1 Androgathius in philosophy, Libanius in rhetoric.
2 An expression frequently employed by St. Chrysostom in the sense of a life of religious contemplation and study.
3 For an account of the oppressive way in which the public taxes were collected, see Gibbon's History (Milman's edition), vol iii. 78.
4 The iron furnace was a Hebrew proverbial expression signifying a "furnace hot enough to melt iron," and so a condition of peculiar trial. See Deut. iv. 20, and Jer. xi. 4.
5 This must be regarded as a kind of rhetorical expression, as we learn from Chrysostom's "Letter to a young widow" that his mother was not much past 40 at this time.
6 e0piskoph=j is the reading of most Mss but four have i/erwsun/hj, "the priesthood," which Bengel adopts, thinking that neither Basil nor Chrysostom could have been elected for the higher order at so early an age, but see below, p.4, note 1.
7 Forcible ordinations were not uncommon in the Church at this time. St. Augustin was dragged weeping by the people before the Bishop, and his ordination demanded. St. Martin of Tours was torn from his cell, and conveyed to ordination under a guard. Possid Vita Aug. 4 Sulp. Severus, Vit. St. Martin, i. 224. The affectation of reluctance to he consecrated became a fashion in the Coptic Church. The patriarch elect of Alexandria is still brought to Cairo loaded with chains, as if to prevent his escape. Stanley, Eastern Church, vii. p.226.
8 Chrysostom was about 28 at this time. The Council of Neo C'sarea (about 320) fixed 30 as the age at which men were eligible for the priesthood, and the same age at least must have been required for a bishop, yet Remigius was consecrated to the See of Reims at the age of 22, A.D. 457; and there are niany other instances of bishops, under the prescribed age.
9 A metaphorical expression to denote a perilous position, as those who walked on the edge of the walls would be exposed to the missiles of the enemy.3.
10 Proverbs xviii. 19. LXX. version.
13 Literally, "sons of physicians." Compare the expression "sons of the prophets" in the Old Testament.
14 Clement of Alexandria (Stromata vii.) illustrates the same doctrine of allowable deceit for a useful purpose by a similar reference to the practice of physicians.
2 Matt. xxiv. 45. Some Mss. of Chrysostom have the future katasthsei, shall make ruler, but all Mss. of the New Testament have the aorist kate/sthse, made ruler.
4 In some editions tbe words "tend my sheep" are added here.
18 The passage is awkwardly expressed in the original. What Chrysotom says is that he will mention an event which has recently occurred as an evidence of Basil's chartacter, because if he referred to events which were no longer fresh in people's recollection, the accuracy of his statements could not be tested, and he might be suspected of partiality.
3 This may be only a rhetorical expression, but perhaps there is an allusion to a custom which prevailed in some churches, that the worshippers after receiving the cup applied the finger to the moistened lip, and then touched their breast, eyes and ears.
4 The caution mentioned just now in note 3 must he repeated here. A comparison of passages in the writings of Chrysostom and his contemporaries proves clearly enough that they did not hold that the elements of bread and wine were transmuted into the body and blood of Christ in such a sense as to cease to be bread and wine. The authenticity of the letter of Chrysostom to C'sarius is doubtful, but whoever the writer may have been, he is clearly representing the current orthodox belief of the Church in his day. He maintains, in opposition to the Apollinarian or perhaps the Eutychian heresy, that there are two complete natures in the one person of God the Son Incarnate, and illustrates it by the following reference to the holy elements in the Eucharist "Just as the bread before consecration is called bread, but when the Divine Grace sanctifies it through the agency of the priest it is released from the appellation of bread, and is deemed worthy of the appellation of the `Lord's Body, 0'although the nature of bread remains in it, and we speak not of two bodies, but one body of the Son : so here the Divine nature being seated in the human body, the two together make up but one Son -one Person."
5 Some Mss. omit the word pi/stewj "of faith," having in its place to/te "at that time."
6 In the Liturgy which bears the name of St. Chrysostom, the following invocation of the Holy Spirit occurs: "Grant that we may find grace in thy sight that our sacrifice may become acceptable to Thee, and that the Good Spirit of thy grace may rest upon us, and upon these gifts spread before Thee, and upon all Thy people," and presently the deacon bids the people, "Let us pray on behalf of the precious gifts (i. e., the bread and wine) which have been provided, that the merciful God who has received them upon His holy spiritual altar beyond the heavens may in return send down upon us the divine grace and the fellowship of the Holy Ghost."3.
14 2 Cor. xi. 9; I Thess. ii. 9.
17 Chrysostom himself experienced the truth of this, for it was through the influence of Eudoxia, the wife of the Emperor Arcadius, that he was deposed from the See of Constantinople and banished.
18 I Cor. xiv. 34 ; I Tim. ii. 12.
19 Possibly the building, not the body of Christians is here signified : for in the contest between Damasus and Ursicinus for the See of Rome, A.D. 367 , which Chrysostom probably had in his mind, 137 persons are said to have been slain in one of the Churches in a single day.
20 According to another reading the passage must he rendered, "shun the burden at the outset."
24 Prov. xv. 1, the Septuagint Version.
28 It is not possible to say precisely who the electors to bishoprics were at this time, but probably a mixed body of the clergy and leading laymen of the diocese. Chrysostom calls the electors "fathers," i. ch. 6. and "great men," ch. 7, and here he speaks of a "council of elders," which may mean the whole body of clergy of the second order, or a select body of laymen, or possibly the two combined. In one way or other, during the first five centuries, the people certainly had a considerable voice in the election of bishops. Socrates, the historian, vi. c. 2, says that Chrysostom himself was chosen for the See of Constantinople "by the common vote of all, clergy and people." Pope Leo (A.D). 440-461) lays down the rule that "when the election of a bishop is handled he is to be preferred who is demanded by the unanimous consent of clergy and people." Epist. 84. A law of the Emperor Justinian restricted the right of election to the clergy and the "optimates" or people of chief rank.
29 A narrow Strait between the island of Euboa and the mainland of Greece, in which the tide was very rapid. Hence the "condition of Euripus" became a proverbial expression indicative of agitation and fluctuation.
30 i.e., the business of elections. Chrysostom seems to have passed on from the elections of bishops to the consideration of elections to clerical offices over which the bishop had to preside.
31 That is , "put upon the Chruch-roll." From apostolic times as we know from I Tim. v. 9, 10, the Church had recognized the care of widows as a duty; but one to be exercised with caution, lest unworthy persons should take advantage of it. In Chrysostom's time there was an "order of widows", which had departed very much from the primitive simplicity and devotion to religious works which distinguished the order of earlier days. The Church strongly encouraged abstinence from a second marriage: and many women seem to have taken a vow of wodowhood, and secured a place in the Chruch-roll, only in the hope of throwing a decent veil over an irreligious, if not immoral life.
34 i.e., a life of religious contemplation, not, however, as a member of a monastic community, for Chrysostom, throughout this section, appears to be speaking of the canonical or ecclesiastical virgins who were consecrated to a religious life, yet remained at home under the care of their parents (if living) or of the Church.. The first notices of separate houses for women who had taken the vow of virginity occur in the middle of the 4 th century. St. Ambrose mentions one at Bologna. De Virg. i. 10. St. Basil is said to have founded some (See St. Greg. Naz. Orat. 47).
38 Hebrews xiii.17.*****************
1 prolabw=n ga\r au0to\j e9autou= tau/thn a0fei/leto th\n a0pologi/an.page 61
4 Matt. xxiv. 51; Luke xii. 46. Dixotomhqh=/ai. Some take this word to express the severance of the unrighteous from the godly priest, but others seek its meaning rather in the "dividing asunder" of sacrificial victims (Heb. iv. 12), or in he punishment of "sawing asunder" (Dan. iii. 29; Heb. xi. 37): so that its use by SS. Matthew and Luke would point to the distress caused by the severance between conscience and practice, which will be the reflective torment of lost souls.
6 paranomi/aj. If paranomi/aj be read, then "excesses" must he understood: -the word meaning. 1st, excess in drink and 2d, excess of any kind.
10 Numb. xi. 15. <\i>\Ei d0 ou#tw su\ poie=ij moi a0po/kteinonme<\|i>\, LXX.
15 i. e., because he had been chosen an apostle.
18 Eupori/aj, restricted here to commerce carried on by sea, as the context shows.
21 Matt xxiv. 51 The Revised Version in the margin renders, the lord of that servant shall severly scourge him. See above, p. 61, note.
24 Paidotribw=n, literally, those who teach boys wrestling.
26 1 Pet iii. 15; "Haud seio an ita loqui possit primatus romani defensor." Bengel's Edition of this Treatise, Leipzig, 1834.p. 145, note 17.
29 The followers of Manes, or Manich'us, who was born about 240 A.D. He taught that God was the cause of good, and matter the cause of evil. This theory about matter led him to hold that the body of Jesus wasan incorporeal phantom. He eliminated the Old Testament from the Scriptures, and held himself at liberty also to reject such passages in the New Testament as were opposed to his own opinions. See Robertson,: Hist. of the Christian Church, vol. i. 139-145.
30 "oi\ thn e9imapmnehn e0sa/gontej", sc. The Stoics. They were still a numerous body, and St. Chrysostom himself wrote six Homilies against them.
31 Marcion and Valentinus (A.D. 140) were each founders of a form of Gnosticism. Each held that the God of the Old Testament was morally contrary to the God of the New: while the system of Valentinus represented the imaginative and speculative side of Gnosticism, that of Marcion represented its practical side, and was rather religious than theological. The sect of the Valentinians lasted as late as the 5th century; and Marcionism was not extinct till the 6th.
33 Sabellius was condemned in a Council held in Rome,A.D. 263, for holding that there is but one person in the Godhead, and that the word and Holy Spirit are only virtues or emanations of the Deity. Arius held that our Lord Jesus Christ existed before His Incarnation, that by Him as by an instrument the Supreme God made the worlds, and that as being the most ancient and the highest of created beings, He is to be worshipped; but that He had a beginning of existence, and so is not God's co-eternally begotten Son, nor of the very substance of the Supreme God. See Liddon, Bampton Lectures, i. p. 25. The heresy of Arius was condemned at the Council of Niciex, A.D. 325.
35 Paul of Samosata was appointed Bishop of Antioch about 260 A.D. The Humanitarian movement culminated in his teaching, which maintained that the Word was only in the Father, as reason is in man; that Jesus was a mere man, and that he is called Son of God as having, in a certain sense. become such through the influence of the Divine Word which dwelt in him, but without any personal union.
36 i. e., while he maintained the Unity of the Godhead against the Arians there was danger of slipping into the Sabellian error of "confounding the Persons."
37 i.e., while he divided the Persons against the Sabellians he had to guard against the Arian error of "dividing the substance" also.
39 2 Cor. xi. 6. See alao, 2 Cor. x. 10
44 <\i>\terpqreia/an<\|i>\, from <\i>\te/rqron<\|i>\, literally, a sail-rope. The man who condescends to catching the ear by mere rhetorical artifice being like the mountebank on the trapeze, fascinating the spectators in a circus by his performances.
57 2 Tim. iii. 16, 17, or "every Scripture inspired of God is also profitable," etc., so rendered in the Revised Version.
58 Titus i. 7, 9. Revised Version.
1 Chrysostom's own sermons were often interrupted by applause, which he always severely reprimanded.
3 e0pistuyai, literally, to purse up the mouth, as at the taste of what is tart or sour.
4 kakhgori/a- if kathgori/a be read, "accusation" will be the meaning.
6 ei/likrinh=-, so that the sunlight fails to discern a flaw in them..
7 Another reading is mani/a|, infatuation.
8 i. e.,The skillful preacher.*****
4 Ezek. xxxiii. 6. Gal. ii. 20
5 All the ancient Liturgies contained prayers for the departed. St. Cyril of Jerusalem (Catech. Mystag., v. n. vi.), speaking of the prayer after consecration, says: "and then we pray for our holy fathers and bishops, and for all that have fallen asleep before as, believing that it will be a very great benefit to their souls to have supplication offered for them whilst the holy and most awful sacrifice is lying upon the altar," but the practice was not based upon anything like the later Roman doctrine of purgatory. It was the natural expression of a devout belief in the "communion of saints." See Bingham's Antiquities, Book xv.
6 "And we pray and beseech Thee, send down thy Holy Ghost upon us and upon these gifts here outspread, and make this bread to be the precious body of thy Christ, and that which is in the cup the precious blood of Christ, having so changed them by thy Holy Spirit that to us who partake of them they may he for the cleansing of our souls, the remission of sins, the communion of the Holy Spint." (Liturgy of St. Chrysostom.)
9 The following descriptions of monastic life were no doubt drawn from the habits of the monks in the neighbourhood of Antioch, who dwelt on the mountainous heights of Silpius and Casius, south of the city. They lived in separate huts or cabins, but were subject to an abbot and a common rule, probably very similar to that which Pachomius had recently established in Egypt, and which became very generally adopted in the East There are frequent allusions to the habits of these monks in Chrysostom's Homilies. See especially St. Matt. Hom LXVIII. c. 3, and LXIX. c. 3; also Life of St. Chrysostom by the translator, pp. 59-68, 3d ed.
10 Another reading gives its "career towards God."
11 According to a different reading, eat t\aj lsipa\j bxa/baj, "The injuries which remain."
13 2 Cor. viii. 21; Rom. xii. 17.
2 I Cor. iii. 16, 17; and vi. 19. Ignatius the martyr had the name Qeoqo/roj, "the God-hearer, " which was probably given at the time of his conversion, or of baptism, to remind him continually of his Christian privileges and duties. See note, p.73.
7 mu/loj o0ko/j, lit. the mill-stone turned by an ass, as being heavier than the common hand-mill. So in Matt. xviii. 6.
13 Isa. lvii. 17, 18. LXX., whicb has after "sorrowfully" the words "in his ways." I beheld his ways and healed him, etc.
14 I Kings xxi. 29. The words "because he hath wept before me," are not in the LXX.
20 Jer. xxiii. 23, where the passage is interrogatory, "Am I a God at hand and not?" etc., being a warning addressed to those who hoped to elude the vigilance of God, so that it is not quite appropriate here.
21 Isa. lix. 2. Chrysostom by mistake attributes the quotation to Jeremiah.
36 Heb. i. 3. The other expressions in this passage are most of them taken from Isaiah xl.
38 There is a variation from the LXX. here.
39 The LXX. has qumwqh/setai, "shall be made wroth."
41 Isa. xxiv. 19-22, a very loose quotation from the LXX.
44 Dan. vii. 9. 10. Slightly varied from the LXX.: for the designation of Daniel as "greatly beloved," see Dan. x.11.
45 Dan. vii. 13-15, a closer rendering of the Hebrew than the LXX.
48 I have not succeeded in fimding the source of this quotation. Comp. Ps. i. 5.
49 Isa. lxiv. 4, quoted in 1 Cor. ii. 9
51 Ezek. xvi. 33, an inexact quotation from LXX.
60 1 Cor. xv. 31; also 2 Cor. xi 23-28.
66 Isa. lv. 8, 9, varied a little from the LXX.
72 i.e., the life of monaotic seclusion.
73 The story is told by Clement of Alexandria in his treatise entitled "Who is the rich man that is saved?" and has been inserted by Eusebius in his History, iii. 23.
78 Prov. xviii. 17; but a different meaning is given to the passage in our English Version [Revised].
82 These words seem to be understood, although they are not expressed in the original.
1 Sozomen , Ch. Hist., VIII.2.
2 Socrates and Kurtz (in both the 10th edition of his Kirchengeschichte, I. 223) confound this Basil with Basil the Great Cappadocia, who was eighteen years older than Chrysostom and died in 379. Chrysostom's friend was probably (as Baronius and Montfaucon conjecture) edentical Basil, bishop of lRaphanea in Syria near Antioch, who attended the Council of Constatntinople in 381. Comp. Stephens, l.c. p. 14; and Venables in Smith & Wace, I. 297.
1 "Theophoros." This was probably only a second name assumed by Ignatius, perhaps at the time of his conversion or baptism. Legendary interpretations of it afterwards arose,which varied according as it was understood in an active or passive sense, the "god-bearer" or the "god-borne." See Bishop Lightfoot's Apostolic Fathers, vol. i., part ii., p. 25-28.
14 Sc., suffer a martyr's death.
15 Quoted from Epistle of Ignatius to the Romans, c. v.
6 Viz. to the church built on the other side of the Orontes where the reliques of the saint finally remained.
7 Meletius, Bishop of Antioch, a man of very saintly life who died in 379 and was buried by the side of St. Babylas in the church which he had been active in erecting, mentioned in the preceding note.
1 Chrysostom is referring to his Homily "on the incomprehensible: against the Anom'ans," v.6, 7. Armata du/o mo/inson tw[ logw, k.t.l., the Pharisee's pair of horses being Righteousness and Pride; the publican's, Sin and Humility.
2 Epi\ th=j yuxh=j. The fibres spreading and entwining over it.
3 Parh=lqen. The word used at Athens of Orators rising to speak. <\i>\Parelqw/n de/ e!lece doia/de.<\|i>\ Thucyd. ii. 59.
4 Fox said in parliament, "I cannot draw an indictment against humanity."
5 This must be the sense ; though there is some little difficulty in the original.
6 <\i>\e0piteu/contai<\|i>\, Lit. light upon : as on the treasure of the parable, "hid in a field."
7 Its race being ended ; the goal won.
8 That is on whatever foundation, other than that which may have been laid.
9 Oi0kodomh\n teqei=san. <\dq_Oi\ peri Dwdw/hn dusxe/imeron: oi0ki0 e!qento<\|dq_. Iliad. B. 750.
10 <\i>\ Paralanbanwmen<\|i>\. Take her to dwell with us. Comp. Chrysostom's expression, suzh=n a0reth[ .
11 <\i>\ Kato/rqwma<\|i>\. The highest form of duty; Perfectum officium quod Graeci, kata/orqwma. Cic. De Off. i. 3.
12 alh/qeia here in that of Aristotle's Ethics: sincerity.
14 <\i>\Aplw=j<\|i>\. without reference to circumstances.
15 to=uto poei=n, i. e., to be in that state. <\i>\Poiei=n<\|i>\ is not seldom used where <\i>\Paqei=n<\|i>\ might be expected.
17 2 Cor. xi. 2, 3. <\i>\Apo\ th=j a9plo/thtoj th=j xristo/n<\|i>\. That is, from the singleness of affection and fidelity which must be maintained towards Him in that relation. Matt. vi. 22-24.
18 <\i>\Aplw=j<\|i>\. Without reference to the truth of their doctrine.
19 As from a fountain, lying higher, a!nwqen; ab origine.
20 Porokoph/n, removal, clearing away, of obstacles to its advance.
21 Tou\j plei/onaj. In the Greek of that day =<\i>\ple/ionaj<\|i>\: like Lat., plures, modified and weakened comparative.
23 9Yqairo/\\umenoj, lit. secretly taking for himself. Lat. surripio, So. steal, stealth.
24 Comp. Cic. in Verr. 11,1,3, non adulterum, sed expugnatorem pudiciti.
25 <\i>\Po/qw9<\|i>\, desiderio: absence being a test of love.
27 <\i>\Ype/p<\|i>\. As Lat. super. Multa super Priamo ragitans, super Hectore multa. Virg. Aen i. 750.
30 <\i>\Anti\<\|i>\. It may mean, as an equivalent, in the balance; comprehending and out-weighing all, other considerations.
31 <\i>\ Hkata\ Qeo\n aga/ph<\|i>\, <\i>\<\dq_h9 ga=r kata= Qeo/n lu/ph meta/noian ei/j swthri/an e0gazetai.<\|dq_<\|i>\ 2 Cor. vii. 10.
32 <\i>\ 0Ek tw=n ouranw=n<\|i>\. Chrysostom seems to use <\i>\e0k<\|i>\ and not <\i>\e0n<\|i>\, in reference to <\i>\a!nwqen <\|i>\ preceding. This is the Greek idiom ; <\i>\a0uto=u e0ni\ Troi/h<\|i>\ Il. B. 237, but <\i>\a!uto/qen e0c e#drhj<\|i>\, T. 77.
34 Prov. xviii. 19. In our version it stands, "A brother offended is (harder to be won than) a strong city." Chrysostom quotes exactly from the LXX. On the other hand, <\i>\Bohqe/q<\|i>\, as. governing a dative, has no passive voice, at least in classical Greek. <\i>\Bohqo/umenoj<\|i>\ may, as here, he used by the Alexandrians.
35 <\i>\Akribe/iaj<\|i>\. As a chain accurately and closely linked so as not to be severed asunder.
36 <\i>\Suni/sthmi<\|i>\. Lit. establish, vouch for her.
37 <\i>\Htij<\|i>\, answering to Lat. quae with subjunctive, expressing the cause.
38 <\i>\Prosa/tij<\|i>\, patroness : a relation well-known in Greece.
40 i.e., mo/non ; a common ellipsis in Chrysostom.
43 From trouble,<\i>\ <\dq_a!nesin.<\|dq_<\|i>\ Comp. 2 Cor. vii. 5.
49 <\i>\Tou\j plei0onaj<\|i>\ again, plures, complures, a good many.
52 <\i>\Akolouqi/an<\|i>\. Comp. Xen Exped. Cyri. ii. iv. 19. <\i>\w9so0uk a0ko/louqa e!ih<\|i>\; the two things were incompatible.
53 <\i>\Fhsi/n<\|i>\. This word, so contstantly used by Chrysostom, is sometimes almost redundant; the nominative to it, if any, being uncertain. It may be redundant here or it may be equivalent to <\i>\le/gei<\|i>\ he means. He does not say it.
55 <\i>\Diala/uph|<\|i>\.In Attic Greek the optative would be used to express past time. But it may be noticed that Chrysostom nearly always has the subjunctive. a usage probably of the Alexandrian period of Greek literature. 2Cor. xii. 9.
56 <\i>\Upeske/lise<\|i>\. Lit. tripped up, causing a fall.
57 <\i>\Apaqo=usan<\|i>\. This properly is, dropping its flowers as a plant withering defloresco. I strongly suspect that <\i>\e0panqou=san<\|i>\ should be read which not only is just what is wanted, but gives a satisfactory government to<\i>\ a0uta=ij<\|i>\, which now it has not.
58 <\i>\ 0Esqigme/naj<\|i>\. Comp. the chaining of Prometheus <\i>\<\dq_Ara/sse ma=llon sqi/gge<\|dq_<\|i>\. Lat. stringo, constrictus.
59 <\i>\Swfrosu/nh|j<\|i>\. Not in its ethical, but in its etymological sense, <\i>\sw=oi th|n fre/na<\|i>\, sound in mind. The antithesis is doubtless intentional.
60 <\i>\To0 Ba/raqron<\|i>\. The Athenian place and mode of execution. It cannot be literally rendered. The Tarpeian rock may be meant. Dejicere a saxo cives, Hor. Serm. This sentence proves <\i>\<\dq_a0lh/qeia<\|dq_<\|i>\ to be, not truth, but sincerity. They preached <\i>\<\dq_o0rqh/n kai\ u9ginh= pi/stin.<\|dq_<\|i>\
64 <\i>\Kei=mai<\|i>\. Perhaps lit. "I am lying" '-here in prison.
66 <\i>\mh\ poiou=ntej de\<\|i>\. Referring to <\i>\e0poi/hsan<\|i>\, just used. But the Greeks (as Aristophanes) sometimes use <\i>\poiw= <\|i>\in these cases, whatever word precedes; as in English. They generally repeat the same word, e. g., <\i>\<\dq_manqa/neij\ Ou0 manqa0nw,<\|dq_<\|i>\ Aristoph. Here, then, taken in, either way, it comes to the same.<\i>\Mh9<\|i>\ , because hypothetical, "if they did not make."
67 <\i>\Pro/fasin<\|i>\. But it was not their pretext, but their real motive: v 17. Any one conversant with Greek authors cannot fail to notice that, with some mental process of their own, they at times use expressions naturally suggesting the very contrary to to what they must mean.
68 <\i>\Eu0la/beian<\|i>\, Lit. carefulness in handling anything holy-reverence.
69 <\i>\Au0to0<\|i>\, i. e., the change <\i>\e!gklhma<\|i>\, involved in <\i>\e0gkale=i<\|i>\.
72 <\i>\ 0Ekei=noi<\|i>\, Lat isti, "the men".3.
73 <\i>\Kakourgi/a, <\dq_para\ ta/utaj ga\r kakourge=i<\|dq_<\|i>\, of the sophist Arist. Rhet. iii. 2, 7.4.
74 <\i>\kh/pugma<\|i>\. In its proper sense. the thing preached, the Gospel. But it more commonly is =<\i>\khrucij<\|i>\, which word is scarcely used at all.
75 1 Cor. iii. 19. <\i>\Drasso/menoj<\|i>\, lit. clutches. Hence <\i>\draxmh<\|i>\\, a handful of copper, <\i>\sofou/j<\|i>\, falsely wise. "Sofi/a\ a0reth\ texnh=j." Arist. Eth. Nich. 1. vi. comp. Luke xvi. 8, of the dishonest steward.
78 <\i>\Ektenw=j<\|i>\. Like a racer. with every muscle "stretched out." Antilochos exclaims to his horses in the chariot race, <\i>\Eimbhton, ka\i sfw=i0 titaineton<\|i>\. Il. xxiii. 403. comp. Philip. iii. 13 ; <\i>\ toi=j e!mprosqen e0pekteno/menoj diw/kw<\|i>\; the same metaphor.
79 <\i>\Para#meinon<\|i>\. wait, as it were, at the door; <\i>\para0<\|i>\, until answered. Matt. vii. 7, <\i>\tw= korouonti<\|i>\ (to him who continues kuocking) <\i>\a0noigh/setai<\|i>\.
80 Apostreqo/menoj. The Pagans adopted the expression literally, Diva solo fixos oculos aversa tenebat, Virg. Aen. i. 482.
81 Here we have <\i>\poio=usi<\|i>\, as in English, after<\i>\ kate/xein<\|i>\. See previous note. It might be <\i>\kate/xousi<\|i>\, repeated.
82 <\i>\Peridomh=j<\|i>\, running about for votes and favour. Lat. <\i>\ambitio<\|i>\. "Non ego * Grammaticas ambire tribus et pulpita. dignor." "Hor. Epist. I. 19, 40.
83 To understand this description we have to bear in mind that, at Rome at least, legal advocates could claim no fees. They were forbidden, at least before the Imperial age, by the Cincian law. Turpe reos empt_ miseros defendere lingu_. Ov. A mor. i. 10, 30. Hence, the obtaining the secvices of an eminent lawyer required interest and entreaty. So the Sicilians begged Cicero to undertake the prosecution of Verres. Cic. in Verr. Div. c. 12.
84 <\i>\Ekpemyai<\|i>\, i. e. from the hall, as it were, of audience.
85 <\i>\Ektene/iaj<\|i>\, as above.
86 <\i>\Kunari/oij<\|i>\. In Greek as in Latin and German, the diminutive sometimes expresses contempt.
90 Matt. v. 27. That is, the bread thrown to them, when it had been used to cleanse the fingers. Gr. <\i>\a0pomagdali/a<\|i>\,ab <\i>\ a0poua/ssomai<\|i>\. Comp. the very apposite passage, in which Agaracritus, a low person, says that this had been his own fare; <\i>\h! ma/thn ga/n @\Apomagdali/aj sit/oumenoj toso=utoj e0ktrafe/ihn<\|i>\. Cleon rejoins, <\i>\ 0Apomagdali/oij w9sper ku/wn, w\ pampo/nhre\ pw=j ou=n kunoj bora0n sitom/menoj ma/xei su\,<\|i>\ Aristoph Equ.412 .<\i>\Kuna!ria<\|i>\.So "canicula",of the dog star, invisum sidus.
91 <\i>\Tatuth<\|i>\=<\i>\au0th=<\|i>\.
92 <\i>\Diakrou/shtai<\|i>\, as with rude violence. Lit. knock to a distance from himself, as with a hard blow.
93 <\i>\Esiga<\|i>\. Not literally, for Christ had answered, "It is not meet to take the children's bread." But that was silence, as far as returning any favorable answer went.
94 <\i>\Th\n a0nde/ian th=j gunaiko\j<\|i>\. Lit the woman's manliness ; a courage above her sex. The antithesis is doubtless intentional. <\dq_Ena/ntia para/llhla ma=llon gnw/rima<\|dq_, Lat. virtus. Gibbon, using this is the general sense, has the expression. "manly virtue," in reference to <\i>\a0reth=j /Adr/na<\|i>\ Hom. Odys. xvii. 322.
95 Fhsi;n with no nominative Certainly not Christ-the disciples said it. We might expect <\i>\fa/sin<\|i>\; but this I believe Chrysostom never uses in these cases. "It says i. e. the history, or he", the Evangelist. Sometimes <\i>\tij <\|i>\ is understood.
96 <\i>\Apokrouso/meqa<\|i>\. Rebut the charges brought against us.<\i>\<\dq_Kaka<\|dq_<\|i>\, comp. the double sense of the Lat. crimen.
97 <\i>\Parrhsi/an<\|i>\. Here, liberty to address the Court. So King Agrippa says, "Paul, thou art permitted to speak for thyself" Acts xxvi. 1. Chrysostom throughout maintains the metaphor of the judicial process- <\i>\a0prosta/teutoj, k.t.l<\|i>\
98 <\i>\Qugatrion<\|i>\. Here a diminutive of endearment filola. <\i>\ \W Swkratidion filtaton<\|i>\, Arist. Nub. 736. As the Greeks said, <\i>\u9pokoristidw=j<\|i>\.
99 <\i>\Kairon, <\dq_me/roj xronou<\|dq_<\|i>\, Aristotle, A critical moment.
100 <\i>\Eu0koli/j<\|i>\. Effect for cause ; contentedness for that which creates it; ease. Comp. "O Melib'e, Deus nobis haec otia fecit", Virg. Ecl. i. 6.
101 <\i>\Eke=i<\|i>\. The Greek euphemism for the other world. Aristophanes speaks of the kindliness and contentedness of Sophocles in both states of being,<\i>\ 9O d0 e0ukoloj me/n e0nqa/d e!ukaloj d0 e0kei. <\|i>\ Ran', 82. See last note.
1 <\i>\dianoi/aj<\|i>\. In Chrysostom equivalent to the nou's of St. Paul (Rom. xii. 2); the moral and spiritual mind. <\i>\Amarth/mata<\|i>\. Lit. missings of the mark: errors of the moral will.
2 <\i>\e0kola/zeto<\|i>\. The imperfect denotes the continuous character of the punishment. So <\i>\e0phne=ito <\|i>\ "had lasting praise." <\i>\<\dq_h9 a0ret\h e#cij e0paineth/j<\|i>\. Aristotle Eth.
3 <\i>\Eqe/lontaj<\|i>\. In its theological sense. <\i>\<\dq_Qe/lema sarko/j<\|dq_<\|i>\. Not a classical, but an ecclesiastical word (John i. 13). So our Lord, ei/ tij qe/lei, has the will.
4 <\i>\oi9 mollo/i<\|i>\, as opposed to <\i>\oi9 xarie/ntej<\|i>\, those of culture and refinernent. Arist. Eth.
5 A common sense of ,<\i>\manqanw<\|i>\. <\i>\Manqa/neij<\|i>\; <\i>\ou0 manqa/nw<\|i>\. Aristophanes; who was a favorite author with Chrysostom.
6 The article here has this universal force. Matt. xviii. 15.
7 1 Cor. iv. 6; 2 Cor. xii. 21.
8 <\i>\ 0Edeica. 0Endeicij<\|i>\. Lat. index (digitus) the fore-finger.
9 The idea seems to be that of making the accused entirely forget the defence, such as used to be written for him by some Attic orator.
10 <\i>\ e!nteucij<\|i>\, an Aristotelic term. <\i>\<\dq_th=j pro\j mollou/j e0nteucewj<\|dq_<\|i>\, the way of addressing a large body.
11 Still continuing the simile of a wind.
12 <\i>\kate/lusan<\|i>\, de-struo, to take to pieces, pull down, a building.
13 ejdeeto. Denotes continuance in prayer. Comp. Matt. vii. 7,8.
14 <\i>\e0pilabe/sqai<\|i>\, as in wrestling.
16 <\i>\Alla/<\|i>\. This adverb is not always adversative. It is sometimes, as here, connective denoting a transition in treating the subject. Comp. Aristophanes Acharn. 377-383.
17 <\i>\ 0Auth\<\|i>\. The use of <\i>\a0uto\j<\|i>\ in the nominative in this sense ; ipse, seems to have been introduced in the Alexandrian period of Greek literature. <\i>\<\dq_Auto/i ga\r o0uk e0isi Qeoi\<\|dq_<\|i>\ LXX.
18 <\i>\ 0Auth\<\|i>\. The use of <\i>\a0uto\j<\|i>\ in the nominative in this sense ; ipse, seems to have been introduced in the Alexandrian period of Greek literature. <\i>\<\dq_Auto/i ga\r o0uk e0isi Qeoi\<\|dq_<\|i>\ LXX.
19 The constant signification of <\i>\du/namij <\|i>\ in the Gospels.
20 <\i>\Prooimi/wn<\|i>\, lit. the prelude, overture. <\i>\Oi!maj Mou=j e0di/dace fu=lon a0oidw=n<\|i>\, Hom. Od. 481. .
21 <\i>\ 0Auth=j <\|i>\,<\i>\ lege de\ au=th/n<\|i>\.
22 <\i>\Parame/enonta<\|i>\, waiting; as it were, like a beggar at the door.
23 Pajrrjhsivan, a phrase of courtly ceremonial: sometimes coupled with <\i>\prasagwgh<\|i>\, the antecedent ceremony of introduction to a king's presence. Xenphon, Cyrop. vii. 5,45. Both occur in Virg. Aen. i. 520. "Postquam introgressi, et coram data copia fandi." The literal translation of <\i>\par0r9hsi!a<\|i>\: coram = <\i>\para/ <\|i>\ "in the presence." Comp. Chrysost. Hom. II. in 2 Cor. of the catechumens standing outside the holy rails, and not allowed to take part in the Lord's Prayer. <\i>\<\dq_ga/r apr0r9hsi/an kexkthntai.<\|dq_<\|i>\
24 Literally "from below." Comp. Virgil 'n. l. 37; imoq trahens de pectore vocem.
26 To strike any one within "the precincts of the court" even has been made a capital offence.
28 Possibly "stomach" comp. Thuc. ii. 49, <\i>\o9po/te i0j th\n kapdian othricai<\|i>\. Lat. stomachor. A medical sense, and the metaphor here is medical throughout. So "cardiacus." Juvenal.
29 Becauae it is filled with better thoughts. No room for him.
7 For a fuller account of all these events, see Life cf St. John Chrysostom by W. R. W. Stephens (pp.298-356, 3d edition).
2 <\i>\ tw=n ou0den o0ntwn ou0daminw/tera<\|i>\.
3 Holy vessels would be the literal rendering of the word (<\i>\ske/uesi<\|i>\), but it is clear from what follows that the altar is intended.
4 Possibly an allusion to the curtain which in Eastern Churches, was drawn in front of the altar.
10 <\i>\o0u to/pon mo0non a0lla\ kai= tro/pon<\|i>\.
1 Pesinus was in Galatia, Apamea in Bithynia, Appiaria I have not identified.
2 Libellos, a technical word signifying a formal petition of complaint or accusation.
3 Curiosus, an official whose duty it was to investigate charges, and inform the Emperor of offenders.
5 <\i>\oi\koi e0ukth/roi<\|i>\. Churches were sometimes so called, more often, however, private chapels as distinguished from parish churches. The meaning here is not very obvious; perhaps some chambers attached to the Church, where catechumens prayed before baptism, are referred to.
6 Campiductores-their special business was to drill recruits.
7 I have followed the Latin here. The Greek version of the pssage seems to me hopelessly confused.
8 The Council of Sardica was convened A.D. 343, (or A.D. 344 ?) with a view of settling the Arian controversy. The Oriental bishops, however, of whom the majority belonged to the Arian faction, seceded from Sardica, and held a separate council at Philippopolis. where they drew up a creed which was condemned by the Western bishops as heretical.
1 Sozomen , Ch. Hist., VIII.2.
2 Socrates and Kurtz (in both the 10th edition of his Kirchengeschichte, I. 223) confound this Basil with Basil the Great Cappadocia, who was eighteen years older than Chrysostom and died in 379. Chrysostom's friend was probably (as Baronius and Montfaucon conjecture) edentical Basil, bishop of lRaphanea in Syria near Antioch, who attended the Council of Constatntinople in 381. Comp. Stephens, l.c. p. 14; and Venables in Smith & Wace, I. 297.
3 See the Greek original of this collect in Chrysostom's Liturgy, in Migne's edition, Tom. xii. 908; Daniel's Codex Liturgicus, tom. iv.; Fasc. II. 343 (comp. the foot-note in tom. iii. 358); and Fr. Procter's History of the Book of Common Prayer (11th ed. 1874), p. 245 sq. The precise origin of this prayer is uncertain. It does not occur in the oldest Mss. of Chrysostom's Liturgy, but in those of the Liturgy of St. Basil. It precedes the third anthem in the communion service, and was used since the ninth century or earlier in the exarchate of C'sarea and the patriarchate of Constantinople. In the Oriental churches the prayer is said silently by the priest. See Bjerring, The Offices of the Oriental Church, p. 43. In the Anglican Church, it was placed at the end of the Litany (by Cranmer), in 1544, and at the close of the daily Morning and Evening Prayer in 1661. In the English Homilies (Hom. I.), Chrysostom is called "that godly clerk and great preacher".
4 So Montfaucon, Tillemont, Neander, Stephens, Venables, and others. Baur (Vorlesungen _ber die Dogmengerschichte, Bd. I. Abthlg. II., p. 50) and others erroneously State the year 354 or 355, Villemain assigns the year 344 as that of his birth.
5 Babai\ , oi[ai para\ xristianoi= gunai=ke/j ei,si. Chrysostom himself relates this of his heathen teacher (by whom, undoubtedly, we are to understand Libanios), though, it is true, with immediate reference only to the twenty years' widowhood of his mothor, and adds: "Such is the praise and admiration of widowhood not only with us, but even with the heathen." Ad viduam juniorem (Opera, Bened. ed. Tom. i. 340; in Migne's ed. Tom. i., P.II., 601).
7 Socrates and Kurtz (in the 10th edition of his Kirchengeschichte, I. 223), confound this Basil with Basil the Great of Cappadocia,who was eighteen years older than Chrysostom and died in 379. Chrysostom's friend was probably (as Baronius and Montfaucon conjecture) identical with Basil, bishop of Raphanea in Syria, near Antioch, who attended the Council of Constantinople in 381. Comp. Stephens, 1. c. p. 14; and Venables in Smith & Wace, I.297.
9 Socrates and Sozomenos represent Diodor and Karterius as abbots under whom Chrysostom lived as monk, but Neander (in the 3d ed. I.29) thinks it more likely that Chrysostom was previously instructed by Diodor at Antioch. .
10 Par'nesis ad Theodorum Lapsum, in Migne's ed. I., Pars I. 277-319. The second letter is milder than the first, and was written earlier. It is somewhat doubtful whether the first refers to the same case. Neander (I.38 sq.) conjectures that the second only is addressed to Theodore.
11 Comp. on the patristic views of accommodation, Neander, Geschichte der Christl. Ethik., p.156 sqq.; and Wuttke, Christl. Sittenlehre 3d ed. vol.II., 305 sq. Canon Venables of Lincoln (in Smith & Wace, I. 519 sq.) justly condemns Chrysostom's conduct on this occasion '"as utterly at variance with the principles of truth and honor."
12 On the origin and character of early monasticism ,see Schaff, Ch. Hist, vol. III., 147 sqq.
13 In the first volume, first part, of Migne's edition, col. 277-532.
15 Decline and Fall, ch. xxiv.
16 Montfaucon goes with tedious minuteness into the chronology of these sermons. The twentieth was delivered ten days before Easter, the twenty-first on Easter, after the retorn of Flavian from Rome with the Emperor's pardon. The first sermon was preached shortly before the sedition and has nothing to do with it, but is alluded to in the second. It is a temperance sermon, based on Paul's advice to Timothy, 1Tim. v.23, where he emphasizes the word "little" and the "often infirmities."
17 Neander (vol. I.) gives large extracts from these ascetic treatise, with many judicious and discriminating observations.
18 Socrates (VI. 5) says that some justified this habit by his delicate stomach and weak digestion, others attributed it to his rigid abstinence. His enemies construed it as pride, and based upon it a serious accusation.
19 Schaff, Church History, III. 698 sqq. 1.
20 According to the report of Socrates, VI. 18, and Sozomenus, VIII. 20. A homily which begins with this exordium: pa/lin 9Hrwdi/aj mai/netai , pa/lin tara/soetai , pa/lin o0rxei=tai ,pa/lin e,pi\ mi/naki th\n keqalh=n tou= 0Iwa/nnou chtei= labei=n (comp. Mark vi. 25), is unworthy of his pen and rejected as spurions by Tillemont, Savile and Moutfaucon. But it is quite probable that Chrysostom made some allusion to Eudoxia which might be construed by his enemies in that way. See Neander, II. 177 sq.
21 See Tom. iii. of the Bened. ed. (in Migne, III. 529 sqq.)
22 Comp. on Olympias the M*moirs of Tillemont, XI. 416-440; Stephens, l.c., 280, 367-373; and Venables in Smith & Wace,IV. 73-75. The letters to Olympias and Innocent are also published in Lomler's selection (pp. 165-252).
23 Doxca tw\ qew\ pa/ntwn e#neken.
24 See the frontispiece in the edition of Fronto Duc'us, and in the monograph of Stephens.
25 Luther's intense aversion to monkery, although he himself passed through its discipline, must be taken into account in his unfavorable judgments of Chrysostom, Jerome and other Fathers except St. Augustin, whom he esteemed very highly. Of Chrysostom be must have read very little, or he could not have called him a "rhetorician full of words and empty of matter." He spoke well, however, of Theodoret's commentaries on the Pauline Epistles, which is an indirect testimony in favor of Chrysostom's exegesis. See Schaff, Church Hist. vol. VI. 536.
26 o0cugra/foi, Socrates, VI. 5. The term occurs also in the Septuagint (Ps. xlv. 2) and tn Philo. The Byzantine writers use the verb o0cugra/fe/w , to write fast, and the noun o0cugra/fi/a, the art of writing fast.
27 The liturgical references in Chrysostom's works are carefully collected by Bingham, in Bk. XV. of his Antiquities. Comp. Stephens, P.419 sqq.
28 Allegorical interpretation makes the writer say something else than what he meant, a#llo me\n a,goreu/ei, a!llo de /oe=i.
29 On the school of Antioch, see Schaff, Church Hist. II. 816-818 ; III.612, 707, 937; Neander, Chrysost. I.35 sqq.; Forster, Chrysostomus in seinem Verh,,ltniss zur Antioch. Schule (1869); Reuss, Geschichte des N. T., 6th ed. (1887), secs. 320,518,521; Farrar, History opf Interpretation (1886), pp.210 sqq. Reuss pays this tribute to Chrysostom (p.593): "The Christian people of ancient times never enjoyed richer instruction out of the Bible than from the golden mouth of a genuine and thoroughly equipped biblical preacher." Farrar calls Chrysostom "the ablest of Christian homilists and one of the best Christian men," and "the bright consummate flower of the school ol Antioch."
1 [That is events which occurred at Antioch during St. Chrysostom's sojourn in that city -ED.]
2 [And the Goths who were threatening the Danubian frontier.-Ed.]
3 [These low foreign adventurers were sometimes hired by actors to get up applause in the theatre, or by men of rank, not overpopular, to raise a cheer when they appeared in public.-ED.]
4 See Hors. XXI., where St. Chrysostom speaks of him as especially pained at this.
5 i. e., so far as the inference is concerned. His testimony is explicit to the fact that the tax was levied for that purpose, and he was on the spot.
6 See the opening of the oration of Libanius, written as if to be delivered by him there, and Hom. XVII. 6, and Hom. XXI. (2).
7 [See also Life of St. John Chrysostom, chapter xi. by Stephens, where the sedition at Antioch is described, and a summary of the Homilies on the Statues is given.-Ed.]
8 Pascha is either Passover or Easter. St. Thos. Aquinas, in the Hymn Lauda Sion, appropriates it to the Christian Festival, calling the Jewish Phase vetus.
9 i. e., the actual days of them on the Jewish computation. This appears the true answer to the difficulty. The Jews kept the Passover this year earlier than the Christians viz. on the 14th day of the moon, or April 18. See l'Art de Verifier les Dates on the year. Thus the supposed difficulty becomes a confirmation of the date otherwise determined. Montfaucon understood it, "we must * if we follow the Judaizers." Tillemont is at a loss to explain the title of Homily III. against the Jews. Against those who would fast the first Passover It may mean either the originall, or that which then happened to be the earlier. The word fast is explained by taking it as their expression for keep. He thinks it necessary to tell them that the true Passover is not fasting, but the Holy Communion. Ben. t. i. p. 611, b. And this agrees with what he says is the common case, viz. that the Christian Easter is so much later, as is required to complete the week.
10 The second before Easter. It has lately become common to call the week immediately before Easter "Passion Week," but this name belongs to the week before it. The proper title of the last is the "Great" or "Holy" Week.
11 Feriam sextam Quadragesima. This looks like a reprint, as he is more definite.
12 As now in the Greek church. The Latins do not count the week in which Ash-Wednesday is, as not being a whole one.
13 It has been shewn, in a former note, that there is no reason for this doubt.
14 "accepi," it should be, as in Text, "exegi," "I demanded."
15 Lat. has only "the day before yesterday."
16 This must be a slip of the pen. [The sentences have clearly got transposed, and we should read "not only good when He confers favours, but also when He chastises."-ED.]
17 Both arguments may stand, as the common use of <\i>\prw=|<\|i>\ is undoubted.
18 By using the word <\i>\prw=|<\|i>\ . But this may be in anticipation of his reference to Hom. VII. But if this Homily were delivered on Monday, the first day of strict fasting, the scruples of the congregation would be accounted for. No difficulty remains but the use of <\i>\prw=|<\|i>\, in Hom. X., against which is <\i>\e0piou=san<\|i>\. Placing the trials, and Hom. XI.-XVIII. a week later throughout, seems less consistent.
19 See note at the beginning of that Homily and the preceding; it is almost certain from the whole character of Hom. XVII. that it was not delivered immediately after the events referred to. Probably many had returned, whom St. Chrysostom wished to inform of the events during their absence.
20 See Sir H. Nicolas, Chron. of History, p. 117. Gloss. of Dates, art. Hebdomad' Gr'c', observes, that the Greeks named the weeks as beginning on Monday, and taking in Sunday at the end. Still they count Monday the second day, etc. Thus the first Sunday would be the same as with the Latins, but the first week earlier. It seems probable that this was a week earlier than here stated, see Hom. XVIII.
21 And dependent on the erroneous notions, that Hom. XVII. was delivered immediately on the arrival of the commissioners.
22 It may be that, or the first in Lent, considered as the last on which he had preached.
24 He may exclude the <\i>\turoqa/goj<\|i>\, or cheese-week, as not one of the strictcst fasting. This appears to have been the case from Homily XVIII., which cannot well be placed anywhere but on the fourth Sunday, and which says that half the fast is over.
25 This is chiefly a reprint of this preface. Here nothing better is suggested than the supposition of a mistake in transcribing. The difficulty arises from the mistaken notion, that it was before the trials, whereas it was probably delivered a little before the return of a messenger from C'sarius. See Tabular View.
27 The Life adds, The rank of metropolis was transferred from Antioch to Laodicea, according to Theordoret, i. 5, c. 10.
28 In the Life, and in Pref. to vol.4, it is proved from Hom. I. de Ann_, that this Homily was actually delivered on that day. This being so, Flavian would be the "Leader" of the Festival.
30 So called, because situated in the more ancient part of the city of Antioch, near the river Orontes. It was also called the Apostolic Church, as being that founded by the Apostles.
This Homily was spoken a little before the breaking out of the sedition. It has, however, always been classed with the rest because alluded to in tho next Homily.
32 Gr., "unto your love," a title by which St. Chrysostom addresses his hearers as we say, "Your Grace," "Your Majesty."
33 The operation of roasting ore, in the Cornish mines, consists in placing it in a comminuted state in a furnace of a particular construction, where it is subjected to a strong heat, but not so strong as to smelt it; by which the arsenic, sulphur, and other impurities, are carried off in the form of vapor, leaving the heavier metallic substance behind.-Tr.
34 See on Rom. xvi. 5, Hom. XXXI.
35 Socr. H. E. iv. 23. Pambos was nineteen years in learning Ps. xxxix. 1. He excelled even St. Autony in exactness of speech. Pall. Hist. Laus. c. 10.
36 Or, the teacher, as he is called emphatically, Doctor Gentium, see 1 Tim. ii. 7.
37 Or, "claims", par0r9hsi/an. See , 1 Tim. iii. 13. Suicer misinterprets the word as used by St. Chrysostom in Gen. Hom. IX. sec. 4, of what man lost in the fall; it means there not power, but confidence before God.
38 See on Rom. xvi. 5, Hom. XXXI.
39 An old translation has "slight," as if it were <\i>\mikra|=<\|i>\.
40 He appears to have acted beyond his local charge, as in joining in the address of several Epistles (see 2 Cor. i. 1, Phil. i. 1, Col. i. 1), and in various missions, as Phil. ii. 19, 22.
42 i. e., by his precept to Timothy, o$ (Paris reprint) seems a misprint for o#ti. Hoogeveen questions whether <\i>\o#ti<\|i>\ can be used as <\i>\w#ste<\|i>\. If that is not the sense here, the construction is imperfect.
44 Gr. philosophy, which is almost always used by St. Chrysostom in this practical sense. "Divine wisdom" has been sometimes put for it.
48 A course of discipline was usual with those who intended to live a truly Christian life. St. Chrysostom spent four years in retirement. St. Augustin also practised self-discipline before his baptism (Conf. ix. 14,Tr. p. 165), and afterwards x. 47, p.239 see the end of Hom. XXVI. on Rom. xvi. 2, 4. And of men's falling off soon after baptism, on Rom. vi. 3; Hom. X. p. 160, which passage favours the reading "days," adopted by Savile.
49 St. Paul does not say, "I fear;" but he does say that he used means like these.
52 <\i>\suneilhxo/tej<\|i>\. "Have shared," makes no sense here. Valckenaer, Opusc . i. p.208, corrects the same word in Or. i. de Laud. St. Paul, fin. Read <\i>\suneiloxo/tej<\|i>\. Att. from <\i>\sulle/gw<\|i>\.
53 See on Rom vii. 6; Hom. XII. p. 191.
54 Or "which guided himself." A less easy construction, but better suited to the context. Compare Plato's famous illustration (probably known to St. Chrysostom), Ph'drus, 246, in which Reason is represented as a charioteer driving a chariot drawn by two horses, one of an aspiring, the other of a grovelling nature.
58 So he explains it also on the passage, on 2 Cor., Hom. XXVI. See also on Rom. viii. 6, Trans. p. 251, and Bp. Bull, Serm v.
62 Or, "he," referring to <\i>\oi9 pwri\<\|i>\; St. John, however, maybe included.
64 The heathen altars, <\i>\Bwmoi\<\|i>\, must not be confounded with the Christian <\i>\qusiasth/ria <\|i>\ raised over the relics of saints to God. St. Aug. ser. 273, c. 7, in Nat. Mart Fructuosi & c. de Sanctis , 1 (Ben. t.5). " When didst thou ever hear me, or any of my brethren and colleagues, say at the memorial of St. Theogenes, `I offer to thee, St. Theogeors ; 0' or, `I offer to thee, Peter; 0' or, `I offer to thee, Paul? 0' and if it be said to you, `Do you worship (colis) Peter? 0' Answer,
`I do not worship Peter, but I worship, God, whom Peter also worships. 0' Then doth Peter love thee." This passage of St. Chrysostom is, however, remarkable, as pointing out a tendency which has since been carried to excess.
65 <\i>\e0pi/ th=| tw=n deinw=n eu0yuli/a|<\|i>\. One would have expected <\i>\e0n toi=j deinoi=j<\|i>\; but perhaps the true reading is <\i>\dei/nwn<\|i>\, making the sense "for the noble spirit of such and such persons."
66 See St. Greg. Mor. in B., Job l. i, c 8,9, 23, &c. He comments on three senses, the Historical, the Allegorical, and the Moral. In the allegorical, Job represents Christ, in the moral, His Church. In the words, whence comest thou, he understands that Satan is called to account for his own ways. In Hast thou considered, &C , he sees a type of the Incarnation.
69 <\i>\erw/menou<\|i>\. The Benedictine translator is mistaken in rendering this "to love one who loves him," see on Rom. ix. 6, Hom. XVI. Tr. p. 284. "For even being loved by Christ was not the only thing he cared for, but loving Him exceedingly. And this last he cared most for."
71 <\i>\tw=n e!cwqen<\|i>\, as being Pagan.
72 See St. Chrysostom on 1 Tim. iv. 8, where "bodily exercise"means training for these games, or similar exercise for health. On the "garment." see Hom. III. c. (3), and on 1 Tim. ii., Hom. VIII., Mor. Fabr. Agon. ii. 2, Gr'v. t. 8, he is mistaken in taking it to be a mere subligaxulum.
74 See the wrestling match at Patroclus' funeral, Il. xxiii. 726, &C., where Ulysses, after an even trial, gives Ajax this advantage, and overthrows him by superior skill ; and Ajax gives it in return, and gains an even fall by his greater weight and strength.
75 <\i>\e9te/ran<\|i>\ al. <\i>\e0te/roij<\|i>\"brings the rest much."
76 Matt. v.11, 12. The last clause of this passage seems quoted from the parallel passage, Luke vi. 23.
78 The word <\i>\dia/gontaj<\|i>\, in the Greek, comes last, and so separated from the furnaces.
