1 "He came in with a slow and stately step; he spoke with a broken utterance, sometimes with a kind of disjointed sobs rather than words. He had a pile of tomes upon the table; and then, with a frown and a contraction of the nostrils, and his forehead wrinkled up, he snapped his fingers to call the attention of his audience. What he said had no depth in it; but he criticized others, and pointed out their defects, as though he would exclude them from the Senate of Christian teachers. He was rich, and entertained freely, and many flocked round him in his public appearances. He was as luxurious as Nero at home, as stern as Cato abroad; as full of contradictions as the Chimaera."
3 For the date of this work, see the Note prefixed to it in the translation of Jerome's works, Vol. vi. of this series.
4 See Jerome's expressions in his book "Against John of Jerusalem" c. 11, which evidently refer to Rufinus: "grinning like a dog and turning up his nose."
6 Jer. Ep. cxxvii, 9 Ap. iii. 21.
7 Successor of Ambrose, and Bishop a.d. 397-400. See the Letter of Anastasius to him. Jer. Ep. xcv.
8 She died soon after. See Jerome Ep. lxxxi, 1.
13 Jer. Pref. to Comm. on Ezek. B. I.
14 Aug. Letter 73 (In Jerome's Letters No. 110).
15 See those Lives translated in Vol. vi of this Series.
17 Groecarum affectionum curatio 843.
18 To a syrian it would not be literally the mother tongue but was possibly acquired in infancy.
20 John of Antioch Fac. ii. 2.
26 Historical Sketches iii. 319.
28 Glubokowski p. 31. Tillemont v. 217.
36 Epp. CXIV, CXV, and Dial. p. 217 cf. also de Prov. 518 et seqq.
40 cf. Epp. VII. VIII. XIV. XV. XVII. XVIII. LXV. LXIX.
42 "In a diocese such as his, lying as it were in a corner of the world, not reached by the public posts, isolated by the great river to the east and the mountain chains to the west, peopled by half-leavened heathen, Christianity assumed manor strange forms, sometimes hardly recognisable caricatures of the truth." Canon Venables. Dict. Christ. Biog. iv. 906.
48 Vide the Anathematisms and Theodoret's refutation in the Prolegomena.
51 Hooker. Ecc. Pol. v. liii 4.
52 Epp., clvii., clviii., clxvii,, clxviii., clxix., clxx.
53 Hefele. Hist. Consc. iii. 127. Can. Venables. Dict. Christ. Biog. iv. 910.
55 Glubokowski p. 163 thinks it spurious.
64 Epp. LXXIX. LXXX. LXXXI. LXXXII. LXXXIII.
66 "Theodoret's condemnation was the chief object aimed at in summoning" the Latrocinium. He was "the bugbear of the whole Eutychian party and consequently condemned in advance." Canon Venables, Dict. Christ. Biog. iv. 913 and Martin Brigandage àEphèse p. 192.
67 See specially Gibbon Chap. xlvii. Milman Hist. Lat. Christ. Book II. Chap. iv. Stanley, Christian Institutions, Chap. xvi. 4 and Canon Bright Art. Dioscorus in Dict. Christ. Biog. General Councils, it may be remarked, have been depreciated and ridiculed by historians of two kinds; the anti-Christian, such as Gibbon, who have been glad of the opportunity of bringing discredit on the Church; and the Roman, such as Cardinal Newman, who are aware that the authority of Councils is not always reconcileable with the asserted authority of the Bishop of their favourite see. ("Even those councils which were oecumenical have nothing to boast of in regard to the Fathers, taken individually, which compose them. They appear as the antagonist host in a battle, not as the shepherds of their people." Hist. Sketches, p. 335.) And it must he conceded that do far as outward circumstances went the Latrocinium was as good a council as any other. As is pointed out by Dean Milman, "It is difficult to discover in what respect, either in the legality of its convocation or the number and dignity of the assembled prelates, consists its inferiority to more received and honoured councils. Two imperial commissioners attended to maintain order in the council and peace in the city Dioscorus the patriarch of Alexandria by the Imperial command assumed the presidency. The Bishops who formed the Synod of Constantinople were excluded as parties in the transaction, but Flavianus took his place with the Metropolitans of Antioch and Jerusalem and no less than three hundred and sixty bishops and ecclesiastics. Three ecclesiastics, Julian a bishop, Renatus a presbyter, and Hilarius a deacon were to represent the bishop of Rome. The Abbot Barsumas (this was an innovation) took his seat in the Council as a kind of representative of the monks." Milman, Lat. Christ. Book II. Chap. iv. The fact is that the great Councils of the Early Church are like the great men of the Early Church. Some have authority and some have not. But their authority does not depend upon formal circumstances or outward position. They have authority because the inspired common sense of the Church has seen and valued the truth and wisdom of their utterances. Athanasius, Arius, Cyril, and Nestorius, were all great churchmen. Athanasius and Cyril stand out against the background of centuries as champions of the faith. Arius and Nestorius are counted as heretics. Character does not outweigh doctrine. Nestorius is unsound in the faith though he was an amiable and virtuous man; Cyril is an authority of orthodoxy though his personal qualities were not saintly. Of all the councils that according to Ammianus Marcellinus hamstrung the postal resources of the Empire, take Nicaea, Tyre, and the two Ephesian councils of 431 and 449 Nicaea and the earlier Ephesian are accepted by the Church Catholic. Tyre anti the later Ephesian, though both were sum moned at the will of princes and attended by a large concourse of bishops, are rejected. Why? The earlier Ephesian in the disorder and violence of its proceedings was as disgraceful as the Tyrian and the later Ephesian. The councils of Nicaea and of Ephesus, called the first and the third oecumenical councils, are vindicated by the assent of the wisest of the Church. The dictum securus judicat orbis terrarum here holds good, and is seen to be identical with the ultimate foundation of the great Aristotelian definition "defined by reason, and as the wise man would define." And such is also the practical outcome of the statement of Article XXI, of the Church of England.
cf. the striking passage of Augustine (Cont. Maximin. Arian. ii. 14). "Sed nunc nec ego Nicaenum, nec tu debes Ariminense, tanquam proejudicaturus, proferre consilium. Nec ego hujus auctoritate, nec tu illius detineris). Scripturarum auctoritatibus, non quorumque propriis, sed utrisque communibus testibus, res cum re, causa cum causa, ratio cum ratione concertet." On the first four accepted oecumenical councils Dr. Salmon (Infallibility of the Church, p. 287) remarks, "Gregory the Great says that he venerates these four as the four Gospels, and describes them as the four square stones on which the structure of faith rests. Yet the hard struggle each of these councils had to make and the number of years which the struggle lasted before its decrees obtained general acceptance, show that they obtain their authority because of the truth which they declared and it was not because of their authority that the decrees were recognised as true."
68 Canon Venables Dict. Christ. Biog. Acres du Brigandage, pp. 193, 195.
72 Epp. CXIII. to CXXXIII. and CLXXXI.
73 Cf. Milman Lat. Christ. Book ii. Chap. iv; Const. Valentin. iii Aug. apud S. Leon. op. epist. xi.
74 Garnerius, the Jesuit, in his dissertation on the life of Theodoret writes: "When Theodoret got news of his deposition he determined to send envoys to the apostolic see, that is to the head of all the churches in the world, to plead his cause before the righteous judgment seat of St. Leo," and in his summary of his own chapter he says "Theodoret appeals to the apostolic see."
77 cf. Glubokowski. pp. 237, 239. Du Pin. iv. 83. Cardinal Newman, in his very bright and sympathetic sketch of Theodoret, (Hist. Sketches ii. 308 ed. 1891) writes the following remarkable sentence. "This, at least, he has in common with St. Chrysostom that both of them were deprived of their episcopal rank by a council, both appealed to the holy see, and by the holy see both were cleared and restored to their ecclesiastical dignities." It would be difficult in the compass of so short a sentence to combine more statements so completely misleading. To say that Chrysostom and Theodoret both appealed to the "holy see" is as much an anachronism as to say that they appealed to the Court of the Vatican or to the Dome of St. Peter's. In their day there was no holy see, that is to say, kat= ecoxhn. All sees were holy sees, just as all bishops were styled your holiness. Rome, it is true, was the only apostolical see in the West, but it was not the only apostolical see, and whatever official precedence it could claim over Antioch, Jerusalem, and Alexandria, was due to its being the see of the old imperial capital, a precedence expressly ordered at Chalcedon to be shared with the new Rome on the Bosphorus. As to the "appeal," we have seen what it meant in the case of Theodoret. It meant the same in the case of Chrysostom. Cut to the quick at the cruel and brutal treatment of his friends after his banishment from Constantinople in the summer of 404 he pleaded his cause in letters sent as well to Venerius of Milan and Chromatius of Aquileia as to Innocent of Rome. Innocent very properly espoused his cause, declared his deposition void, and did his best to move Honorius to move Arcadius to convoke a council. The cruel story of the long martyrdom of bitter exile and the death in the lonely chapel at Comana is a terrible satire on the restoration to ecclesiastical dignities. The unwary reader of "the historical sketch" might imagine the famous John of the mouth of gold brought back in triumph to Constantinople by the authority of the pope in 404 as he had been by the enthusiasm of his flock in 403, and Arcadius and Eudoxia cowering before the power of Holy Church like Henry IV. at Canossa in 1077. The true picture of the three years of agony which preceded the old man's passage to the better world in 407 is a painful contrast to contemplate (Pallad. Dial. 1-3. Theodoret V. 34. Sozomen vii. 26, 27, 28.) Of Theodoret's restoration to "ecclesiastical dignity," and Leo's part in it, we shall see further on.
78 cf. the deaths of William I. and William III. of England.
79 Though Marcian's independence of western dictation was shewn in the summoning of the bishops not to a place in Italy, as Leo had hoped and urged, but to Chalcedon, the beautiful Asiatic suburb of Constantinople.
81 Accounts of the numbers vary. Marcellinus says 630. There were more than 400 signatures.
82 Perhaps of the Emperor himself. (Breviar. Hist. Eutych.) The representatives of the imperial government sat in the centre of the Cancelli; on their right were Dioscorus, Juvenal of Jerusalem, and the Palestinian bishops; on their left Paschasinus of Lilybaeum, (Marsala) Lucentius of Asculum (Ascoli) with Boniface, a Roman presbyter, the three representatives of Leo, Anatolius of Constantinople, Maximus of Antioch, and the orientals. Paschasinus signed as "synodo proesidens," but he did not either locally or effectively preside.
83 The acts of the Council of Chalcedon refer to Theodoret having been righted by the ishop of "the illustrious city of Rome;" "the archbishop of the senior city of Rome." The primacy is that of the ancient capital.
85 Labbe iv. 621. Bertram (Theod. Ep. Cyr. doctrina christologica, 1883) thinks Theodoret changed his views; Möller Herzog XV. s.v.) that he retained them, though necessarily modified in expression by stress of circumstances.
88 Photius Cod. 204. Thc Octateuch comprises the first eight books of the Old Testament.
89 Dict. Christ. Biog. iv. 916.
92 Leo. Ep. cxx., and Migne Theod. iv. 1193. Chagrined at the decision of the Council that Constantinople was to enjoy honorary precedence next after old Rome and practical equality and independence, in that the metropolitans of Pontus, Asia, and Thrace were to be ordained by the patriarch of Constantinople, Leo manages to write to Theodoret, par parenthèse, of the Roman See as one "quam coeteris omnium Dominus statuit proesidere." If in "statuit" Leo had meant to refer to a Divine Providence overruling history, and in "proesidere" to the fact that Rome was for many years the capital of the world, his remark would have been open to little objection. But he meant something quite different.
93 Collect. Book i. Ed. Migne p. 566.
94 There seems no authority for the statement of Garnerius (Hist. Theod. xiii) repeated in Smith's Dict. Chris. Biog. that Jacobus and Theodoret shared it.
96 Christian Institutions. Chap. xvi.
97 =Akefaloi = headless, i.e., without bishop.
98 Victor: Turon and Mansi, viii. 371, Mansi, viii. 197-200.
99 Dean Milman (Lat. Christ. iv, 4), following in the wake of Gibbon, remarks that "the church was not now disturbed by the sublime, if inexplicable, dogmas concerning the nature of God, the Persons of the Trinity, or the union of the divine and human nature of Christ, concerning the revelations of Scripture, or even the opinions of the ancient fathers. The orthodoxy or heterodoxy of certain writings by bishops but recently dead became the subject of imperial edicts of a fifth so-called Oecumenic Council, held at Constantinople, and a religious war between the East and the West," but it was on their explanation of sublime if inexplicable dogmas that the orthodoxy or heterodoxy of these bishops depended, and so far as the subject matter of dispute is concerned, the position in 553 was not very different from that of 451. In both cases the church was moved at once by honest conviction and partisan passion; the state was influenced partly by a healthy desire to promote peace through out the empire, partly by the Schaft Hist, Christ ambition of posing as theological arbitrator.
100 Gibbon, chap. xlvii. Schaft Hist. Christ. iii, 770.
101 Dean Milman (Lat. Christ. iv, 4), following in the wake of Gibbon, remarks that "the church was not now disturbed by the sublime, if inexplicable, dogmas concerning the nature of God, the Persons of the Trinity, or the union of the divine and human nature of Christ, concerning the revelations of Scripture, or even the opinions of the ancient fathers. The orthodoxy or heterodoxy of certain writings by bishops but recently dead became the subject of imperial edicts of a fifth so-called Oecumenic Council, held at Constantinople, and a religious war between the East and the West," but it was on their explanation of sublime if inexplicable dogmas that the orthodoxy or heterodoxy of these bishops depended, and so far as the subject matter of dispute is concerned, the position in 553 was not very different from that of 451. In both cases the church was moved at once by honest conviction and partisan passion; the state was influenced partly by a healthy desire to promote peace through out the empire, partly by the Schaft Hist, Christ ambition of posing as theological arbitrator.
102 Labbe. Act. Conc. Const. v. Coll. vii.
103 Cf. Garnerius in Migne's Theodoret V. 255.
104 The last record in the History appears to be of a.d. 440, cf. p. 159. Eusebius ends, and Theodoret begins, with the defeat of Licinius in 323. Constantine began to reign in 306.
105 A writer, supposed to be a layman, whose works were discovered in two mss. at the end of the seventeenth century. One is in the Vatican, the other was found in the Cathedral Library of Beauvais. Marius wrote fully on the Nestorian Controversy, and with acrimony against Theodoret.
106 As catalogued by Canon Venables from Cave (Hist. Lit. I. 405 ff.) Dict. Christ. Biog. iv. 918.
107 cf. Gieseler i. 209, who refers to Münter in Staüdlins Archiv. für Kirchengesch. i. 1. 13.
110 Dict. Christ. Biog. iv. 916,
112 In Ps. Ed. Migne 604, 605.
113 cf. I. Chron. vi. 44., xv. 17, 19, and Art. Jeduthun in Dict. Bib.
114 Garnerius. Theod. Ed. Migne 1, 274.
116 Lightfoot. Epist. Gal. ed. 1866, p. 226.
124 Theodor. Ed. Migne iii. 271. Seqq.
125 "Unquestionably the right view of this controverted passage is that of the Greek Fathers, Chrysostom, Theophylact, Theodoret, and others. In reading their comments it is quite clear that they found no more difficulty in St. Paul's elliptical use of the Greek uper than we do in Shakesperere's use of the English `for. 0' They did not hesitate in their homilies to expound that the phrase `or the dead 0' meant `with an interest in the resurrection of the dead, 0' or that `for 0' by itself meant even so much as `in expectation of the resurrection. 0' Speaker's Commentary, iii. 373.
127 Ceillier (x. 42) repeats the charge of distinct errors in chronology in (a) the statement that Arius died in 325 instead of in 336; (b) the extension of the exile of Athanasius by four months; (c) the election of Ambrose at the beginning of the reign of Valentinian, instead of ten years later; (d) the troubles at Antioch placed after instead of before those at Thessalonica; (e) the siege of Nisibis in 350 confounded with that of 359. As to (a) the truth is that Theodoret is guilty rather of vagueness than of a misstatement. (Vide I. capp. xiii, xiv.) The objection to (b) the two years and four months exile of Athanasius is due to Valerius (obs. Ecc. i). Canon Bright (Dict. Christ. Biog. i. 187) agrees with Theodoret (cf. Newman Hist. Tracts xii and Hefele, Conciliengesch. i. 467.) In (c) Theodoret is vague, in (d) wrong. According to Valerius Volagesus, and not Jacobus, was bishop of Nisibis in 350.
128 thj ekklhsiastikhj istoriaj ta paraleipomena.
129 Valesii annotationes-Theod: Migne III. 1522. Valesius is the Latinized form of Henri de Valois, French historiographer royal, who edited Ammianus Marcellinus and the Greek Ecclesiastical historians. He died in 1692.
132 "Baronius obviously approves of Gregory's remark about Theodoret's lies, that is his errors in the order of events, and out of Book iv. produces no less than fifteen blunders, to say nothing of those in iii and v." Garner. loc. cit. 280, 281.
133 Canon Venables Diet. Christ. Blot. iv. 918.
134 Historical Sketches iii. 314.
135 Theod. Ed. Migne. iii. 1244. Schröckh. xviii. 362.
137 Histoire de l'Église. II. 1225. Jacques de Beauval Basnage _1723.
138 Schröckh Kirchengesch., Vol. xviii. 410.
139 Graec. Cur. Aff. Ed. Migne 754.
140 "On y voit toute la beaute du gènie de Theodoret; du choix dans les pensées, de la noblesse dans les expressions, de l'elegance et de la nettete dans le style, de la suite et de la force dans les raisonnements." Ceillier x. 88 (Remi Ceillier _1761. His "Histoire Générale des auteurs sacrés" was published in Paris 1729-1763.)
143 Satorneiloj or Satorniloj in Hippolytus, Epiphanius, and Theodoret; but Satorninoj (Saturninus) in Irenaeus and Eusebius.
144 A Galatian sect. Jerome has "Ascodrobi," Epiphanius (Haer. 416) identifies "Tascodrugitae," with Cataphrygians or Montanists, and says they were so called from the habit of putting their finger to their nose when praying.
145 In Epiphanius (i. 85, B) Barbelitae. Barbelo was a mythologic personage; - The sect gnostic.
154 cf. note on pp. 132 and 194.
156 Rom. v. 12, Rom. v. 13, Rom. v. 14.
158 Mansi. T. IV. 1012 Seqq. Migne Pat. LXXVII. 85.
162 Synod. c. 17. Mansi V. p. 773.
163 In Walch's Hist. Ketz. V. 778, there is a good summary of Nestorius' views: he thinks the dispute a mere logomachy. So also Luther, and after him Bashage, Dupin, Jablonski. Vide reff. in Gieseler i. 236.
166 Dict. Christ. Biog. iv. 918.
169 La vie sainte et édifante que Théodoret mena dès sa première jeunusse; les travaux apostoliques dont il honora son épiscopat; son zèle pour la conversion des ennemis de l'église; les persecutions qu'il sonffrait pour lenom de Jesus Christ; son amour pour la solitude, pour la pauvreté et pour les pauvres; l'esprit de charité qu'il a fait paraitre dans toutes les occasions; la généreuse liberté dans la confession de la verité; sa profonde humilité qui parai't danstons ses écrits; le succès dont Dieu bénit ses soins et ses mouvements pour le salut des hommes, l'ont reudu venerable dans l'eglise. Les anciens l'ont qualifie saint, et apellé un homme divin; mais la qualité qu'ils lui donnent ordinairement c'est celle de bienheureux." Ceillier
173 zwopoin. cf. to kurion to zwopoion of the Creed of Constantinople.
174 See the account in Rufinus' Apology I. 11.
175 The word may also mean On beginnings, or On Principalities and Powers: these ideas being connected together in the speculation of the Alexandrian theology.
176 Daniel x. 11, Daniel ix. 23. The name Macarius means Blessed.
185 Ephes. iii. 17. Greek as in A.V. "in your hearts."
189 Matt. xxiv. 36 and Mk. xiii. 22. There is no manuscript authority for the variation Son "of Man."
193 Matt. xx. 18, Matt. xx. 19.
195 For the view that the cup deprecated by the Saviour was death there is no direct Scriptural authority and to adopt the exegesis of Theodoret and of many others would be to place the divine humanity of the Messiah on a lower; level than that not merely of many a martyr and patriot but of many men unconscious of martyr's or patriot's high calling, who have nevertheless faced death and pain with calm and cheerful fortitude. The bitterness of the cup which the Saviour prayed might if possible pass from Him seems rather to have lain in the culmination of the sin of the race and nation with which His love for men had identified Him; the greed, the treachery, the meanness, the cruelty, the disloyalty, shewn by the Sons of Israel to the Son of David, by the sons of men to the Son of Man.
196 koinwnia, in the sense of participation.
197 Coloss. ii. 8. Coloss. ii. 9.
201 Isaiah vii. 14 and ix. 6, lxx. Alex.
204 Isaiah xlix. 6 "covenant of the people" being imported from lxii. 6.
205 Ephes. i, 19, Ephes. i, 20.
211 Isaiah xi. 1, Isaiah xi. 2.
218 Hebrews v. 4 and Hebrews v. 5.
219 Hebrews v. 7, Hebrews v. 10.
231 For "the Christ" we might expect here "the Word," for that the Christ suffered is the plain statement of Scripture (1 Pet ii. 21). But Theodoret uses the name Christ of the eternal word, e.g. de Providentia x. 661. "When you hear Christ mentioned, understand the only begotten Son the Word, begotten of His Father before the ages, clad in human nature."
233 John vii. 19. d. John viii. 40.
2 Ct. Basil de Spir. sanct., 29. "o palaistinoj" means "of Caesarea," his see, to distinguish him from his namesake, Bishop of Nicomedia.
3 The last event mentioned by Eusebius is the defeat of Licinius, who was put to death a.d. 324.
4 ekklhsia. The use of the word in 1 Cor. xi. 18 indicates a transition stage between "Assembly" and "Building." The brethren met "in assembly:" soon they met in a church. Cf. Aug. Ep. 190, 5. 19; "ut nomine ecclesiae, id est populi qui continetur, significemus locum qui continct." Chrysost. Hom. xxix. in Acta: oi progonoi taj ekklhsiaj wkodomhsan.
5 Succeeded Theonas as Archbishop of Alexandria, a.d. 300. Beheaded by order of Maximinus, a.d. 311. Euseb. vii. 32.
6 Patriarch of Alexandria, a.d. 311-312. Promoted Arius to the priesthood. Soz. i. 15.
10 ean <\=85_skandalizh, St. Matt. v. 29 and St. Matt. xviii. 9; ei . . skandalizei, cf. Mark ix. 43.
11 Bp. of Rome, from Jan. 31, a.d. 314, to Dec. 31, a.d. 335.
12 Otherwise Melchiades. July 2, a.d. 310, to Jan. 10, a.d. 314.
13 Jan. 30, a.d. 296, to Oct. 25, a.d. 304. Accused of apostasy, under Diocletian.
14 Bishop of Antioch during the persecution of Diocletian, kaq' on hkmasen h twn ekklhsiwn poliorkia. Eus. H.E. vii. 32.
15 21st Bp. of Antioch, a.d. 312-a.d. 318.
16 The ancient part of the city of Antioch.
19 Macarius = Blessed. a.d. 311-? 334. Vide Chapters iv. and xvii.
20 Circa ? a.d. 313 or 317-340.
21 Alexander's words seem to imply that Colluthus began his schismatical proceedings in assuming to exercise episcopal functions before the separation of Arius from the Church, and that one cause of his wrung action was impatience at the mild course at first adopted by Alexander towards Arius. The Council of Alexandria held in a.d. 324 under Hosius, decided that he was only a Presbyter.
22 xriostemporia. The word xristemporoj is applied in the "Didache" to lazy consmers of alms. Cf. Ps. Ignat. ad Trall.: ou xristianoi alla xristemporoi, Ps. Ignat. ad Mag. ix., and Bp. Lightfoot's note.
23 Readings vary between alektoj = indescribable, and alhktoj = ceaseless. Cf. 'Alhktw, the Fury.
24 Hn pote ote ouk hn o uioj tou qeou. kai Gegonen usteron o proteron mh uparxwn toioutoj genomenoj ote kai pote gegonen oioj kai paj pefuken anqrwpoj.
25 Isai. i. 2 uiouj egennhsa kai uywsa, as in Sept. Vulg., filios enutrivi et exaltavi. Revd., marg., "made great and exalted."
26 Ps. xlv. 7, as in Sept., except that adikian is substituted for anomian.
27 Oute ec ouk ontwn gegenhtai.
32 to on, the self-existent of philosophy.
33 The history of the word upostasij is of crucial value in the study of the Arian controversy. Its various usages may be classified as (i) Classical; (ii) Scriptural; (iii) Ecclesiastical. The correlative substantive of the verb ufisthmi, I make to stand under, [from upo = sub. under, and isthmi, STA]; it means primarily a standing under. Hence, materially, it means in (i) Classical Greek, sediment, prop. foundation: substances as opposed to their reflexions, substantial nature, as of timber [Theoph. C. P. 5. 16. 4]. So naturally grew the signification of ground of hope, actual existence; and, in the later philosophy, it had come to be employed instead of ousia for the noetic substratum "underlying" the phaenomena. (ii) Scriptural. In the N.T. it is found five times, twice in 2 Cor. and thrice in Heb. (a) 2 Cor. ix 4, and (b) 2 Cor. xi. 17. "Confidence" of boasting. (g) Heb. i. 3, o xarakthr thj upostasewj, A.V. the express image of His "person." R.V., the very image of His "substance." (d) Heb. iii. 14, "Confidence". (e) Heb. xi. 1, A.V. "substance" of things hoped for. R.V. Assurance of things hoped for. (iii) Ecclesiastical. The earlier ecclesiastical use, like the later philosophical, identified it with ousia, and so the Nicene Confession anathematized those who maintained the Son to be of a different substance or essence from the Father (upostasewj h ousiaj). In the version of Hilary of Poictiers (de Synodis, §84; Op. ii. 510) ousia is translated by "substantia," the etymological equivalent of upostasij, except in the phrase quoted, when "substantia aut essentia" represents ousia by its own etymological equivalent "essentia." Thus in a.d. 325 to have contended for treij upostaseij would have been heretical. But as the subtilty of controversy required greater nicety of phrase, it was laid down (Basil the Great, Ep. 38) that while ousia is an universal denoting that which is common to the individuals of a species, upostasij makes an individual that which it is, and constitutes personal existence. Hence mia upostasij became Sabellian, and treij ousiai Arian, while treij upostaseij was orthodox. cf Theod. Dial. i. 7. Eranistes loq. "Is there any distinction between ousia and upostasij?"
Orthodoxus. "In extra-Christian philosophy there is not; for ousia signifies to on, that which is, and upostasij that which subsists. But according to the doctrine ot the Fathers there is the same difference between ousia and upostasij as between the common and the particular; the race, and the species or individual.".. "The Divine ousia (substance) means the Holy Trinity; but the upostasij indicates any proswpon (person) as of the Father, the Son, or of the Holy Ghost. For we who follow the definitions of Fathers assert upostasij, proswpon and idiothj (substantial nature, person, or individuality) to mean the same thing." Vide also Newman's Arians of the Fourth Century, Appendix, Note iv. fourth Edition.
34 "In the beginning was the word." John i. 1.
41 Is. xxiv. 16: "My leanness, my leanness, woe unto me." A.V. "Secretum meum mihi." Vulg.
43 Heb. i. 2. Vide Alford. proleg. to Ep. to Heb., "Nowhere except in the Alexandrian Church does there seem to have existed any idea that the Epistle was St. Paul's." "At Alexandria the conventional habit of quoting the Epistle as St. Paul's gradually prevailed over critical suspicion and early tradition."
45 xrhmatizw = (i) to have dealings with; (ii) to deal with an oracle or divine power; (iii) to get a name for dealing, and so to be called. Cf. Matt. ii. 12; Acts xi. 26.
47 Heb. i. 3. wn apaugasma thj Dochj kai xarakthr thj upostasewj autou.
48 Contrast the advance of the manhood. Luke ii. 52, "proukopte," the word used in the text.
49 2 Cor. vi. 14, 2 Cor. vi. 15.
55 Ps. cx. 3. Sept. ek gastroj pro 'Ewsforou egennhsa se.
56 The readings vary between gennhsewj, genesewj, and maieusewj (cf. Plat. Theaet. 150 B), which is adopted by Valesius.
59 The imaginary name for the founder of Ebionism, first started.
by Tertullian. ww$ybi)e
60 Artemas, or Artemon, a philosophizing denier of Christ' divinity, excommunicated by Pope Zephyrinus (a.d. 202-21).
61 Lucianus, the presbyter of Antioch, who became the head of the theological school of that city in which the leaders of the Arian heresy were trained, after the deposition of Paulus refused to hold communion with his tree successors in the patriarchate, Domnus, Timaeus, and Cyril. During the episcopate of the last named he once more entered into communion with the church of Antioch. On the impotance of Lucianus as founder of the Arians, Vide Newman's Arians of the Fourth Century, Chap. I. Sec. i. and cf. the letter of Arius post. Chap. iv.
62 Eusebius of Caesarea, Theodotus of Laodicea, and Paulinus of Tyre. See Arius' letter to Eusebius of Nicomedia, ch. iv.
69 Condemned a.d. 261 by Council held at Alexandria.
70 Taught in Rome in a.d. 140, and died in Cyprus in a.d. 160.
73 Matt. xi. 27: observe the slight variation.
81 1 Tim. vi. 3, 1 Tim. vi. 4.
83 Tomoj. (i) a cut or slice; (ii) a portion of a roll, volume, or "tome."
85 Bp. first Beroea in Syria and then of Antioch, c. 324-331. Beroea, the Helbon of Ezekiel (xxvii. 19) is now Aleppo or Haleb.
86 On the name "Pope," vide Dict. Christ. Ant., s.v. 1st, it was applied to the teachers of convers, 2ndly, to Bishops and Abbots, and was, 3rdly, confined to the Patriarchs of Alexandria, Antioch, Jerusalem, Constantinople, and to the Bp. of Rome; 4thly, it was claimed by the Bp. of Rome exclusively.
87 panta kalwn kinei. Cf. Luc. Scyth. ii. The common proverb was panta ecienai kalwn, to let out every reef. Ar. Eq. 756 Eur. Med. 278, &c.
89 ec upokeimenou tinoj. Aristotle, Metaph. vi. 3, 1, defines to upokeimenon as that kaq' ou ta alla legetai. ...maliota de dokei einai ousia to upokeimenon prwton.
90 Arius and Eusebius had been fellow disciples of Lucianus the Priest of Antioch martyred under Maximinus in a.d. 311 or 312. Vide note on page 38.
91 Arius plays on the name Eusebius, eusebhj, pious.
92 From the phrase "o adelfoj sou o en Kaisareia," it has been inferred by some that the two Eusebii were actually brothers. Eusebius of Nicomedia, in the letter of Chapter V., calls the Palestinian despothj; but this alone would not be fatal to the brotherhood, for Seneca (Ep. Mor. 104), calls his brother Gallio dominus. The phrase of Arius is not worth much against the silence of every one else. Vid. Dict. Christ. Biog. Article, Eusebius.
Theodotus, bishop of Laodicea, Syria, (not the Phrgian Laodicea of the Apocalypse), was a Physician of the body was well as of the soul (Euseb. H.E. vii. 32).
Paulinus, bishop first of Tyre, and then of Antioch for six months, died in a.d. 329. (Philost. H.E. iii. 15, cf. Bishop Lightfoot in Dict Christian Biog. Article, Eusebius of Caesarea).
Athanasius, bishop of Anazarbus, an important town of Cilicia Campestris, accused of dangerous Arianism by his great namesake. (Athan. de Synod, 584.)
Gregorius succeeded Eusebius of Nicomedia at Berytus (Beyrout), on the translation of the latter to Nicomedia.
Aetius, Bishop of Lydda, (the Lydda of the Acts, on the plain of Sharon, now Ludd, the city of El-Khudr, who is identified with St. George), died soon after the Arian Synod of Antioch, a.d. 330 (Philost. H.E. iii. 12), and is to be distinguished from the arch-Arian Aetius, Julian's friend, who survived till a.d. 367 (Phil. H.E. ix. 6).
Philognius was raised to the episcopate per saltum, like St. Ambrose (Chrysost. Orat. 71, tom. v. p. 507), he preceded the Arian Paulinus.
Hellanicus was present at Nicaea, but was driven from the See of Tripolis, in Phoenicia, by the Arians (Athan. Hist. Ar. ad Mon. §5).
Macarius is praised by Athanasius (Orat. I. adv. Arian. p. 291). On a possible "passage of arms" between him and Eusebius of Caesarea at Nicaea, vide Stanley, Eastern Church, Lect. V. Cf. post, cap. xvii.
98 Arius first published his heresy, a.d. 319.
99 Originally named Antigonea, after its founder; then Nicaea after the Queen of Lysimachus; now Isnik.
102 Cf. Gal. vi. 17. The "stigmata" here meant are the marks of persecution.
103 i.e. The Filoqeoj istoria, "Religious History," a work containing the lives of celebrated ascetics, composed before the Ecclesiastical History. For Dr. Newman's explanation of its apparent credulity, Vide Hist. Sketches, iii. 314, and compare his Apologia pro Vita sua, on his own acceptance of the marvellous, Appendix, p. 57.
104 On the circumstances and scene of the opening of the Council consult Stanley's Eastern Church, Lecture IV.
105 Menophantus was one of the disciples of Lucianus (Philos. H.E. ii. 14). He accepted the Nicene decision, but was excommunicated by the Sardican Fathers. Cf. Book II. Chap. 6.
Patrophilus, bishop of Scythopolis, the Bethshan of Scripture, was an ardent and persistent Arian. Theodoret mentions his share in the deposition of Eustathius (I. 20). Theognis was sentenced to banishment on account of the Arian sympathies he displayed at Nicaea, but escaped by a feigned acceptance.
Narcissus of Irenopolis a town of Cilicia Secunda, took an active part in the Arian movement: Athanasius says that he was thrice degraded by different synods, and is the worst of the Eusebians (Ath. Ap. de fuga, sec. 28).
Marmarica is not a town, but a district. It lay west of Egypt, about the modern Barca.
There were two cities in Egypt named Ptolemais, one in Upper Egypt below Abydos; one a port of the Red Sea.
After the time of Constantine, Cilicia was divided into threedistricts; Cilicia Prima, with Tarsus for chief town; Secunda, with Anazarbus; Tertia, with Seleuceia.
106 Prov. viii. 22, lxx. Kurioj ektise me arxhn odwn autou eij erga autou.
107 At this point, according to Valesius, a quotation from the homily of Eustathius on the above text from Proverbs viii. 22, begins. On Eustathius, see notes on Chapters III, and XX.
108 Is. viii. 9, lxx. ean gar palin isxushte palin htthqhsesqe.
113 Heb. i. 3. Cf. p. 37, note xxvii.
115 2 Cor. v. 17, 2 Cor. v. 18.
116 Herm. Pastor. Vis. v. Mand. i.
117 aparallaktoj cf. James i. 17, Par' w ouk eni parallagh.
119 2 Cor. iv. 11. aei gar hmeij oi zwntej. The aei of St. Paul qualifies not "oi zwntej" but the paradidomeqa which follows, "For we who live are ever being delivered to death."
120 Exod. xii. 41, "The Hosts of the Lord," A.V. echlqe pasa h dunamij Kurion, Sept.
121 Joel ii. 25, "My great army," A.V.
122 "The Lord of hosts is with us, the God of Jacob is our refuge," Ps. xlvi. 7.
126 Alexandria. The allusion, according to Valesius, is to Dionysius, Bishop Rome, 259-269, and to Dionysius, Bishop of Alexandria. The Letter of Athanasius to the Africans was written, according to Baronius, in 369. So triwn may suit the chronology better than triakonta.
127 Ath. Ep. ad Afros 5 and 6.
129 Meletius (Meletioj), Bishop of Lycopolis, in Upper Egypt, was accused of apostasy. During the Patriarch Peter's withdrawal under persecution he intruded into the see of Alexandria. He was deposed in 306.
131 "politeusamenon." Cf. Phil. i. 27, and Phil. iii. 20, and Acts xxiii. 1.
137 The genuineness of the following sentence is doubted. It is not found in Socrates or in Epiphanius. But it is not unreasonably held by Valesius that Socrates, who seems to have undertaken to clear the character of Eusebius of all heretical taint, purposely suppressed the passage as inconsistent with orthodoxy. Soc. i. 8. Dr. Newman writes of this passage, "It is remarkable as shewing his (Constantine's) utter ignorance of doctrines which were never intended for discussion among the unbaptized heathen, or the secularized Christian, that, in spite of bold avowal of the orthodox faith in detail" (i.e. in his letter to Arius), "yet shortly after he explained to Eusebius one of the Nicene declarations in a sense which even Arius would scarcely have allowed, expressed as it is almost after the manner of Paulus. "Arians," 3rd ed., p. 256.
138 Here it has been proposed to read for agennhtwj, without generation, which does not admit of an orthodox interpretation, aeigennhtwj, i.e. by eternal generation.
139 anwqen. Cf. St. Luke i. 3. Plat. Phil. 44 D. &c.
140 Euseb. Vit. Constant. lib. iii. c. 13.
141 The letter was written to Serapion, Bishop of Thmus, not Tmi el Emdid, en Egypt. St. Anthony left one of his sheepskin to Serapion, the other to Athanasius. Cf Jer. de Vir. illust. 99.
142 Athanasius, chosen alik by the designation of the dying Alexander, by popular acclamation, and by the election of the Bishop of the Province, was, in spite of his reluctance and retirement, consecrated, a.d. 326.
143 The name does not vary in the mss. of Theodoretus, but Schulze would alter it to Serapion on the authority of the mss. of Athanasius.
144 sunaxqhsetai. The word sunacij, originally equivalent to sunagwgh, and little used before the Christian era, means sometimes the gathering of the congregation, sometimes the Holy Communion. Vide Suicer s.v. Here the meaning is determifned by parallel authority. (Cf. Soc. I. 38.)
145 ierateion. The sacrarium or chancel, also to agion. Cf. Book V. cap. 17, where Ambrosius rebukes Theodosius for entering within the rails.
147 We are not necessarily impaled on Gibbon's dilemma of poison or miracle. There are curious instances of sudden death under similar circumstances, e.g. that of George Valla of Piacenza, at Venice circa 1500. Vide Bayle's Dict. s.v.
149 This letter, according to Du Pin, was written a.d. 324 of 325.
150 Either Maxentius or Licinius.
151 hgemoneuw, used in Luke ii. 2, of Quirinus, and iii. 1, of Pontius Pilate, but Theodoretus employs it and its correlatives of both civil and eclesiastical authorities.
152 eparxikh tacij\ eparxia occurs Ac xxiii. 34, of Cilicia, and in xxv. 1, of Judaea, the province of the Procurator Festus, but in the time of Constantine the eparxoi were civil praefects, without any military command, governing four great eparxiai, viz. (i) Thrace, Egypt, and the East, (ii) Illyricum, Macedonia, and Greece, (iii) Italy and Africa, and (iv) Gaul, Spain, and Britain. (Zos. ii. 33.) On the accurate use of titles in the N.T. vide Bp. Lightfoot in Appendix to Essays on Supernatural Religion.
153 ta iera biblia, or, "the holy books:" The Books, par excellence, were about this time become The book, whence Biblia Sacra as a singular.
154 Constantinople was dedicated a.d. 330 on the site of the ancient Byzantium.
155 swmatia. The Codex Sinaiticus has been thought to be one of these.
156 i.e. the "Comes fisci," or officer managing the revenues of the Province. Dioecesis is used in civil sense by Cicero, Ep. Fam. 3, 8, 4, and Ammianus (17, 7, 6), mentions the compliment paid by Constantius II. to his empress Eusebia, by naming a "Diocese" of the Empire after her.
157 proedroj. Cf. Thuc. iii. 25. The prutaneij in office in the Athenian ekklhsia were so called. In our author a common synonym for Bishop. proeoria = sedes = see.
159 lakwnaria, fr. Lat lacunar, (lacuna lacus LAK) = fretted ceiling. Cf. Hor. Old. II. xviii. 2.
160 On the traditional site of the Holy Sepulchre, and the buildings on it, vide Stanley's "Sinai and Palestine," pp. 457 and seqq., and Canon Bright in Dict. Christ. Ant., article "Holy Sepulchre."
161 Flavia Julia Helena, the first wife of Constantius Chlorus, born of obscure parents in Bithynia _a.d. 328. "Stabulariam hanc primo fuisse adserunt, sic cognitam Constantio seniori." (Ambr. de obitu Theod. §42, p. 295.) The story of her being the daughter of a British Prince, and born at York or Colchester, is part of the belief current since William of Malmesbury concerning Constantine's British Origin, which is probably due to two passages of uncertain interpretation in the Panegyrici: (a) Max. et Const. iv., "liberavit (Constantius) Britannias servitute, tu etiam nobiles, illic oriendo, fecisti." (b) Eum. Pan. Const. ix., "O fortunata et nunc omnibus beatior terris Britannia, quae Constantinum Caesarem prima vidisti." But is this said of birth or accession? Cf. Gibbon, chap. xiv.
162 Crispus and Fausta were put to death in 326. "If it was not in order to seek expiation for her son's crimes, and consolation for her own sorrows, that Helen made her tamous journey to the Holy Land, it was immediately consequent upon them." Stanley, Eastern Church, p. 211.
163 i.e. of Venus, said to have been erected by Hadrian to pollute a spot hallowed by Christians.
164 The traditional which identifies the nail in Constantine's helmet with the iron band in the famous crown of Queen Theodolinda at Monza dates from the sixteenth century.
165 Zech. xiv. 20. estai to epi ton xalinon tou ippou =Lgion tw Kuriw tw pantokratori. lxx.
166 This portion Socrates says (i. 17) was enclosed by Constantine in a statue placed on a column of porphyry in his forum at Constantinople.
167 Carried away from Jerusalem by Chosroes II. in 614, it was recovered, says the legend, by Heracliuns in 628. The feast of the "Exaltation of the Cross" on Sept. 14th, combines the Commemoration of the Vision of Constantine, the exaltation of the relic at Jerusalem, and its triumphal entry after its exile under Chosroes. In later years it was, as is well known, supposed to have a miraculous power of self-multiplication, and such names as St. Cross at Winchester, Santa Croce at Florence, and Vera Cruz in Mexico illustrate its cultus. Paulinus of Nola, at the beginning of the fifth century, sending a piece to Sulpicius Severus, says that though bit were frequently taken from it, it grew no smaller (Ep. xxxi.).
168 May 3rd has been kept since the end of the eighth century in honour of the "Invention of the Cross" and the Commemoration of the ancient "Ellinmas" was retained in the reformed Anglican Calendar.
169 Tillemont puts her death in 328. Eusebius (V. Const. viii. 47), says she was carried epi thn basileuousan polin, by which he generally means Rome, but Socrates (i. 17) writes eij thn basileuousan nean Pwmhn, i.e. Constantinople. There is a chapel in her honour in the church of the Ara Coeli at Rome, but her traditional burial-place is a mile and a halt beyond the Porta Maggiore, on the Via Labicana, and thence came the porphyry sarcophagus called St. Helena's, which was placed by Pius VI. in the Hall of the Greek Cross in the Vatican.
170 i.e. Apost. Can. xiv., which forbids translation without an "eulogoj aitia, or prospect or more spiritual gain in saving souls; and guards the application of the rule by the proviso that neither the bishop himself, nor the paroikia desiring him, but many bishops, shall decide the point." Dict. Christ. Ant. i. 226.
171 prosfuc, originally a protected "runaway," then protégé or client.
172 Athanasius, Disp Prima Cont. Ar., mentions an Amphion, orthodox bishop of Epiphania in Cilicia Secunda. That he is the same as the Amphion of the text is asserted by Baronius and doubted by Tillemont. Dict. Christ. Biog. s.v.
173 In 328, Chrestus and Amphion retired on the recantation of Theognis and Eusebius, whos biblion metanoiaj, or act of retractation, is given in Soc. i. xiv.
176 Jerome says Trajanopolis, but Eustathius died at Philippi, circa 337. Athanasius, who calls Enstathius "a confessor and sound in the faith" (Hist. Ar. §4), says the false charge which had most weight with Constantine was that the bishop of Antioch had slandered the Empress Helena. Sozomen (II. 19) records the patience with which Eustathius suffered, and sums up his character as that of "a good and true man, specially remarkable for eloquence, to which his extant writings testify, admirable as they are alike for the dignity ot their style of ancient cast, the sound wisdom of their sentiments, the beauty of their language, and grace of expression." The sole survivor of his works is an attack on Origen's interpretation of Scripture.
177 Socrates, H E. i. 24, says that on the deposition of Eustathius "efechj epi eth oktw legetai ton en 'Antioxeia qronon thj ekklhsiaj sxolasai oye de ...xeirotoneitai Eufronioj." Cf. Soz. H.E. ii. 19. There is much confusion about this succession of bishops. Jerome (Chron. ii. p. 92) gives the names of the Arian bishops thrust in succession into the place of Eustathius, as Eulalius, Eusebius, Eufronius, Placillus. "Perhaps Eulalius was put forward for the vacant see, like Eusebius, but never actually appointed". Bp. Lightfoot, Dict. Christ. Biog. ii. 315.
178 This name is variously given as Placillus (Jerome), Placitusd (Soz.) Flacillus (Ath. and Eus.), and in different versions of Theodoret are found Flakitoj, Plakentioj, Falkioj.
179 IIeri thj 'Indwn pistewj. The term "India" is used vaguely, partly from the old belief that Asia and Africa joined somewhere south of the Indian. Here the Indians are Abyssinians.
180 The version adopted by Rufinus, the earliest extant authority for this story, is followed, in the main, by Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret. The Tyrian traveller is named Meropius.
181 The words of Sozomen (ii. 24) corresponding with the passage in which Rufinus (i. 9) speaks of meeting "romano ritu orationis caussa," are h rwmaioij eqoj ekklhsiazein, i.e. to assemble to worship after the manner civilized citizens of the Empire, and not like savages. The expression has nothing to do with the customs of the Church of Rome, in the later sense of the word, as has sometimes been represented. Cf. Soc. I. 19, taj xristianikaj ektelein euxaj.
182 "The king, if we identify the narrative with the Ethiopian version of the story, must have been the father of the Abreha and Atzbeha of the Ethiopian annals." "Frumenfius received the title of Abbana, or Abba Salama" (cf. Absalom), "the Father of Peace." "The bishopric of Auxume" (Axum, about 100 miles S.W. of Massowah) "assumed a metropolitan character." (Dict. of Christ. Biog., Art. Ethiopian Church). Constantius afterwards wrote to the Ethiopian Prince to ask him to replace Frumentius by Theophilus, an Arian, but without success (Ath. Ap. ad Const. 31).
183 This story, like the preceding, is copied or varied by Sozomen, Socrates, and our author, from the version found also in Rufinus. Iberia, the modern Georgia, was conquered by Pompey, and ceded by Jovian.
184 The Evangelizer of Georgia is honoured on Dec. 15th (Guerin Pet. Bolland, xiv. 306) as "Sainte Chrétienne," and it is doubtful whether the name Nina, in which she appears in the Armenogregorian Calendar for June 11 (Neale, Eastern Church, ii. 799), may not be a title. "Nina" is probably a name of rank, and perhaps is connected with our nun (Neale, i. 61). Moses of Chorene (ii. 83) gives the name "Nunia." Rufinus (i. 10) states that he gives the story as he heard it from King Bacurius at Jerusalem. On the various legends of St. Nina and her work, vie S. C. Malan, Hist. of Georgian Church pp. 17-33.
185 Sapor II. (Shapur) Postumus, the son of Hormisdas II., was one of the greatest of the Sassanidae. He reigned from a.d. 310 to 381, and fought with success against Constantius II. and Julian, "augendi regni cupiditate supra homines flagrans." Amm. Marc xviii. 4.
186 The reading of Basil. Cr. and Lat., and Pini Codex, epwdh for gewdh, is approved by Schulze, and may indicate a side-hit at the Magian fire-worship. But the adjectival form epwdhj for epwdoj is doubtful.
193 The imperial writer may have had in his mid Tiberius, whose miserable old age was probably ended by murder; Caius, stabbed by his own guard; Claudius, poisoned by his wife; Nero driven to shameful suicide; Vitellius, beaten to death by a brutal mob; Domitian, assassinated by his wife and freedmen; Commodus murdered by his courtiers, and Pertinax by his guards; Caracalla, murdered; Heliogabalus, murdered; Alexander Severus, Maximinus, Gordianus, murdered; Decius, killed in war; Gallus, Aemilianus, Gallienus, all murdered; Aurelianus, Probus, Carus, murdered. On the other hand Trajan, Marcus Aurelius, and Diocletian, who persecuted the Church with less or more severity, died peaceful deaths.
194 Valerianus, proclaimed Emperor in Rhoetia, a.d. 254, was defeated in his campaign against the Persians, and treated with indignity alive and dead. After being made to crouch as a footstool for his conqueror to tread on when mounting ou homeback, he was flayed alive, a.d. 260, and his tanned skin nailed in a Persian temple as a "memorial of his shame." Cf. Const. Orat. xxiv. Gibbon's catholic scepticism includes the humiliation of Valerianus. "The tale," he says, "is moral and pathetic, but the truth of it may very fairly be called in question." (Decline and Fall, Chap. X.). But the passage in the text, in which the allusion has not always been perceived, and the parallel reference in the Emperor's oration, indicate the belief of a time little more than half a century after the event. Lactantius (de Monte Persecutorum V.), was probably about ten years old when Valerianus was defeated, and, if so, gives the testimony of a contemporary. Orosius (vii. 22) and Agathias (iv. p. 133) would only copy earlier writers, but the latter states that for the fact of Sapor's thus treating Valerianus there is "abundant historical testimony." Cf. Tilemont, Hist. Emp. iii. pp. 314, 315.
195 "tou xorou twn diakonwn hgoumenoj." The youth of Athanasius indicates a variety in the qualifications for the archidiaconate, for he can hardly have been the senior deacon. Cf. Dict. Christian Ant., Art. "Archdeacon.'
196 In order to provide stixaria or variegated vestments. Ath. Apol. cont. Ar. V. §60. The possibility of such charges indicates the importance of the Patriarchate.
197 Philumenus. Ath. Ap. cont. Ar. V. §60.
198 to filtron to umeteron. Athanasius (Apol. cont. Ar. V. §62) quotes the phrase as hmeteron, "our love."
199 Perinthus, on the Propontis also known as Heraclea, and now Erekli, was once a flourishing town. Theodorus was deposed at Sardica. On his genuine writings, vide Fer. de Vir. Ill. c. 90, and on a Commentary on the Psalter, published in 1643, and attributed to him, vide Dict. Christ. Biog. iv. 934.
200 The Council of Tyre met a.d. 335, on the date, vide Bp. Lightfoot in Dict. Christ. Biog. iii. 316, note. "The scenes at the Council of Tyre form the most picturesque and the most shameful chapter in the Arian controversy." Id.
201 Athanasius (Apol. cont. Ar. VI. §72) describes him as acting with gross partiality.
202 Here comes in the famous scene of the sudden apparition of Athanasius before Constantine. "The Emperor is entering Constantinople in state. A small figure darts across his path in the middle of the square, and stops his horse. The Emperor, thunderstruck, tries to pass on; he cannot guess who the petitioner can be. It is Athanasius, who comes to resist on justice, when thought to be leagues away at the Council of Tyre." Stanley, Eastern Church, Lect. VII.
203 Bishop of Neronias, or Irenopolis. Cf. p. 44, note.
204 Marea or Maria, a town and lake of Lower Egypt, giving its name to the district: now lake Marrout.
205 Aelia Capitolina, the name given to Jerusalem on its restoration by (Aelius) Hadrianus.
206 Augusta Treverorum, Treveri, Trier, or Treves, on the Moselle, was now the official Capital of Gaul.
209 At the hand of Eusebius of Nicomedia.
210 Vide Pedigree, in the Prolegomena. Constantine II. received Gaul, Britain, Spain, and a part of Africa: Constantius the East, and Constaus Illyricum, Italy, and the rest of Africa. In 340 Constans defeated his brother, who was slain near Aquileia, and became master of the West.
211 Our Author is of the same opinion as Sir George Grove, as against Professor Blunt, on the character of Mephibosheth. Dict. Bib. ii. 326.
213 Valesius explains this allusion by quoting the Arian Philostorgius (ii. 17), who says that "the statue of Constantine, standing on its porphyry column, was honoured with sacrifices, illuminations, and incense." The accusation of idolatrous worship may be disregarded. Cf. Chron. Alex. 665, 667.
1 From Feb. 336 to June 338. The "Porta Nigra" and the ruins of the Baths still shew relics of the splendour of the imperial city. The exile was generously treated. Maximinus, the bishop of Treves, was orthodox and friendly. (Ath. ad Episc. Aegypt. §8.) On the conclusion of the term of his relegation to Treves Constantine II. took him in the imperial suite to Viminacium, a town on the Danube, not far from the modern Passarovitz. Here the three emperors met. Athanasius continued his journey to Alexandria via Constantinople and the Cappadocian Caesarea. (Ath. Hist. Ar. §8 and Apol. ad Const. §5.)
2 In Nov. 338. His clergy thought it the happiest day of their lives. Ath. Ap. Cont. Ar.§7.
3 Vide Pedigree. Philostorgius (ii. 16) said the will was given to Eusebius of Nicomedia. Valesius (on Soc. i. 25) thinks that if the story had been true Athanasius would have recorded it, with the name of the Presbyter.
5 Of Nicomedia, now tranferred to the see of Constantinople.
7 The ground of objection to the return was (i) that Athanasius had been condemned by a Council-that of Tyre, and (ii) that he was restored by the authority of the state alone. The first intention was to get the Arian Pistus advanced to the patriarchate.
8 Easter, a.d. 340. The condemnation was confirmed at the Council of Antioch, a.d. 341.
9 They were met by a deputation of Athanasians, bringing the encyclical of the Egyptian Bishops in favour of the accused. Apol. Cont. Ar. §3.
10 On the bearing of these communications with Rome on the question of Papal jurisdiction, vide Salmon, Infallibility of the Church, p. 405. Cf. Wladimir Guettee, Histoire de l'Eglise, III. p. 112.
11 The innocence of Athanasius was vindicated at the Council held at Rome in Nov. a.d. 341.
12 For the violent resentment of the Alexandrian Church at the obtrusion of Gregorius, an Ultra-Arian, and apparently an illustration of the old proverb of the three bad Kappas, "Kappadokej, Krhtej, Kilikej, tria kappa kakista," for he was a Cappadocian-vide Ath. Encyc. 3, 4, Hist. Ar. 10. The sequence of events is not without difficulty, and our author gives here little help. Athanasius was in Alexandria in the spring of 340, when Gregorius made his entry, and started for Rome at or about Easter. Constantine II. was defeated and slain by the troops of his brother Constans, in the neighbourhood of Aquileia, and his corpse found in the river Alsa, in April, 340. Athanasius remained at Rome till the summer of 343, when he was summoned to Milan by Constans (Ap. ad Const. 3, 4).
Results of his visit to Rome were the adherence of Latin Christianity to the orthodox opinion (Cf. Milman, Hist. of Lat. Christianity, vol. i. p. 78), and the introduction of Monachism into the West. Vide Robertson's Ch. Hist. ii. 6.
13 Now Sophia, in Bulgaria. The centre of Moesia was called Dacia Cis-Danubiana, when the tract conquered by Trajan was abandoned.
14 A native of Thessalonica; he had been secretary to his predecessor Alexander.
15 Ath. de fug. §3. Cf. Hist. Ar. ad Mon. 7.
16 Flavius Philippus, praetorian praefect of the East, is described by Socrates (II. 16), as deutepoj meta basilea. Paulus was removed from Constantinople in 342, and not slain till 350. Philippus died in disappointment and misery. Dict. Christ. Biog. iv. 356.
17 On the vicissitudes of the see of Constantinople, after the death of Alexander, in a.d. 336, vide Soc. ii. 6 and Soz. iii. 3. Paulus was murdered in 350 or 351, and the "shortly after" of the text means nine years, Macedonius being replaced by Eudoxius of Antioch, in 360. On how far the heresy of the "Pneumatomachi," called Macedonianism, was really due to the teaching of Macedonius, vide Robertson's Church Hist. II. iv. for reff.
18 The Council met in 343, according to Hefele; 344, according to Mansi, on the authority of the Festal Letters of Athanasius. Summoned by both Emperors, it was presided over by Hosius. The accounts of the numbers present vary. Some authorities adhere to the traditional date, 347. Soc. ii. 20; Soz. iii. 11.
20 Perhaps present at the Synod of Ancyra (Angora), in a.d. 315. Died, a.d. 374. Marcellus played the man at Nicaea, and was accused by the Arians of Sabellianism, and deposed. He was distrusted as a trimmer, but could boast "se communione Julii et Athanasii, Romanae et Alexandrinae urbis pontifficum, esse munitum" (Fer. de vir. ill. c. 86). Cardinal Newman thinks Athanasius attacked him in the IVth Oration against the Arians. Vide Dict. Christ. Biog. iii. 808.
21 Probably Lucius, Bishop of Hadrianople, who had been deposed by the Arians, and appealed to Julius, who wished to right him. Still kept out by the Arians, he appealed to the Council of Sardica, and, in accordance with its decree, Constantius ordered his restoration (Soc. ii. 26). Cf. Chap. XII.
22 Bishop of Trajanopolis (Ath. Hist. Ar. 19).
23 The strange story of Ischyras is gathered from notices in the Apol. c. Arian. Without ordination, he started a small conventicle of some half-dozen people, and the Alexandrian Synod of 324 condemned his pretensions. The incident of the text may be assigned to 329. He afterwards faced both ways, to Athanasius and the Eusebians, and was recognised by them as a bishop. Dict. Christ. biog. iii. 302.
24 Georgius succeeded the Arian Theodotus, of whom mention has already been made (p. 42), in the see of the Syrian Laodicea (Latakia). Athanasius (de fug. §26), speaks of his "dissolute life, condemned even by his own friends."
25 Known as o monofqalmoj, "The one-eyed." He succeeded the Historian Eusebius in the see of Caesarea in 340, and the Nicomedian Eusebius as a leader of the Arian Court party in 342.
27 Now Esseg on the Drave. Here Constantius defeated Magnentius, a.d. 351.
28 Bishop of Petra in Palestine. (Tomus ad Antioch. 10.) There is some confusion in the names of the sees, and a doubt whether there were really two Petras. Cf. Reland, Palestine, p. 298, Le Quien, East. Christ. iii. 665, 666.
29 Bishop of Petra in Arabia, (Ath. Hist. Ar. 18, Apol. cont. Ar. 48).
31 Thrust on the see of Gaza by the Arians on the deposition of Asclepas (Soz. iii. 8, 12).
33 Here, according to the Version of Athanasius (Ap. cont. Ar. 49), the Synodical Epistle ends. An argument against the genuineness of the addition is the introduction of a new formula of faith, while from the letter of Athanasius "ex synodo Alexandrinâ ad legatos apostolicae sedis,"" it is plain that nothing was added to the Nicene Creed. (Labbe iii. 84.)
34 This passage is very corrupt: the translation follows the Greek of Valesius, gennhtoj estin ama kai genhtoj. It is not certain that the distinction between agennhoj "unbegotten," and agenhtoj, "uncreate," was in use quite so early as 344. If the passage is spurious and of later date, the distinction might be more naturally found.
42 This translation follows the reading of the Allatian Codex, adopted by Valesius, th kainh ktisei. If we read koinh for kainh, we must render "excels or differs in relation to the common creation" which He shares with man.
47 oikonomia. In classical Greek oikonomia is simply the management (a) of a household, (b) of the state. In the N.T. we have it in Luke xvi. for "stewardship," and in five other places; (i) 1 Cor. ix. 17, A.V. "dispensation," R.V. "stewardship;" (ii)Eph. i. 10 A.V. and R.V. "dispensation;" (iii) Eph. iii. 2, A.V. and R.V. "dispensation;" (iv) Col. i. 25, A.V. and R.V. "dispensation;" (v) Tim. i. 4, where A.V. adopts the inferior reading oikodomhn, and R.V. renders the oikonomian of )
AFGKLP by "dispensation." Suicer gives as the meanings of the word (i) ministerium evangelii, (ii) providentia et numen quo Dei sapientia omnia moderatur, (iii) ipsa Christi naturae humanae assumptio, (iv) totius redemptionis mysterium et passionis Christi Sacramentum. Theodoret himself (Ed. Migne iv. 93) says thn enanqrwphsin de tou Qeou Logou kaloumen oikonomian, and quaintly distinguishes (Cant. Cant. p. 83) h smurna kai o libanoj toutestin h qeologia te kai oikonomia. On a phrase of St. Ignatius (Eph. xviii.), "o xristoj ekuoforhqh upo Mariaj kat' oikonomian," Bp. Lightfoot (Apostolic Fathers, II. p. 75 note) writes: "The word oikonomia came to be applied more especially to the Incarnation because this was par excellence the system or plan which God had ordained for the government of His household and the dispensation of His stores. Hence in the province of theology, oikonomia was distinguished by the Fathers from qeologia proper, the former being the teaching which was concerned with the Incarnation and its consequences, and the latter the teaching which related to the Eternal and Divine nature of Christ. The first step towards this special appropriation of oikonomia to the Incarnation is found in St. Paul; e.g. Ephes. i. 10, eij oikonomian tou plhrwmatoj twn kairwn.... In this passage of Ignatius it is moreover connected with the `reserve 0' of God (xix. en hsuxia qeou epraxqh). Thus `economy 0' has already reached its first stage on the way to the sense of `dissimulation, 0' which was afterwards connected wit it, and which led to disastrous consequences in the theology and practice of a later age." Cf. Newman's Arians, chap. i. sec. 3.
49 fasi de kai nhessin aliplaneessi xereiouj taj ufalouj petraj twn fanerwn spiladwn.-Anth. Pal. xi. 390.
50 Leontius, Bishop of Antioch from a.d. 348 to 357, was one of the School of Lucianus. (Philost. iii. 15), cf. pp. 38 and 41, notes. Athanasius says hard things of him (de fug. §26), but Dr. Salmon (Dict. Christ. Biog. s.v.) is of opinion that "we may charitably think that the gentleness and love of peace which all attest were not mere hypocrisy, and may impute his toleration of heretics to no worse cause than insufficient appreciation of the importance of the issues involved." Vide infra. chap. xix.
51 Athanasius had gone from Sardica to Naissus (in upper Dacia), and thence to Aquileia, where he was received by Constans. Ap. ad Const. §4, §3.
52 Athanasius went from Aquileia to Rome, where he saw Julius again, thence to Treves to the Court of Constans, and back to the East to Antioch, where the conversation about the "one church" took place. Soc. ii. 23; Soz. iii. 20.
53 i.e. the friends of Eustathius.
54 The more significant from the fact that Constantius affected a more than human impassibility. Cf. the graphic account of his entry into Rome "velut collo munito rectam aciem luminum tendens, nec dextra vulture nec laeva flectebat, tanquam figmentum hominis: non cum rota concuteret nutans nec spuens aut os aut nasum tergens vel fricans manumve agitans visus est unquam." Amm. Marc. xvi. 10.
56 Oct. a.d. 346. Fest. Ind. The return is described by Gregory of Nazianzus (Orat. 21). Authorities, however, differ as to which return he paints.
57 i.e. was murdered by the troops of the usurper Magnentius at Illiberis (re-named Helena by Constantine, and now Elne, in Roussillon), a.d. 350.
58 Probably Syrianus, who is described by Athanasius himself as sent to get him removed from Alexandria, but as denying that he had the written authority of Constantius. This was in Jan. a.d. 356.
60 Syrianus. Ath. Ap. ad Const. §25.
62 Georgius, a fraudulent contractor of Constantinople (Ath. Hist. Ar. 75), made Arian Bishop of ALexandria on the expulsion of Athanasius, in a.d. 356, was born in a fuller's shop at Epiphania in Cilicia. (Amm. Marc. xxii. 11, 3.) He was known as "the Cappadocian," and further illustrates the old saying of "Kappadokej Krhtej Kilikej, tria kappa kakiosta," and the kindred epigram
Kappadokhn pot' exidna kakh daken: alla kai auth
kaiqane geusamenh aimatoj iobalou.
The crimes of the brutal "Antipope" (Prof. Bright in Dict. Christ. Biog.) are many, but he was a book-collector. (Jul. Ep. ix. 36, cf. Gibbon 1. Chap. 23.) Gibbon says "the infamous George of Cappadocia has been transformed into the renowned St. George of England;" an identity sufficiently disproved.
63 koimhthrion, or sleeping-place. Cf. Chrysost. ed. Migne. ii. 394.
64 The earliest account of the system of Manes or Mani is to be found in Euseb. H.E. vii. 31. From the end of the *century it made rapid progress.
65 One Ammonius had been consecrated by Alexander, and was bishop ot Pacnemunis (Ath. ad Drac. 210, and Hist. Ar. §72). Another was apparently consecrated by Athanasius (Hist. Ar. §72). An Ammonius was banished to the Upper Oasis (id.). Caius was the orthodox bishop of Thmuis. Philo was banished to Babylon (Hist. Ar. §72, cf. Jer. Vita Hilarionis 30). Muïus, Psinosiris, Nilammon, Plenius, Marcus the sees of these two Marci were Zygra and Philae), and Athenodorus, were relegated to the parts about the Libyan Ammon, nine days' journey from Alexandria, only that they might perish on the road. One did die. (Hist Ar. §72.) Adelphius was bishop of Onuphis in the Delta, and was sent to the Thebaid (Tom. ad Ant. 615.) Dracontius, to whom Athanasius addressed a letter, went to the deserts about Clysma (25 m. s.w. of Suez), and Hierax and Dioscorus to Syene (Assouan (Hist. Ar. §72), whither Trajan had banished Juvenal.
66 Some authorities read more mildly, "drove into exile."
67 Ap. de fug. §7. Cf. Hist. Ar. §72.
68 "Haec Athanasii Epistola hodie quod sciam non extat." Valesius.
69 Athanasius was condemned at Arles (353) as well as at Milan in 355. At the latter place Constantius affected more than his father's infallibility, and exclaimed, "What I will, be that a Canon." Ath. Hist. Ar. §33.
71 For the persecution and vacillation of Liberius, "one of the few Popes that can be charged with heresy" (Principal Barmby in Dict. Christ. Biog. s.v.), see also Ath. Hist. Ar. §35 et seqq.
72 Treves. Dionysius was the successor of St. Maximinus and a firm champion of orthodoxy. Cf. Sulp. Sev. II. 52.
73 Milan. Paulinus was banished to Cappadocia.
74 Calaris (Cagliari). Luciferus, a vehement defender of Athanasius, was banished to Eleutheropolis in Palestine. Mr. Ll. Davies (Dict. Christ. Biog. s.v.), thinks the traditional story of the imprisonment of Luciferus at Milan, to prevent his outspoken advocacy of Athanasius, shews internal evidence of probability.
75 Eusebius, bishop of Vercellae (Vercelli), was a staunch Athanasian. He was banished to Scythopolis, where the bishop Patrophilus (cf. Book I. chapter VI. and XX.), a leading Arian, was, he says, his "jailer." (Vide his letters.)
76 The epithet eughrotatoj felicitously describes the honoured old age of the bishop of Cordova-he was now a hundred years old (Hist. Ar. §45)-before his pitiable lapse. He was sent to Sirmium (Mitrovitz).
78 Euphration is mentioned also in Hist. Ar. §5. Balaneae is now Banias on the coast of Syria.
79 Now Boldo, a little to the N. of Bahias.
81 "A good and excellent man," Ath. Hist. Ar. §5.
83 On the question of the orthodoxy of Marcellus of Ancyra (Angora), vide the conflicting opinions of Bp Lightfoot (Dict. Christ. Biog. ii. 342), and Mr. Ffoulkes (id. iii. 810). Ath. (Apol. contra Ar. §47) says of the Council of Sardica. "The book of our brother Marcellus was also read, by which the frauds of the Eusebians were plainly discovered ...his faith was found to be correct," cf. p. 67, note.