3-7. The resemblances are quite close. See also book i. 30, 31.-R.]
24 [With chaps. 27-31 compare Homily IX. 3-7. The resemblances are quite close. See also book i. 30, 31.-R.]
25 [To chaps. 32, 33, a close parallel is found in Homily IX. 19-21.-R]
26 Matt. viii. 9. [Luke vii. 8.-R.]
27 [The close of this discourse chaps. 34-37, resembles that of the first at Tripolis, in Homily VIII. 21, 24. As already indicated much of Homily IX. finds a parallel in this book.-R.]
28 Matt. iv. 10. [Luke iv. 8.-R.]
29 [This is peculiar in this connection. There is, at least, a suggestion of anti-Pauline spirit in its teaching.-R.]
31 [In Homily VII. 8 a similar injunction is given, at Sidon. The language in both places recalls Acts xv. 20 and 1 Cor. x. 21. But most of the chapter is peculiar to the Recognitions.-R.]
32 Matt xiii. 23. [Comp. Mark iv. 8, 20 where the order of the numbers corresponds with that of the Recognitions. The interpretation is a fanciful one, indicating not only Judaistic legalism, but the notion of esoteric teaching. The passage shows Ebtonitic tendencies.-R.]
33 Clement, being not yet baptized, is represented as not permitted to join with the disciples, even in prayer. [Comp. i. 19, ii. 70-72. This separation is indicated in the Homilies, but more emphasis is placed upon it in the Recognitions.-R.]
1 [Book v. has a partial parallel in Homily X., which is assigned to the second day at Tripolis. The matter here is more extensive. Chaps. 1, 2, show some resemblance to Homily X. 3-6.-R.]
3 [Chaps. 4, 5, resemble somewhat Homily X. 2, which contains a preliminary discourse of the Apostle to his followers.-R.]
4 [Here again the doctrine of free-will is pressed, the Homilies containing no parallel. Chaps. 6-13 have no corresponding passage in Homily X.-R.]
6 Gen. xlix. 10. [This detailed statement of the call of the Gentiles is peculiar to the Recognitions; comp. i. 42. Such passages seem to indicate a tendency less anti-Pauline than that of the Homilies yet the christology and soteriology are Ebionitic.-R.]
11 [The parallel with Homily X. recurs at this chapter, and continues for several chapters.-R.]
12 [This, with the more specific statement of Homily X. 8, points to an early date.-R.]
13 It was a very prevalent opinion among the ancient philosophers, that the heavenly bodies have some kind of life and intelligence.
14 [Comp. book ii. 45. In Homily X. 10, etc., the influence of the serpent is spoken of, but the discourse here is much fuller. There is, however, a general agreement in outline between chaps. 17-22 here and Homily X. 10-21.-R.]
15 [To chaps. 23-36 a parallel is afforded by Homily XI. 4-18.-R.]
17 1 Kings xvii., xviii.; Jas. v. 17,18.
18 Literally, "change the bestower of it for another."
19 The original has here, "as is often known:" that is, as people know from many instances having occurred within their own knowledge.
21 Matt. xvii. 20; Luke xvii. 6.
22 [The latter of this discourse, as already indicated (see note on chap. 23), finds a parallel in Homily XI. 4-18, which forms the first half of that discourse.-R.]
1 [Comp. book iii. 31. To this there is no parallel in the Homilies.-R.]
2 It will be remembered that the hours were variable periods, and began to be reckoned from sunrise.
3 [To chaps. 2, 3, there is a parallel in the corresponding chapters of Homily XI. Then follows a long passage similar to that in book v. 23-36.-R.]
4 [The remaining chapters of this book (4-14) correspond with Homily XI. 19-33. The discourse here is somewhat fuller, but the order of topics is the same throughout.-R.]
10 [ There is no exact parallel to these statements in the corresponding chapter of the Homilies ( xi. 26).-R.]
11 John iii. 5. [This passage is cited, with additions, in Homily XI. 26.-R.]
13 [This chapter is more specific in its statements than Homily XI. 30, to which it has a general resemblance.-R.]
14 Matt. xii. 42; Luke xi. 31.
15 Matt. xii. 41: Luke xi. 32.
16 [Comp. Homily XI. 35, 36, which, however, contain additional matter.-R.]
17 Literally, "breaking the Eucharist".
1 [The narrative of book vii. is given in Homilies XII., XIII.: chap. 38 including some details of Homily XIV. 1. The variations in the narrative portions are unimportant: but the Homilies contain longer discourses of the Apostle. Chaps 1-24 here correspond quite exactly with Homily XII. 1-24; the topics of the respective c chapters being the same, and the variations mainly in forms of expression.-R.]
2 [Comp. Homily XII. 8, where the names given are Mattidia, Faustus (father); Faustinus and Faustinianus, the twin sons. With these names some connect the German legend of Faust: see Schaff, History, ii. 442.-R.]
4 Perhaps, "a man in good position".
5 [This is the title-word of the book as is evident . Hence the italics here, and not in Homily XII. 23.-R.]
6 [At this point a discourse of the Apostle on "philanthropy" is inserted in the Homilies (xii. 25-33). Homily XIII. I corresponds with this chapter.-R.].
7 [This his account is fuller than that in Homily XIII. 2.-R.]
8 There is a confusion In the text between Aradus and Antaradus. [Aradus is the name of the Island, Antaradus that of the neighbouring city.-R.]
9 [With chaps. 28-36 the narrative in Homily XIII. 3-11 corresponds quite closely.-R.]
11 [In Homily XIII. 12 the Apostle is represented as thus deferring the baptism; but a longer discourse on chastity (chaps. 13-21) is given, assigned to the evening of that day.-R.]
13 Here a marginal reading is followed. The reading of the text is: "In order that our thought, borne on the chariot of contemplation may hasten on, invisible to the bodily senses, towards the love of God." But the translation of aspectus by "contemplation" is doubtful.
14 [The baptism is narrated in Homily XIV. I.-R.]
15 [In Homily XIII. 20, 21, a longer discourse, to the same effect, is recorded; but it is addressed to the mother the evening before her baptism.-R.]
1 [From this point there are considerable variations in the two narratives. The old man becomes, in the Recognitions, a prominent participant in the discussions, arguing with Peter, and with Niceta,, Aquila, and Clement. At the close of these discussions he is recognitized first by the sons (ix. 35), and then by his wife, as Faustinianus (ix 37). In the Homilles Peter tells of an interview with the old man (xiv. 2-8), and the recognition takes place immediately upon his appearance (xiv. 9). Some discussion with hem follows (Homily XV.); but soon the main controversy is with Simon Magus (Homilies XVI.XIX.), in the presence of the father, who is convinced by Peter. Book x. contains much matter introduced in Homilies lV.-VII. The correspondences will be indicated in the footnotes.-R.]
2 [In Homily XIV. 2-5 there is a discussion somewhat similar to the beginning of this one, but reported by the Apostle to the family of Clement.- R.]
3 [There are a number of indications, like this, in the narrative, foreshadowing the recognition of the old man as the father. In the Homilies nothing similar appears.-R.].]
5 [The whole arrangement, introducing the brothers as disputants, is peculiar to the Recognitions. The several discourses are con. structed with much skill. The courtesy of the discussion is in sharp contrast with the tone of those in the Homilies, especially those with Simon Magus.-R.]
8 [Another foreshadowing of the approaching recognition; peculiar to this narrative.-R.]
9 [The argument of Niceta (chaps. 9-34), while it necessarily includes statements occurring elsewhere in this literature, is, as a whole peculiar to the Recognitions. In order of arrangement and logical force it is much superior to most of the discourses.-R.]
11 [De Maistre, Soirees, vi. 259.]
12 [Comp. John i. 1-3. The expression seems to be used here with a polemic purpose.-R.]
13 [This incident is peculiar to the Recognitons. There seems to be a reminiscence of this chief man in Homily IV. 10, where a rich man provides a place for the discussion; comp. chap. 38 here.-R.]
14 [Peculiar to the Recognitions; there is probably here an anti-Pauline purpose.-R.]
15 [The second day's discussion, in which Aquila is the main speaker, is also of a high order, It is, as already indicated, peculiar to the Recognitions, though with the usual incidental correspondences in the Homilies.-R.]
18 This rendering is according to a marginal reading.
19 [Comp. book iv. 12 Homily VIII. 17.-R.]
20 Compare with chaps. 52-54 the doctrine of pairs as stated in book iii. 59-61; Homily II. 15, etc., iii. 23.-R.]
21 [On the creation of the evil one, see book x. 3, etc., and the discussion with Simon in Homily XIX. 2-18.-R.]
23 [Comp. Homily XIV. 3, etc.-R.]
24 [This discourse of Peter is peculiar to the Recognitions; it resembles somewhat the earlier discourse to Clement in Book i,-R.]
25 [ The introduction of these chapters concerning the true Prophet shows a far more orderly method of constructing the entire discussion with the father them that of the Homilies; comp. book xi. 1, 2.-R.].]
28 If we were to read quam instead of quem, the sense would be that He might lay open to men the way of truth which they had blocked up. So Whiston.
1 [The discourses in book ix. are peculiar to the Recognitions not only in their position in the story, but to a remarkably large extent in the matter.-R.].]
2 [Comp. book viii. 58-62.-R.]
3 [Comp. book viii. 55, 56, Homily XIX. 2-18.-R.]
4 [The doctrine of free-will, and the necessity of evil in consequence, appears throughout. Comp. book iii. 21, v. 6. In the Homilies there is not so much emphasis laid upon is point, but see Homily Xl. 8.-R.].]
5 [Compare If Homily Xl. 26 on this view of baptism.-R.]
7 [On the doctrine of demons compare book iv, 14-22: Homily IX. 8-18.-R.]
8 [On error of astrology compare book x. 7-12. In Homily XIV. 5 and elsewhere "genesis" and the science of astrology are identified.]-R.
9 Ch. 17 and ch. 19-29 are taken in an altered form from the writing ascribed to Bardesanes, De Fato. |These chapters have no parallel in the Homilies, but the argument of the old man respecting genesis implies the same position: comp. Homily XIV. 3-7, II.-R.]
10 Conjectural reading, "to kill with the sword".
11 That is, violators of the sacred mysteries which was regarded as one of the most horrid of crimes.
12 That is, the farthest east, not, as some of the annotators suppose, from the beginning of the world.
13 This is a literal translation of text. If we read genesi for genesim we get: "nor has Venus, etc., compelled them to keep up this custom in the midst of others through the force of genesis". Eusebuis reads: "And assuredly Venus, ect., is not found in the genesis of all of them."
14 The text reads: "the incestuous customs of their their evils, or of their evil persons." Hilgenfeld ( Bardesanes, p. 113) notices that it should be, "of their ancestors."
15 Probably we should read perfusionem instead of perfusione, and then the translation would be: "no star compelling, or even urging on them the shedding of blood". So Whiston translates.
17 [This conclusion of the argument by a reference to the Prophet is much more dignified than the personal boast of miraculous power which, in the Homiles, is placed in the mouth of the Apostle just before the recognition.-R.].;
18 [To chaps. 32-37 a partial parallel is found in Homily XIV. 6-9. The arrangement is guise different, and the details vary.-R.]
19 [Compare the account of the recognition in Homily XIV. 9.-R.]
20 This recapitulation is peculiar to the Recognitions; in Homily XV. 4 the main facts are cited as a proof of divine providence.-R.]
21 Lit. "through pity of humanity."
22 [Comp. Homily IV. 9. The recognition of the mother is represented as occurring first the variations are quite remarkable.-R.]
23 [This chapter is peculiar to the Recognitions; the detailed description of the exorcism is a curious piece of l.iterature.-R.]
1 [In book x. the arrangement, to the close of chap. 51, differs from that of the Homilies. Here Peter proposes a delay. In Homily XV. an account is given of the attempt to convert the father immediately the Apostle arguing with him, and urging the importance of being of the same mind with his family. Then In Homilies XVI.XIX. a second discussion with Simon is given, occurring in the presence of the father of Clement. Here the argument is carried on by Clement (chaps. 7-28), Niceta (chaps. 30-34, 41), Aquila (chaps. 35-38), and concluded by Peter himself (chaps. 42-51). Much of the mythological matter finds a parallel in the discussion with Appion (Homily IV -Vl.), but there is no direct agreement in the two works from this point to chap. 52. Comp. Homily XX. II.-R.]
2 Allusion is made to Socrates and community of wives, as stated in the Repulic of Plato.
3 [Comp. book ix. 15, 17, etc. The question of astrology is much more prominent in the Recognitions; but comp. Homily XIV. 5, and elsewhere.-R.]
4 [The connection of mathematics and astrolog is indicated also in Homily XIV. 3.-R.]
5 [This argument from fuman freedom is the favourite one throughout.-R.]
6 [With this cosmogony (chaps. 17-19, 30-34) compare the discourse of Appion, Homily 3-10.-R ]
7 [Comp. chap. 31 and Homily Vl. 2.-R.]
8 [Comp. Homily V. 12-15 for a parallel to chaps. 20-23.-R]
9 Dionysius appears here and subsequently in the text for Dionysus the Greek god corresponding to the Latin Bacchus. Some of the other names are more or less corrupt forms.
10 [Comp. Homily V. 23, where these details appear in a letter written by Clement as if from a woman; also Homily Vl. 21.-R.]
12 [Comp. chaps. 17-19 and Homily V1 3-10, 12-19.-R.]
13 [Comp. chap. 17 and Homily Vl. 2.-R.]
14 [Comp. Homily Vl. 5. 12.-R.]
15 See his genuine Epistle, vol. i. p. 1, this series. Compare vol. I. pp. 69, 416, with vii. p. 478.
1 [The object of this apocryphal epistle is to account for the alte appearance of the Homilies. It would seem to be the latest portion of the literature.-R.]
2 [This is one of the strongest anti-Pauline insinuations in the entire literature.-R.]
3 Matt. v. 18; comp. Matt. xxiv. 35; Mark xiii. 31; Luke xxii. 33. [This is a fair specimen of the loose method of Scripture citation characteristic of the Clementine literature. Sometimes the meaning is perverted.-R.]
4 [The form of adjuration has some points of resemblance with the baptismal forms given by Hippolytus, as those of the Elkesaites. See Introductory Notices to Recognitions, and comp. Recognitions, i. 45-48.-R.]
5 Unless the reading be corrupt here, I suppose the reference must be to episcopal succession.
6 [Rufinus, in his preface to the Recognitions, makes no allusion to this letter.-R.]
1 More probably "the Lord's brother." So it must have been in the text from which Rufinus translated. [That this means "James the Lord's brother" is quite certain, but it is not necessary to adopt this reading here; comp. Chap. 20 and the opening sentence of the previous epistle. In Recognitions, iii. 74, Clement is represented as writing "my lord James."-R.]
3 The common reading would give "who alone is now long-suffering;" but the change of a letter gives the reading which we have adopted.
4 It is impossible to translate these terms very accurately. I suppose the prwreu/j was rather the "bow-oarsman" in the galley.
5 [Compare with this the remarkable chapter, Recognitions, iii. 75, where a summary is given of previous writings sent to James. The design of this letter is evidently known to Rufinus, was to authenticate the work which follows. The language of Rufinus may fairly imply that this letter, known to be of later origin, was sometimes prefixed to the Recognitions also. This is an evidence of Jewish-Christian origin.-R.]
1 [The first six chapters agree closely with the corresponding passage in the Recognitions.-R.]
2 This rendering is from the text n the corresponding passage of the Epitome de gestis S. Petri.
3 [This clause is represented in the Recognitions as follows: "which took its rise in the regions of the East."-R.]
4 [The narrative here varies from that of the Recognitions; comp. Book i. 7-11.-R.]
5 For e0kplokw=n Wieseler proposes e0kkle/ptwn, "that deceiving by hopes it lays snares," etc.
6 Portus, the port of Rome. One ms. reads po/nton, "the sea."
7 We have here adopted a conjectural reading of Davis. The common text is thus translated: "whose faces I remember, and who as being living images are satisfactory testimonies. These it is left," etc.
8 The Vatican ms. and Epit. Have "the power of speaking well."
9 Lit., "I met each one beforehand secretly." The Latin has, "unicuique praevius occurri."
11 The Paris ms. reads fqo/nou, "envy," instead of fo/nou, "murder."
12 [Here the two accounts become again closely parallel.-R.]
13 The text is corrupt. Dressel's reading is adopted in the text, being based on Rufinus's translation. Some conjecture, "as you will know of your own accord."
14 A conjectural reading, "being without the house," seems preferable.
15 [Comp. Recognitions, i. 16, where the discourse is more fully given.-R.]
16 The text is probably corrupt or defective. As it stands, grammatically Peter writes the discourse and sends it, and yet "by his order" must also apply to Peter. The Recognitions make Clement write the book and send it. The passage is deemed important, and is accordingly discussed in Schliemann, p. 83; Hilgenfeld, p. 37; and Uhlhorn, p. 101. [See Recognitions, i. 17. Both passages, despite the variation, may be urged in support of the existence of an earlier document as the common basis of the Clementine literature.-R.]
17 [Comp. Homily XIII. 4. And Recognitions, i. 19.-R.]
1 [With but two exceptions, these names, or their equivalents, occur in Recognitions, iii. 68, where importance is attached to the number twelve. Comp. Also Recogntions, ii. 1. A Comparison of these lists favors the theory of a common documentary basis.-R.]
2 Literally, "to be boiled out of me."
4 "Were deceived" is not in the text, but the sense demands some such expression should be supplied.
5 filo/logoi, ou0 filo/sofoi, "lovers of words, not lovers of wisdom."
7 Literally, "twofoldly and oppositely." [On the doctrine of pairs compare chap. 33, iii. 23, Recognitions, iii.61.-R.]
9 For "first" Wieseler conjectures "different,"-two different persons.
10 In this sentence the text is probably corrupted. The general meaning seems to be, that he does not enter fully at present into the subject of Elias, or John the Baptist, and the Christ, the greatest among the sons of men, coming after, but that he will return to the subject on a fitting occasion.
11 [Chaps. 19-21 are peculiar to the Homilies, though in Recognitions, vii. 32, Justa is named as having purchased and educated Niceta and Aquila.-R.]
12 For diafo/poij Duncker proposes a0diafo/poij, "meats without distinction."
13 That is, having caused to be a Gentile, by abstaining from forbidden foods.
14 There are several various readings in this sentence, and none of them can be strictly construed; but the general sense is obvious.
15 [For the parallel account of Simon, given also by Aquila, see Recognitions, ii. 7-15.-R.]
16 The Vulgate ms. adds, "which is in Egypt (or, on the Nile), in Greek culture."