1 The objection that Prosper and Leo himself both speak of Rome as his, patria does not seem of sufficient weight to overthrow a tradition, which it is somewhat hard to account for the existence of. To a native of central Italy under the Empire, who had spent all his public life in Rome, the Eternal city was equally patria, whether it was his actual birthplace or not. At the same time there is no evidence that Volaterrae any more than Rome or any other Italian city can claim the honour with certainty.
2 Wilberforce on Doctrine On The Holy Eucharist, p. 246, quoted by Bright.
3 The chief error of Pelagius (=Morgan), who is commonly thought to have been of British origin, was, as is well-known, the denial of original birth-sin: see Article ix.
4 This is seen still more clearly when we remember how completely he held the Western, if not always the Eastern, Emperors in his power, and made them support and carry out his wishes.
5 The essential point in the Manichaean heresy (which took its rise in the far East) was the existence of two independent and conflicting principles: good, whose kingdom was light and the spiritual world, and evil, whose kingdom was over the elements of matter.
6 Leo the Great, p. 53 (S P C K ): this writer should also he consulted (pp 53 to 70), on the merits and importance or the Eutychian controversy generally.
7 Of these Renatus is said to have died at Delos on the way, and Hilarv is the future pope of that name. Julius of Puteoli must be carefully distinguished from Julian of Cos, who was also a confidant of Leo's.
8 What happened to Julius and Dulcitius is not known, though Leo does not express any disapproval of their action.
9 110 others voted by proxy in absence through their metropolitans (Gore).
10 Unpardonable in any case from one in his position, but especially so, if he was really connected with the church of Rome, as we have suggested, under Zosimus, in whose time the confusion, already existing then, was completely cleared up: see Gore's Life, pp. 113 and 114. The Canon itself professed only to confirm one already passed in 381.
11 Styled "Magnus," like his great namesake, though with infinitely less good reason.
13 Milman attributes the real initiation of the Papal theory to the imperious Innocent I., who held the See of Rome at the beginning of the fifth century (402-417).
14 Grimanus, from whom this Codex is named, was Cardinal of S. Mark, &c., in the 16th century.
15 That is to say, it upheld the Gallican opinions; and so it was condemned and put on the Index in 1682. But being too valuable a work to be altogether suppressed, Benedict XIV. enjoined the issue of (4), which rebutted and rectified Quesnel's false deductions in its notes and excursuses.
1 It is to be supposed that the letter of Septimus, bp. of Altinum, was sent with this letter. See Lett. XVIII. n. 3.
2 Viz. Members of the minor order as they are now called, subdeacons, exorcists, &c.
3 It has been the rule at least since the council of Nicaea (325) that the clergy should stay in the church (or "diocese" as we should call it) of their ordination, cf. Canons of Nicoea xxi.de his qui Ecclesias deserunt et ad alias transeunt, and xxii. De non suscipiendis alterius Ecclesioe clericis.And we often kind Leo insisting on the observance of the rule.
4 Iiscientiam: the general reading being scientiam, the sense of which is not clear.
5 Sacerdotum: I am in doubt as to what this term here includes, think it probable that all ranks of the clergy were to be summoned. The words sacerdos and antistes in early ecclesiaslical Latin very often mean the bishop (episcopus) specifically rather than the presbyter (sacerrdos secundi ordinis), because it was the bishop who offered the "sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving" (i.e the Eucharist),and the presbyter only in his default; but the term sacerdos does certainly often include the presbyters and also the deacons (sacerdotes tertii ordinis) when In connexion with the priests and bishops, and it seems likely that the whole body of the clergy of the province would be summoned to the synod: see Bright's note 110: also Bingham, Antiq., Bk. 11., chap. xix., §§ 14,15.
6 Superbi (proud): the epithet is well chosen and not a random one: for pride and presumption are at the root of the Pelagian views as birth-sin and baptismal grace: perfectionism is little in accordance with Christian humility.
7 For the same sentiment cf. Prosper, de ingratis, v. 188.
8 The reader need hardly be reminded that in the New Testement "grace" (Lat. Gratia, Gk. xarij) signifies "a free gift."
10 S. Luke ix. 10. Between this and the next chapter some of the mss. And the earlier editions insert a passage from Augustine's Enchiridion, which thus formed chapter iv.
11 A reminiscence of Phil. ii. 21.
12 Plebem: this being the regular term for the "Laity" in early Christian Latin.
2 Sacerdotii see note 5 on Letter 1.
3 Though no doubt S. Leo's language is here harsh and offensive to modern ears, it is not. I think, substantially out of agreement with S. Paul's own teaching (cf. Philemon: 1 Cor. vii. 21; or Ephes vi. 5; Col. iii. 22; Tit. ii. 9), and certainly not with th spirit of the age. The 73rd Apost. Canon forbids any slave to be ordained without his master's consent, and without previously obtaining his freedom. However, in the times of S. Jerome S. Basil and S. Greg. Nazianzen, we find cases of slaves being ordained. However much we in the latter half of the nineteenth century regret to hear a great father of the Church speak in this way we must not forget that In the first half of this self-same century the very same opinion would have been bold on the subject in many parts of the civilized world.
4 Qui originali (al. Origini) aut alicui condicioni obligati sunt. The class of people alluded to were the coloni (serfs): such of them as were so by birth were called originarii and there were other classes of them also (alicui condicioni obligati). The essential difference between all coloni and the ordinary servi was that the latter's service was personal. the former were servi terroe, adscripti glaeboe. Thus there is a strong resemblance between them and the villeins (villani) of medieval and modern Europe. For the order concerning them here given, cf. 2nd Council of Orleans (538), which ordains "ut nullus servilibus colonariisque condicibus obligatus iuxta statuta sedis Apostolicoe ad honeres ecclesiasticos admittatur nisi prius aut testamento aut per tabulas legitime constiterit absolutum.
5 1 Tim. iii, 2, unius uxoris virum with the Vulgate, cf. Letter xii.
6 Lev. xxi. 13, 14, cf. a letter of Innocent I. to Victricius bishop of Rothomagus (Rouen) chap. v., ut mulierem (viduam) clericus non ducat uxorem: quia scriptum est: sacerdos virginem uxorem accipiat non eiectam," and for the former quotation, cf. Ibid. chap vii. Ne is qui secundam duxerit uxorem, clericus fiat: quia scriptum est unius virum. The 18th Apostolic Canon gives a similar order. All these rules would seem to refer to marriage before, not after, ordination. The latter was against the spirit of the early Church.
7 The older editions here add pro arbitrio (by dispensation). which Quesnel considers a gloss added later when dispensation was sometimes granted to digamous clerks.
8 The practice of usury and trading generally is often forbidden In the Canons, &c., for the clergy, but its Prohibition for the laity is much more unusual: cf., however, Canon V. of the Council ofCarthage (4 19), quod (sc. Fenus accipere in laicis, reprehenditur id multo magis debet et in clericis praedamnari. Scripture certainly is against the clergy participating in lucrative employments, though it was not easy always to prevent them: it had become, for Instance. a common practice in S. Cyprian's day in the North African Church (cf. de laps. 6). But the secular laws certainly countenanced it in the laity (As Aug. Ep. 154 acknowledges). Leo the Emperor is said by Crotius to have been the first who "existimans omne fenus Christiano interdictum, lege id ipsum communi sanxit"(Quesnel).
9 Crimen suum commodis alienis impendere.I am not sure that this can mean what I say.
10 This was S. Innocent 1.. who was Pope from 402 to 417. One of his decretal letters was quoted from in note 1 to chap. iii. Of this Letter.
1 The letter to the college of bishops was written the same day, and forms No. 5 in the Leonine series(in Migne).
2 Sacerdotum here obviously = episcoporum, see Letter 1. note 5.
3 quibus sermone epistolis mutuo commeant bus sociamur. notice the interlaced order of the words in the sentence which is not, I think, without design as quaintly expressing his meaning.
5 Siricius was Bishop of Rome 384-398. Damasus, 366-384, is said by Innocent 1. to have been the first to do this but not like Siricius, "acting on a fixed method," certa quadam ratione.
6 Proedecessoris tui. Anysius is said to have lived on into the time of Innocent. Anastasius' immediate predecessor, selected by Innocent (decessoris tui in the next line), was named Rufus.
7 These words are not found in the mss. apparently, but are necessary to the sense. For the requirement cf. Letter IV. chapter iii.
8 Here the word is antistes and no doubt it signifies "bishop," as the next sentence clearly shows.
9 The organization of the province then included(1)the bishops under (2) metropolitans of district under (3) one supreme primate of the province, who was in his turn responsible to the Bishop of Rome.
11 The word is as, aspiraverit (the notion of which is to favour), not inspiraverit (to Inspire), as we might have expected.
13 Circa quos par consecratio fieri debet. I take this as a valuable statement in the mouth of Leo, who so seldom refers specifically to the lower orders of the ministry.
14 There seems to be no canon on the point before Leo's time: but he alludes to the tradition again in Letter IX. Chap. 1 and CXI. Chap. 2 (q.v.).
15 Qui sacerdos (? Secundi ordinis here) vel levita (=diaconus) ordinandus est.
1 Poenitentiam concedendo, i.e. we have not finally excommunicated them, but, dealing leniently, we have given them opportunity of reinstating themselves in the peace of the Church, by going through a due course of penance (satisfactio). It is important to explain this clearly to those who in the present day, are ignorant of the strict discipline of the early Church. And are liable to forget that penance was then a valuable means to repentance.
2 S. Mark, the evangelist and disciple of S. Peter, is the radional founder of the church of Alexandria.
3 That is to say, the weekly resurrection festival (Sunday) begins with the vespers of the preceding evening: this is notably the case in the yearly festival of Easter at least In Western use.
4 Sacramentum regenerationis: the reference in the first part of the sentence seems to be S. Mark xvi. 15, and here in the latter part to S. Matt. xxviii. 19, and both these records seem to refer to the same manifestation. S. Matthew says it was to "the eleven disciples"in Galilee, in "the mountain where Jesus had appointed them," that He gave the command, if indeed vv. 16-20 of the xxviiith chapter form one continuous narrative. The author of S. Mark xvi. 9-20 says it was to the eleven "as they sat at meat." Is it possible that Leo took anakeimenoij to mean as they were partaking of the Holy Eucharist? if not, what countenance is there for his assertion of its being on the first day ot the week ?
6 Basilica, q.v. in Smith's Dict. Of Christian Antiquities.
8 It can hardly escape notice that the people here are distinctly said "to offer the sacrifice" in the person of their representative and mouthpiece, the priest. And this is the language and intention of all Liturgies (ancient and modern) of the Church.
2 Per Apostolicam tubam in salutem universitatis (Gk. thsoikoumenhj ) exiret, cf. Letter IX. Chap. Ii. Apostoli a Domino proedicandi omnibus gentibus evangelii tubam sumunt.
4 Huius muneris sacramentum, his mind is running forward to his favourite sacramentum, that of Peter as the rock-man of the Church.
5 Cf. Letter XXVIII. Chap. v. a principali petra (B. Petrus), soliditatem et virtutis traxit et nominis, etc. . . also Cyprian de unit. eccl. chapt. iv.
9 Cui cum proe (Quesnel conj. Pro) coeteris solvendi et ligandi tradita sit potestas, pascendarum tamen ovium cura specialius mandata est. Cf. S. John xxi. 15-17.
10 Celidonius was probable either bishop of Vienne or of Vesontis (Besancon): see Perthel, p. 25.
11 Quesnel well refers this phrase to 1 Cor. xiv. 25.
13 Servantes legalia constituta, these are taken to be not so much the canons of the Church as the provisions of the Mosaic Law, e.g. Lev. xxi. 14.; Ezek. xliv. 22.
14 Militiam (lit. military service).
15 Projectus was perhaps a bishop of the province of Gallia Narbonensis I.:Perthel, p. 27.
16 Quod Projecto episcopo suo oegrotare liberum non fuisset, eiusque sacerdotium in alium proeter suam notitiam esse translatum, et tamquam in vacuam possessionem ab Hilario pervasore hoeredem viventis inductum. the construction is changed from quod....fuisset, to the ordinary accus. And infin.
17 Patroclus had been Bishop of Arles circa. 416, and the then Bishop of Rome, Zosimus, had granted him metropolitan rights over the provinces of S. E. Gaul which did not gain the acceptance of the other chief bishops in the district, and Boniface I. (Ep 12) in 422. seems to have withdrawn the rights granted by Zosimus (Schaff, I, p. 297).
18 Civium : populorum.The former are apparently called lower down fidelium, and the latter, qui foris sunt.
20 Gloriam de scurrili velocitate potius quam de sacerdotali moderatione captasse.
21 In Cortem ovium: the low Latin word (cors) is in the Vulgate changed to ovile.
23 Cf. Cypr. Ep. Lv. Cap. Vii., factus est Cornelius episcopus de Dei et Christi eins iudicio, de clericorum poene omnium testimonio, de plebis, quoe tunc adfuit, suffragio et sacerdotum antiquorum et bonorum virorum collegio.
24 Quesnel appositely quotes Pliny (Paneg. Traiani) imperaturus omnibus eligi debet ex omnibus.
25 Quod lucescit in prima sabbati; the phrase is repeated from Letter IX., chap. Ii., to which refer to the whole passage.
27 Pro apostolicoe sedis pietate, or "as loyalty to the Apostolic See demands."
28 This does not mean that Hilary is excommunicated, but that he is to have no share in episcopal privileges as a successor of the apostles.
29 These words of course refer to Hilary's journey on foot to Rome, and his subsequent escape from something very much like prison: see Introduction, p. vi: for his degradation, cf. Letter XII.. chap ix., where a similar punishment is enacted.
30 Here, no doubt, excommunication pure and simple is meant. Cf. note 4, supr.
31 Leontius seems to have had little but his age to recommend him for this promotion: the name of his bishopric is unknown, and the weakness of the appointment may, I think, be gathered from Leo's insisting so strongly on the principle of seniority both here and in chap vi. Above.
1 Nihil sit inordinatum nihilque proeposterum: the two words are well chosen (as usual), and bearing a distinct meaning: the former expressing"disorder" in the sense of want of the divine commission, the latter "disorder" in the sense of choosing the younger over the old, the inferior over the superior, &c.; the same two epithets occur in Lett. XIX., chap. i.
3 Ante oetatem maturitatis. The Council of Carthage (a.d. 397), c. 4, fixed the downward limit for deacons at 25, and for priest at 30: and we may presume that that was the general rule in Leo's time, for we find the same ages ordained afterwards in the Novelloe of Justinian (535-565) and elsewhere.
4 Cf. Letter IV., chap ii., and elsewhere.
5 No one will by this time be surprised to find Leo calling Sacred Orders either a sacramentum, as here, or mysterium, as in the next sentence: the two terms are indeed in his usage almost equivalents.
9 The shorter edition of this letter, which is extent, gives this sentence in a very different form: the qualifications are much more exactly defined, e.g. bishops are to have spent their lives in orders a puerilibus exordiis usque ad provectiores annos.I think Quesnel is right in considering this a later version and alteration the better to inculcate the usage of the Church. For although no doubt people were often mere boys [Readers (lectores) for instance: see Bright's note 46] when they entered minor orders yet the fact that one was an adult layman before taking orders could not ipso facto have precluded a man from becoming bishop, however desirable the rule and general principle might be. In fact Cyprian at least is evidence to the contrary.
13 Per legitama augmenta, cf.n. 7 above. This passage makes it clear what is there required is not the puerilia exordia of the shorter edition of this letter, but the multum tempus of this longer edition.
16 In the case of these two noted African schisms it is hardly necassary to do more than refer the reader to Smith's or any other standard dictionary.
17 Fere here added probably to account for the long tail of extraneous or repeated matter tacked on to the letter.
18 Here the shorter edition of the letter breaks off, and there are certainly difficulties in considering that the long coda or repetitions and fresh matter here attached formed part of the original draft of the letter. Is it possible that two letters (the one later than the other) have been welded into one ?
19 Castellis. Cf. Liv. xxi. chaps. 33, 34, where the word is used of the Alpine villages. In the Vulgate it represents, the Gk. kw/mh (e.g. S. Mark vi. 6: S. Luke v. 17.)
21 Cyprian (de hab. Virg.) speaks of women who have lost their virginity by their own fault.as viduoe antequam nuptoe, and S. Jerome, using the same expression (Lett to Eustochius on the preservation of Virginity), implies that they very often dressed like widows (plerasque viduas antequam nuptas infelicem conscientiam mentita tantum veste protegere): this will account for Leo's here providing that these unhappy women are not deiici in viduarum gradum. Ball.
22 The case of Lupicious seems somewhat similar to that of Projectus in Lett. X., chap iv, and was similarly referred to local experts .
1 De iniunctae tibi sollicitudinis devotione ( an obscure expression).
2 See Letter IV., where it will be remembered the appointment of Anastasius, as Vicar of Illyricum, was made.
5 Some for metropolitanus here read Nicopolitanus, Bishop of Nicopolis the metropolitan see of old Epirus. Quesnel.
6 The language is, I think, intentionally exaggerated and high-flown : parturiunt montes nascetur ridiculus mus.
7 Anastasius seems to have arraigned Atticus before the civil court of the Prefect of Illyricum: he sent his apparitors, who violently dragged him out of the church, and brought him in midwinter across country to be tried.
8 The word is civilia, in which Brissonius thinks be sees en allusion either to the opposition between civil law and, proetor's law (to which Anastasius had appealed), or else to the technical meaning of the word in jurisprudence as equivalent to `Legitimate 0' or `fair 0'. The latter is more likely.
9 Quesnel here accepts Nicopolitanuminstead of metropoltanum (see n. 7 above), but with little reason.
11 . 1 Cor. vii. 29. A reference to this passage will show that S. Paul does not limit himself to the clergy in what he says: for an interesting note on the text (written, of course from the Roman standpoint), the reader is referred to Hurter's edition in loc., who adduces some valuable illustrations from Epiphanius, Jerome, &c.
12 Quartus a Capite, i.e. from Jesus Christ, the Head of the Church, or perhaps from the Bishop of Rome, His soi-disant representative on earth (cf. chap. xii, below).
13 This method of electing the metropolitan will at once strike the reader: the electors apparently are (I) the bishops of the province (who are not eligable for the office); (2) the clergy ol the diocese (who alone are eligible); and (3) the laity of the diocese. Only if one remember how limited each diocese was in extent, can one realise the working of the method.
14 The Council of Nicaoe (325) fixed two councils a year, one ante quadragesimam Paschae (ie. before Eastertide), the other circa tempus autumni.
15 Phil. ii. 4, and Rom. xv. 2.
16 1 Cor. xii. 12, &c.: the quotation is loose, cf. Rom. xii. 5.
18 Magna ordinatione provisum est..
1 This Turribius was a man of learning and zeal, Bishop of Astoria (Astorga) in Spain (province of Gallicia): canonized by the Roman Church and commemorated on April 16 (Hurter). The date of the letter is given as 21 Jul., 447.
2 Hurter distinguishes these three documents thus: (1) epistola, the private letter of Turribius to Leo; (2) commonitorium, the detailed statement (under 16 heads) of the Priscillianist errors; and (3) libellus, Turribius' refutation of each head. This heresy was of Spanish origin having been broached by Priscillian about 380. Their views will be seen in the sequel.
3 Priscillianistarum foetidissimam apud vos recaluisse sentinam.
4 Multiplicem sibi foeculentiam miscuerunt.
5 He alludes to the invasion of Spain by the German tribe. (Perthel, p. 38).
6 See above n. 6. Quesnel draws attention to the fact that Leo's refutation of the Priscillianist heresy, which here follows, was adopted (almost) word for word by the first council of Bracara (Braga, in Portugal), held in 563, as a sufficient exposition of their own position.
9 This Pantheistic view was not, of course, a new one, nor pseudo- Christian in its origin, as Leo himself shows. Cf. Virg., Georg. IV. 219-227, and Aen. vi. 724-727.The philosophi quidam to which he makes reference are the Pythagoreans, and following them with modifications the Platonists and the Stoics.
11 The reader need hardly be reminded of the recorded revelation of the great "I am "(Jehovah) to Moses (Ex. iii.).
13 i.e., that evil is not anything positive, but only the negation or absence of good which is positive, just as black is not itself a colour, but only the absence of colour, whereas white is the presence (in due proportions) of all the colours of the spectrum.
15 Plasmationem, a vile hybrid, being the Greek pla/sma. with a Latin ending ( -atio ); for which apparently the Low Latin of the Vulgate is responsible. Cf. Ps.cxix. 73, "et plasmaverunt me " (quoted below, chap. x.).
16 Olim. Perhaps Leo refers to his own action mentioned in Lett. vii. 1.
19 In diversoe gualitatis principes incidisse, cf. Rom. viii. 38; Eph. iii. 10; Col. ii. 10, &c.
20 The Pythagorean doctrine of metemyuxwsij (transmigration of souls) which was in a modified form accepted by Plato (Phoedr, et alibi), would seem to have been the original source of this view Or the soul's origin. It would naturally be palatable doctrine to the Gnostics and other philosophizing sects. In Lett. XXXV., chap. iii., it is attributed to Origen. For a modem exposition the reader cannot do better than refer to Wordsworth's ode on the intimations of Immortality in childhood.
26 Leo's commentary on this obscure fancy of the Priscillianist is disappointing, as it Is merely a repetition or continuation of his remarks on the 12th head. They seem to have divided the scriptures in some mystic fashion into portions corresponding to the qualitates interiorum proesulum in patriarcharum nominibus(statutoe) of chap. xiii., and to have insisted on knowledge of the Scriptures as necessary to the proper action of those "ruling principles" on the soul. Cf. S. Aug. Letter CCXXXVII., chap. iii (Hurter)
27 Viz.7 such writings as the Actusof Thomas, Andrew and John, and the Memoria apostolorum, qui totam destruit legem veteris Testamenti,according to Turribius's letter to Idacius and Ceponius, chap. V., subjoined to this letter in the Leonine series.
28 Dictinius was a bishop who had turned Priscillianist, and afterwards, at the synod of Toledo (400), had returned to the fold of the Church (Perthel, p. 41)
31 The whole district over which Turribius was Vicar is here called Gallacia, though, as just above, we find it included the provinces of Terraco, Carthago, and Lusitania as well as Gallicia.
1 From this letter it might be gathered that it was a universal practice of the early Church based on the precepts of the apostles, to restrict Baptism to the feasts of Easter and Whitsuntide, and exclude Epiphany. Whereas as a matter of fact the restriction was almost exclusively Roman ; all the Eastern Churches and a good many of the Western recognizing the Epiphany as a suitable occasion for the rite. Leo is too fond of claiming Apostolic authority for his dictates, and none such exists here, as far as we know.
2 It will be noticed that Leo's order of events, though probably correct is not that of the modern Kalendar, which places the Epiphany (Jan. 6) soon after the Circumcision (Jan. 1), and not after the Purification (Feb. 2) unless it was some little time after, Herod's cruelty was unnecessarily great in including children of two years old in his massacre (S. Matt. ii. 16).
3 S. Luke ii. 49, in his quoe Patris mei sunt (Vulgate): this version leaves the exipression e0n toi=j tou= Patro/j mou in its original ambiguity, but Leo's counmentary immediately following gives his decision in favour of "in My Father's house".
5 Innumeris consecratos fuisse virtutibus, where virtutes, as often, corresponds to the Gk. duna/meij .
6 Sacramentorum mysteria coruscasse : it is instructive to find the two words here conjoined, Leo so often using them apparently as equivalents. No one, moreover aftor reading this sentence can doubt what in early times Western Christians meant by sacramentum , see Letter XII. chap. 3, &c.
9 Renascentibus (pres. Part.) here, not renatis(past).
10 Rom vi. 3-5. Notice the support here given to the marginal aIternative of the R.V., "united with," instead of "united in" ( Lat. Complantati similitudini, &c.).
11 Per similitudinem et formam mysterii.
12 This was a favourite interpretation of the symbolism with the fathers. Cf. Serm. LXX., chap. 4, and Brights n. 97 thereon.
13 Celebrandoe generaliter gratioe, where generaliter has much the same sense as the Eng. "generally" has in the definition of a sacrament in the Eng. Ch. Catechism as "generally necessary to salvation."
18 It need hardly be pointed out that these words ,"where the sacrament is the same," refer to the sacra - mentum (in its Leonine sense), that has just been explained, viz,, that Christus est veritas et spiritus sanctus est spiritus veritatus.
19 Leo does not often quote from the Acts, and here he expressly includes it in the Canon, and alludes to its authenticity (fideli historia docet.
21 Principalis et maximi sacramenti custodienda nobis est mystica et rationalis exceptio ( another reading being exemplatio (symbolism), which Quesnel prefers, thinking that the words have reference to the appropriateness of this symbolic rite of Baptism being performed at Easter-tide).
26 Babtismi sui in se condidit sacramentum : the baptism of Christ has very generally been associated with the Epiphany : the record of it, for instance, in S. Luke iii. 15-23, is the 2nd morning lesson for the Festival in the English Church. It is, however, not clear who the "some" were whom Leo mentions above as putting Christ's baptism on the same day as the Epiphany; perhaps he means the Eastern Church."
28 Cf. Lett.XXVIII. (The Tome), chap. vi., where the same explanation of the sacred incident in the Lord's passion is given.
29 S. John i. 17. Cf. Rev. xix. 20. "for the testimony of Jesus is the spirit of prophesy."
32 S. Matt. iii. 11; S. Luke iii. 16.
33 Cf. Lett.XIV., chap. 8, where the same rule is laid down.
1 This letter is suspected by Quesnel as being, if not spurious, at least the production of some later Leo than our own: but he would seem to have hardly sufficient ground for his conjecture and the docoment is interesting as showing the existence of Church endowments at the time, and alas ! of their mismanagement.Two centuries before indeed we have Cyprian in Africa uttering a somewhat similar complaint: e.g. de laps. vi., de unit. eccl. xxvi., Lett. XV. 3. It does not appear. however there that the clergy actually misappropriated Church funds, only that they were greedy and intent on worldy gain.
2 Papa. This title. which in later times came throughout the West to denote exclusively the Bishop of Rome, was originally in the West no less than it is still in the East, the common appellation of all priests and spiritual fathers of the Church.
1 The Ballerinii's conjecture is at least very plausible, that this Januarius was the successor of that Bishop of Aquileia to whom Letter I. was written 5 years previously upon the same subject of the Pelagian error. The text of this letter is almost word for word identical with letter II.. written to Septimus, Bishop of Altinum, on the same occasion as Lett. I.
2 Schismaticorrum, considering how easily heresy leads to schism and schism to heresy, there is no need with Quesnel to consider that Novatiaus or Donatists are being here attacked.The Ballerinii say with justice: - generalis regula hic indicatur omnibus tum hoereticis tum schismaticis ad ecclesiam redeuntibus communis.
3 What canon is here alluded to is uncertain: the Ballerinii think perhaps the 8th Nicene canon, extending its application from the Cathari or Novatians to all heresies and schism.
4 Si tamen iterata tinctione non fuerint maculati. Cf. Can. Afric., 27, neque permittendum ut rebaptizati ad clericatus gradum promoveantur.
1 Nequem sacerdotali propere provehebas honore, ad iniuriam eorum quibis sociabatur, inciperet minorque se fieret: the text is no doubt corrupt, though the general sense is clear: the emendation minorque se for miror quis is made almost certain by the quotations that follow, especially the second.
2 S. Luke xiv. 11 and xviii. 14.
3 Vos autem quoeritis de pusillo crescere et de maiore minores asse.This remarkable addition to S. Matt. xx. 28 is found in Cod. D, in some Syriac and many Latin copies: read Westcott's note in Appendix C: 3 to Introduction to Study &c.
4 Inordinatum proeposterum. Cf. Lett. XII., chap.
5 S. Matt. vii. 2 ; S. Mark iv. 24 ; S. Luke vi. 36.
1 Quesnel is of opinion that Eutyches' letter had accused Domnus, Bishop of Antioch and Theodoret, Bishop of Cyrus (cf. Lett.CXX.,chapters iv and v.),of Nestorianizing,and that he thus had gained the approbation of Leo before his own unsoundness had been made known.
1 Contrary to my general plan, I have thought it wiser, in the matter of the Eutychian controversy, to include other than Leo's own writings, that the reader may fulfil the precept audi alteram partem in what was the most important doctrinal discussion of Leo's term of office. This Letter (XXI.) bears the stamp of genuineness upon it, though the Gk. original is not found. It is from a collection of docuuments bearing on Nestorianism published ex ms. Casinensi, first by Christianus Lupus (?), and afterwards by Stephanus Baluzius (1630-I718).
3 Libelli sc. (appellationis ad Leonem): this is referred to by Flavian (Lett XXVI., chap. iii.) and denied.
4 Of these four worthies, Athanasius; is is too well known to need further notice. Gregorius is either Greg. Nazianzen, Bishop of Constantinople (circ. 380) or Greg. of Nyssa, both great champions of the Church against Arianism (not, as the Ball.,Greg. Thaumaturgus, Bishop of Neo-Coesarea 244-70): Julius was a Bishop of Rome (337-52): an excerpt from one of his letters is printed by the Ball. at the end of this letter as the passage on which Eutyches based his error, though they suspect it (not unnaturally) as being an Apollinarian imposition: Felix is probably no other than the Arian Bishop of Rome, Felix II. . (355-8) whose appointment is characterized by Athanasius as effected "by antichristian wickedness," but who is yet a canonized saint and martyr of the Roman Church (see Schaff's Hist., vol. ii. p. 371; iii. 635, 6).
5 Abbots' signatures are found attached to the condemnation of Eutyches by the synod ot Constantinople.
6 Cf. Letter XXVI., chap. ii., propositiones iniuriarum publice ponens et maledictionibus plenas Gr. proqemeta u#brej kai\ loio\ori/aj a0na/mesta) which is flavian's account of the matter.
7 Of these four documents (1) Eusebius' libellus is preserved in, Act I Chalcedon; (2) is not forthcoming; (3) is appended below; and (4) a fragment of the testimony of Julius, which is given, does not seem important enongh to be added in this edition especially as its genuineness is denied.
8 Here we have the two Gregorys mentioned: cf. n. 7. above.
1 There are two Latin versions of the original Gk. of this letter, an older and later: the later, as being more accurate, is here translated, though Canon Bright would seem to be right (n. 139) in saying that we must think of Leo as writing the Tome (Lett. XXVIII.) with the older Latin version of Flavian's letter before him.'
7 Viz., head of a monastery (Gk. ma/ndra) or abbot.
8 S. Matt. xviii, 6, but it will be noticed that the quotation is confused with xxv. 40, minimis being substituted for qui in me credunt.
9 Pudorem (instead of the impudenter of the mss.) omnem abiciens et pellem quoe eum circumdabat excutiens, the Gk. version of this somewhat obscure passage running ai0dw= pa=san a0pobalw\n kai\ h@n perie/keito th=j pla/nj dora\n a0potinaca/menoj .
10 This was the letter "which was somewhat unaccountably delayed in its transit to Rome" (Bright), which reached Leo after XXIII. was written, and to which Leo refers in the Tome, chap. i., litteris, quas miramur fuisse tam seras. Bright's note 139 should be read throughout as a clear exposition of the preliminary steps in the controversy.
1 This letter from Theodosius II. came soon after Eutyches, letter (XXI), and "apparently gave Leo the impression, that Eutyches had been badly treated." Bright.
3 contestatorios libellos. See Lett. XXI., chap. ii.
1 Is it fanciful to trace an analogy between these words and the language of the Collect for Trinity Sunday (out of the Sacramentary of Gregory), "grace by the confession of a true faith to acknowledge the glory of the Eternal Trinity, and in the power of the Divine Majesty to worship the Unity ?"
2 Quesnel reads the 1st of March as the date.
1 In reading the Tome (Lett. XXVIII.) the reader is warned to remember that he must take no account of this letter, which did not reach Leo until later, and which is Acknowledged in Lett. XXXVI. dated a week after the Tome. Bright (n. 139). There are two versions of this letter also, the ancient one and a modern one by Joannes Cotelerius, which latter, as being a more exact reproduction of the Gk. original, we have taken as the basis of our English translation.
2 Ignarus: it will be remembered that in the Tome (chap. i.) this is the chief fault which Leo aIso has to find with Eutyches, calling him multum imprudens et nimis imperitis, &c.
3 So in Lett. XXII., chap. iii., Domini corpus non esse quidem corpus hominis, humanum autem corpus esse quod ex Virgine est.
4 The date of this Council is 431 b.c.
5 Saltem secundis curare priora (Gk. ka/n toij= deute/roj i0a/sasqai ta\ pro/tera ).
6 Cf Lett. XXVII., n. 7, where the difference between Flavian's request here and in Lett. XXII., chap iv., is pointed out.
1 Epistolas. This refers to Lett. XXII., and includes the gesta (or minutes of the synod's proceedings) which accompanied it.
2 This is the Tome (Letter XXVIII.): it will be noticed that Flavian (in Lett. XXII.) had not asked for any instructions, but only that Leo should inform the bishops under his jurisdiction of Eutyches' deposition (chap. iv.). Flavian's second letter (XXVI.), however, does mention vestras sacras litteras, which he hopes will avoid the necessity of a council (chap. iii.). Leo himself seems to be conscious of this: for in Letter XXXIII., chap. 2, he twice pointedly puts in the word "seems," as if Flavian had not expressed himself quite clearly: "the points which he seems to have referred to us," and "this error which ,seems to have arisen."
1 The original word (imperitia) "implies that a recluse like Eutyches (an archimandrite of a convent) ought never to have entered into a nice controversy like the present: he has not enough savoir faire, and his knowledge is not quite up to date, is a little old-fashioned.
2 The exact reason of the delay is not altogether certain: we know Flavian had written much earlier than the date of arrival warranted: it is No. XXII. in the series.
3 Viz., the proceedings of the su/nodoj e0ndhmou=sa summoned by Flavian at Constantinople.
5 Impiaia sapere, to think disloyal things against God: cf. the recta sapere, "to have a right judgment" of the Collect for Whitsunday.
6 Knowledge of and belief in the principles of the Faith as contained in the Creed (symbolum) have of course always been required before Baptism from very early times. Leo here calls catechumons regenerandi, just as those who are being baptized are spoken of as , renascentes (e.g. Lett. XVII. 8), those who have been baptized as renati (passim) and the rite itself as sacramentum regenerationis (e.g. Lett. IX. 2)
7 The Latin unicus is not so exact as the Greek original monogenh/j : elsewhere, however, unigenitus is used.
8 N.B. et(and)not ex (out of).
9 The language of the Nicene Creed.
10 I.e. by the Devil: the allusion is to Adam's fall in Paradise.
11 Sua virtute : in patristic Latin virtus is, as is well known, usually the translation of the Greek du/namij and has a much wider meaning than moral excellence, our virtue.
17 Is. vii. 14. and S. Matt. i. 23.
18 Is. ix. 6 "The angel of the great counsel" (magni consilii angelus) is a translation of the LXX. (which in the rest of the verse either represents a very different original text, or contents itself with a loose paraphrase), and is again repeated in the "Counsellor" (Consiliarius), two words farther on (which is also the Vulgate reading).
19 This was the third dogma of Apollinaris (more fully stated in Lett. CXXIV. 2 and CLXV. 2) that our Lord's acts and sufferings as man belonged entirely to His Divine nature, and were not really human at all.
22 In nobis, which he seems from the immediately following words to interpret as meaning "in our flesh," and not "amongst us," as the R.V. and others.
23 Quam spiritu vitoe rationalis (logikou=) animavit.
24 A famous passage quoted by Hooker Eccl. Pol. v. 53,2, and Liddon Bampt. Lect., p. 267. Compare Serm. lxii. 1 quod...in unam personam concurrat proprietas utriusque substantioe (Bright), also xxii. 2, xxiii. 2.
25 Quod nostris remediis congruebat, where remedia must mean the disease which needs remedies (a sort of passive use).
26 This passage from "Thus in the whole" to "not the failingof power"is repeated again in Sermon xxiii. 2, almost word for word.
27 The reference, of course, is to Phil. ii. 6. no passage is a greater favourite with the Fathers than this.
28 Compare S. Aug. ad Catech. § 6, humilitas Christi quid est? manum Deus homini iacenti porrexit: nos cecidimus, ille descendit: nos iacebamus, ille se inclinavit. Prendamus et surgamus ut non in poenam cadamus.
29 De proevaricatoris consortio : proevaricator originally is a legal term, signifying "a shuffler" in a suit, an advocate who play's into the hands of the other side.
30 Pietas, as in the collect for xvi. S. aft. Trin., where the English ,"pity" represents the Latin "pietas" philologically as well as in meaning. Cf. n. 2 in chap. vi.
31 Sacramento, (musthri/w): what the "mystery" was is finely set forth by Canon Bright's hymn, No. 172, H. A. and M. (new edition)
32 The whole of the end of this chapter from "For inasmuch as," and the beginning of the next down to "laws of death,"is repeated word for word in Sermon XXII., chaps. i. and ii.
33 Incomprehensibilis voluit comprehendi. Canon Bright's references are most apposite: "compare Serm. lxviii 1,: and Serm. xxxvii. 1., idem est qui impiorum manibus comprehenditur et qui nullo fine concluditur : This `antithesis' 0' has been grandly expressed in Milman's, `Martyr of Antioch. 0'"`And Thou wast laid within the tomb. . . Whom heaven could not contain, Nor the immeasurable plain Of vast infinity enclose or circle round. 0'"
34 I.e. , there is no fancy, no pretending: each nature is in equal reality present, the human as well as the Divine, thus opposing all Docetic and Monophysite heresies.
35 This passage (which is repeated in Serm. Iiv., chap. 2, down to "injuries"), was objected to by the Illyrian and Palestinin bishops as savouring on the heresy of Nestorius who "divided the substance:" but it is obvious that the same words might have an orthodox meaning in the mouth of one who was orthodox and to the unorthodox would bear an unorthodox construction.
38 Ibid. 3, the Latin is per ipsum (Gk. di autou=)(through Him).
40 Vis., that it was laid "in a manger :" the Gk. version has sparya/nwn, "swaddling c1othes," to represent cunarum and thismeaning is adopted by Bright [and Heurt1ey], S. Luke ii. 7.
42 Similis est rudimentis hominum.
44 S. John xiv. 28; x. 30: the reconciliation of this class of apparently contradictory statements is often undertaken by Leo [e.g. Sermon xxiii. 2 and lxxvii. 5 ; Ep. xxviii. 4 and lix. 3], and by other fathers (e.g. by Augustine de Fide et Symbola, 18).
45 This is what theologians call, communicatio idiomatum, or in Gk.a0nti/dosij , the interchange of the properties of the two natures in Christ. The passage from the beginning of the chapter to "the Lord of glory" is somewhat freely adapted from S. Aug., c. Serm. Arian., cap. 8.
48 A principali petra . The Gk. version giving a0po9 th=j prwtotu/pou pe/traj :others translate it "from the original (or archetypal) rock," but it seems better to link the passage more closely with Eph ii. 20;1 Pet. ii. 6, &c., although the Greek rendering is against this: see Serm. iv. chap. 2, where Leo is expounding the same favourite text. Bright's note 64 is most useful in explaining the Leonine exposition. "Three elements," he says, combine in the idea; (1 ) Christ Himself (2) the faith in Christ; and (3) Peter considered as the chief of the Apostles and under Christ, the head of the Church." Hence petra is applied to each of these at different times.
52 i.e. not to fall into the Charybdis of Nestorianism in avoiding the Scylla of Eutychianism.
54 John iv. 2, 3. the Lat. for "destroys" (or "dissolves," Bright) is solvit (see also in Lett. CXLIV. 3), which appears to be an exclusively Western reading: for Socrates, "the only Greek authority for lu/ei" (the Gk. equivalent), according to Dr. Westcott, quotes no Gk. mss. as giving it, thou he unhesitatingly makes use of that reading. The Gk. version here however, gives diairei=n which simply begs the question (in Leo's favour) as to the original meaning of the phrase solvere Jesum, though on the face of it that is not at all necessarily obvious.
55 Et lavacro rigaretur et poculo : that is by the two great "Generally necessary" sacraments of which he takes the water and the blood "from His riven side which flowed" to be a symbol.
56 This refers to 1 Pet. i. 2 (q.v).
59 Some of the mss. here give Christus for Spiritus(the reading adopted also by the Vulgate): in this case you must translate that Christ is the Truth instead of, because of the Spirit ,&c.but see Westcott's note in loc.
60 1 S. John v. 4-8, The absence of the verse on the "Heavenly witnesses" (distinctly a western insertion) is to be noticed. On Leo's interpretation of this mysterious passage Canon Bright's note 168 should be consulted.
61 This was the only compromise of his views which Eutyches could be brought to make at the synod of Constantinople. Though it was rejected, and did not hinder his condemnation, it was never met with a direct, categorical refutation.
62 Gestorum ordo , as before, in chap. 1. A report of the proceedings had accompanied Flavian's letter.
63 Fraternitas vestra : or, as the Gk. version apparently took it, "you and the rest of the brethren."(h9 u9mw=n a0delfo/thj ).
64 It will be remembered that he had been degraded from the priesthood and deprived of his monastery, as well as excommunicated : he might be reinstated in all these privileges, the mercifulness of Leo hints, if he recant his errors.
67 Pietatis, a beautiful word expressing now tbe Father's pitying protection, now the children's loyal affection, and here the Elder Brother's love for the younger and weaker. Cf. n. I. on chap. iii.
69 Died at Delos on the way. Tbe words "of the title of S. Clement" are of doubtful authenticity, and not found in the Gk version. The parish churches of Rome seem to have been called tituli at their founding about the beginning of the 4th cent. a.d. Cf. our Eng. term "title," and refer to Bingham, Bk. viii. § 1.
70 Afterwards Leo's successor in tbe see of Rome, 461-8.
1 This is the title retained by Quesnel and the Ballerenii, though many mss. exhibit the simpler gloriosissimo et clementissimo Theodosio Augusto Leo episcopus , which is favoured by the Gk. version tw= e0ndocota/tw kai\ filanqrwpota/tw k.t.l. Quesnel takes occasion to warn us to distinguish between this use of the title papa and that adopted later when it was equivalent to oecumenicus et universalis episcopus.
2 Viz., Lett. XXI., chaps. i. nnd iii.
1 This was the Emperor Theodosius the younger's sister a woman of noted zeal in the cause of the Church: for many years she had practically ruled the empire owing to her brother's youthfulness. When the intrigues of Chrysaphius had brought about a quarrel between brother and sister, she retired for a time from public life. But becoming the virgin wife of Marcian, she, throughhim, helped to effect the victory of the Catholic cause at the Council of Chalcedon 451).
2 Quod nostri similis fuit atque conformis.
4 Gen. xxxii. 24 and xviii 1. It will be noticed that Leo unhesitatingly pronounces these and similar appearances to be manifestations of the Second Person in the Trinity.
5 Prov. ix. 1. Cf. Letter XXVIII. (The Tome), chap. ii., towards the end.
6 Sub iugo diaboli generaliter teneretur humana captivitas : for the word generaliter , cf. Letter XVI., chap. iv.,no. 3.
8 Patriam. I can see very little ground for pressing this quite general expression to mean that he was a native of Rome, or even a native of Italy. The most that can be said is that it does not forbid the supposition.
9 Let the reader beware of accepting the plausible account here suggested of the formation of the Apostles' Creed, and still more so of accepting the popular derivation of the word symbolum(su/mbolon) as the twelve Apostles' twelve "contributions " (one each) to the Church's rule of faith.
1 It will be remembered that 23 abbots signed the condemnation of Eutyches: cf. Lett. XXI. chap. 2.
2 De latere meo .This is interesting as an early instance of the use of this expression for the legates of the pope (now so familiar): even though Quesnel is incorrect in saying for certain that Leo is the first Bishop of Rome who employed them. He himself quotes Concil. Sardic., canon 7, where the fathers ask the Roman bishop to send some one e latere suo (a.d. 347).
4 I cannot doubt he has 1 Tim. iii. 27, me/ga e0sti to\ th=j e\usebei/aj musth/rion (here sacramentum as usual) in his mind, though the Gk. translator apparently did not see it, his version being utterly inaccurate (peri\ de\ thj= a9gio/thtoj pi/stewj ).
5 Viz. ,LetterXXVIII.(TheTome).
1 This letter has a note prefixed to it in some Gk. and Latin mss. to the effect that it was produced but suppressed, and not allowed to be read through Dioscorus. Bishop Of Alexandria.
3 Utrumque (Gk.e9ka/teron) unus.
5 Cf. Lett. XXI. ,chaps. i. And ii.
3 See Lett,XXXII., n. 9, above.
4 This letter (XXXIV.) is written on the same day and subject and to the same person as the next letter (XXXV.): the differences between them being (l) the greater length and fuller treatment of the second; and (2) that the one is entrusted to Leo's legates, the other to Julius' own messenger, Basil the deacon; and (3) that the shorter has no Gk. version as the longer has. I think the Ballerinii are undoubtedly right in facing the difficulty boldly, the evidence of the mss. being invariable, except that XXXIV. is only found in a few collections: and I would suggest that XXXIV. is a formal, official communication, and XXXV. a private, confidential one. This will account for the difference of messengers, and the identity of date, subject and person addressed, and is justifiable as a piece of necessary diplomatic secrecy. In XXX. and XXXI. we have another instance of two letters. to the same person on the same day, one of these (XXXI.) being also without a Gk. version this time the longer one : but here we have adopted the Ballerinii's suggestion that only the first was sent. It should further be noticed that out of the very large batch of letters that are dated the 13th of June which includes the Tome (8 in all. XXVIII.-XXXV.), it may well have been convergent to delay one and send it by another hand.
1 See Lett. XXXIV., chap. ii. n. 5.
2 The Gk. version here adds and "from the very conception of the Virgin," but this is probably only a repetition of the words "of the Virgin's womb," just above.
3 It can escape no one that he is here, and frequently throughout this letter, quoting from the Creed.
5 i.e. shall the signs of His being God. Which are undoubted, and the signs that He had a body of some sort be allowed to prove Him one with the Creator of the world, but not go so far as to show that that body which He had was a fully human one ?
6 So that-in death, bracketed by the editors as not being translated in the Gk. version, and perhaps here we have a gloss to explain the somewhat obscure words that precede it: but throughout this letter large portions are so bracketed in each case the Gk. Version omitting them. ,
10 Cf. the Tome, Lett. XXVII., chap. vi., n. 5.
11 Cf. Lett. XV., chap. xi., n. 6.
12 Here again the second clause (in brackets) seems a gloss on the first, see n. 2, above: what is meant will be seen by comparing S. Paul's famous disquisition (Rom. vii.)
1 This letter is on the same subject as Lett. XXIX. above, but as the wording of it contains some interesting matter, it is here given in full. There is no Gk. version extant, and how there came to be two letters within a week of one another on the same topic is not clear.
2 Cf. Lett. XXIX. above, and especially XXXI., chap. iv., where the reasons are given rather more fully.
1 If we are right in thinking that Lett. XXXVI. is Leo's acknowledgment of Flavian's second letter (XXVI.), this (which again has no Gk. version) must be an acknowledgment of yet a third, not extant, sent by the hand of one Basil, the deacon who is probably the same as Julian's messenger (XXXV., chap. I ).
3 1 Tim. iii. 16: the reading here is quod manifestum est in carne , in agreement with the general Western usage.
2 Frequenter, four times in all ( Letters XXVII., XXVIII., XXXVI. and XXXVIII.).
3 This must be in the third lost letter to which we have assumed Lett. XXXVIII. to be an answer.
1 These twelve bishops do not include the Bishop of Vienne, according to Perthel (p. 29). following apparently Quesnel, whose wish-fathered thought, though possibly right, has little evidence to go upon. Cf. Letters LXV. and LXVI. below.
2 It will be noticed that Leo speaks of Hilary not only with respect, but as if he acquiesced in his sentence (passed against Hilary in Lett. X. above) not having been carried out.
1 No satisfactory conclusion can be reached about this letter as it has come down to us, the Ballerinii not thinking that the Latin version extant is the original on which the Gk.version is based. On the whole I have thought it safer to make my translation chiefly from the Gk., though I am not at all sure that there is sufficient ground for the Balerinii's suspicion of the Latin.
2 A lacuna is here visible in the sense though not in the mss.
3 The Gk. and the Lat. both read plural here e0 p i j k o/ p w n (episcopis) which the Ballerinii alter to the singular. As far as we know, Julius was the only bishop in the party, but the greater includes the less.
4 Viz., Dioscorus. who must have been mentioned in the lacuna above, if anywhere.
5 The old Lat. version has here something very different quia quad necesse est nos dicere, veremur ne cuius religio dissipatur, indignatio provocetur (for we are bound to say we fear lest He whose religion is being undermined, should have His wrath aroused).
6 h9 e0n Cistw= telei/a diamonh/ : here again the Latin Version diverges; reading veroe humanitatis (sc. confessio ) in Christo . So too the next sentence begins with cui sacramento , instead of the Gk. hj= tinoj o9mologi/aj , and elsewhere.
1 Cum consacerdotibus meis . The Gk. version here reads the singular (meta\ tou= sulleitourgou= mou). This, if intentional and not a slip, is, I suppose, Flavian, of whose death Leo was not yet apprized.
2 Both Quesnel and the Ball. agree that the Canon here quoted by Leo really belongs not to the Nicene collection, but to that of Sardica (about 344), In which it stands as no. 4. (Exactly the same mistake is made in Letter LVI., where Galla Placidia Augusta quotes Canon 5 of Sardica to Theodosius as secundum definitiones Nicoeni councilii ). Cf: Gore's Leo, pp. 113, 114. The wording of this fourth Canon is as follows: "Gaudentius, the bishop said, If it please you to add to this admirable declaration which you have passed, I propose that whensoever one bishop has been deposed by the judgment of other bishops, and appeals for his case to be heard in Civitas Novorum ,the other bishop cannot by any means be considered confirmed in the same See after the appeal of the one who appears to be deposed, until he receive tbe decision of the judges there." In applying this to the present case, Leo no doubt proposed to substitute Urbs Roma for Civitas Novorum , though this was hardly the same thing.
1 This is, of course, Letter XLIV.
2 It is sufficient here to quote Eusebius (Hist. Eccl. ii. 25) as one of the earliest (before 340)maintainers of this tradition. In this passage he again quotes Gaius of Rome (3rd cent.) and Dionysius, of Corinth ( 2nd cent.) as corroborative authorities. Eusebius's own words are tbese: "Paul is recorded to have been beheaded in Rome itself, and Peter likewise to have been impaled. And this statement is supported by their names, which remain to tbis day inscribed in the cemeteries there."
3 Viz., in 444: cf. Letter VII. supra, together with the Emperor's decree (Lett. VIII.).
4 This is, of course, the Tome (Lett. XXVIII. )
5 Here `nature 0' must mean `man's original nature before the Fall, 0' when it was still in the image of Him who so created it, to which nature Christ's manhood was a triumphant return. Otherwise it's hard to see how Theodoret escapes the pitfall of Pelagianism.
6 The epithet is shown by the context to be bitterly sarcastic.
7 Chorepi copi (country bishops) were a kind of suffragan bishop to assist the town bishops in the remoter parts of their diocese. They continued in use from the end of the 3rd till the 9th century, when they were abolished.
1 See no. 9a to Lett. XIIV., 3, where it is shown that this is a mistake, willful or otherwise, on Leo's part.
1 Sanctoe plebis acclamationibus .It seems that the people had openly expressed their disapproval of the maltreatment to which Flavian had been subjected
2 Two things are here to be noticed: (1) that the allusion appears to be to the formula of reception then in use at the Eucharist, the priest saying (Corpus Christi, and the recipient answering Amen. Cf. Serm. xci. 3, sic sacroe mensoe communicare debetis ut nihil prorsus de veritate corporis Christi et sanquinis ambigatis. Hoc enim ore sumitar quod fide creditur: et frustra ab illis Amen respondetur a quibus contra id quad accipitur disputatur ; (2) that infant communion is implied is regular: this we know to have been the case in much earlier days. Cf. Apost. Const. viii. 13, Cyprian de Lapsis, ix. and xxv. &c., also Bingham's Antiq. xv. chap. iv § 7.
3 Cf. Sermon LXIII. 7, where much the same language is used.
9 Habentes fidei testimonium et de justificatione gratioe et oe communione naturoe .
10 The reference is to S. Matt. xxii. 11-13.
12 Ipsa est enim novoe condiiio creaturoe quoe in baptismate non indumento veroe carnis sed contagio damnatoe vetustatis exuitur ut efficiatur homo corpus Christi, quia et Christus corpus est hominis .The most crabbed of the several crabbed passages in this letter. The mystical transmutation of the believer's body into the body of Christ is here referred to the sacrament of Baptism, while earlier in the letter (chap. ii.) it is described as one of the effects of Holy Communion.
13 The followers of Photinus, Bishop of Sirmium (circ. 410 a.d.):for an account of his heretical opinions see, Schaff's History of the Christian Church. in loc. Cf. Letter XV, 4.
14 Apollinaristarum tres partes ; see Sermon xxviii. chap. 4 (end) with Bright's n. 32 on Apollinarianism generally.
1 This, it will be remembered, was Hillary : see Letter X. above.
1 This letter, together with Letters XL. , LXV. And LXVI. Are found only in the Collection of Arles (numbered XV. By the Ballerinii).
2 Vel can hardly equel et as the Ball. Would wish. So that here Leo recommends either his own Tome or Cyril's second letter to Nestorius. Cf. Letter LXIX., chap. I. Below; also Letter LXX.
2 Peculiares tui. So each one's autograph subscription at the end of the letter Ceretius calls himself susceptus vester , Salonius venerator vester, and Veranus cultor vestri apostolatus.
1 Wherein- see, probably a gloss by way of identifying the letter: it is the second letter to Nestorius. See Letter LXVII above.
2 Viz., the third Ecumenical Council held at Ephesus 431, in which Nestorius was condemned .
1 Valentinian III. Had been nominally Emperor of the West since 425, but his mother's (Galla Placidia) death this year compelled him to rule as well as have the name of ruler: almost simultaneously in the East the death of Theodisius II. Brought to the front his sister Pulcheria and her soldier husband Marcion.
3 Juvenal (Bishop of Jerusalem). and Eustathius (Bishop Or Berytus), had been two of the principal abettors of Dioscorus in the Latrocinium. The "reading out of their names at the altar" alludes to the practice in the early Church of keeping registers (called "diptychs' ) of the members (alive and dead) of the Church from which one or two of the more prominent names (clerical and lay) were read out at the celebration of the Holy mysteries: cf. The modern "Bidding prayer, &
4 This is the Bishop of Doryloeum in Phrygia, Eutyches former friend, but more recently his relentless accuser of heresy.
1 i.e. Lett. LXXVIII. of the series.
1 Viz., in Letter LXXX., chap, iv : see also chap. iii
3 Sc. The so called Latrocinium.
4 See n. 8 to Letter LXXX., chap iii.
5 Viz., in Letter LXXX.. chap. iii., where see note.
6 Commonitorium . Nothing further seems known of this.
4 His Laterculum Pashale is meant, in which he calculated Easter for 100 years from 375. A similar dispute had ocurred in 444, in which we have S. Cyril's and Paschasinus' Letters (II and III. Of series) to Leo, but not Leo's answers.
5 The latin Easter cycles were calculated for 84 years.
1 In accordance with instructions, the bishops, to the number of 529, first met at Nicoea, in Bithynia, the scene of the famous first General Council: but the Emperor Marcian was afraid to go so far from Constantinople, and so they were summoned to Chalcedon, which was much nearer, on the eastern shore of the Bosporus. There the Council opened on Oct. 8, 451.
2 The right of presiding, which he here virtually claims for his delegates, seems actually to have been accorded to them by the council.
3 The Ball. think the date should be the 27th.
1 The Magistriani were what would now be called King`s Messengers: another name for them was agentes in rebus. and they were under the direction of the Imperial Magister Officorum.
2 See n. 4 on Letter XCIII., i.
4 eunoian : others read eu0bouli/an (good advice).
5 The reference is to Ezra iii. 2.
7 e0n e9autw= akpaton tou= suneido/toj e#cwn to\n e#legcon.There seem's however, some grounds, but no actual necessity for the reading e!ggpafon = written (instead of Akpaton) adopted by the Ball.
8 h9 to\n su/llogon tw= numfw=ni (lit. bride-chamber) stefanou=sa kalli/nikoj Eu0fhmia ; this obscure passage is to a certain extent elucidated by Letter CI., chap. iii. (q. v.). The martyr, Euphemia,seems to have been a sort of patron saint of Chalcedon.
9 e0pisfragi/sasa ; others e0piyhfi/sasa , which seems, meaningless here.
10 The reference (acc. to Ball.) is to the dispute about the bishopric between Bassian and Stephen, in which Leo interfered, though the letter is not extant.
11 One of the Latin version's adds the names and titles of the subscribing bishops here. For the subject matter of Chap. iv., see Introduction, p. viii.
1 Perish spiritually he means, as the sequel shows, for at least one great and good man on the catholic side, Flavian perished corporeally.
2 Viz., the See of Constantinople.
4 The chief Apostolicoe sedes were Rome and Antioch, according to tradition founded by S. Peter, and Alexandria founded by his disciple S. Mark, and the See of Constantinople could not exercise jurisdiction over them.
2 Ecclesiasticus xviii. 30. The application of the description "Holy Scripture" to an Apocryphyal book will not escape notice.
4 The wording of Canon 6 is as follows: mos antiquus perduret, in Aegypto vel Libya et Pentapoli, ut Alexandrinus episcopus horum omnium habeat potestatem, quoniam quidem et episcopo Romano parilis mos est. Similiter autem et apud Antiochiam ceterasque provincias ( e0parci/aj ) honor suus unicuique servetur ecclesioe :where it will be noticed, no mention is made of Constantinople at all, so that its position is not explicitly defined either way.
6 Cf. Letter CV., chap. ii. end).
1 Actionem (others not so well sanctionem ) paeitentioe.
1 These were the monks of Palestine who immediately on Theodosius' return from the Synod stirred up great riots first in Jerusalem and then throughout Palestine.
2 Letters of the Emperor Marcion (quoted by Ball.) speak (1) of a letter written by Theodosius quas solus poterat fingere diabolus ; and (2) of cruelties, tortures, and insults commited particularly in mulieres honestas et nobiles, whereby the rioters had not hesitated to force many to acquiesce in their wicked teaching.
3 They had slain Severian, Bishop of Scythopolis, and would aIso have slain Juvenal, Bishop of Jerusalem, if he had not taken refuge in flight (Ball.).
4 A portion of this letter is among the quotation's added at the end of Letter CLXV. See also Vol. IV. p. 570.
5 What this triple error was will be found in Lett. LIX., chap. v. (q.v.) : cf. also Lett. CXXIV. and CLXVII.
1 Servatorum. I am not sure whether this is the right sense; others read multorum.
2 In Lett. CXI., chap. ii., he is said to have been coemeterio deputatis, and, according to Quesnel, when the cemeteries (or catacombs) had no longer to be used as refuges for the persecuted Christians, the custom had grown up of putting priests in charge to perpetuate the memory of the martyrs therein buried; in process of time, when love grew cold, this was looked upon as a sort of exile, and an onerous duty in consequence.
3 There had been riots among the monks of Egypt about the appointment of Proterius as bishop, instead of Dioscorus, deposed.
4 This is Letter XXXV. (q.v.).
5 It is, of course, well known that Leo knew no Greek whatever.
1 This is Eudocia, the widow of Theodosius II., and the Prince, her son, mentioned below, is Valentinianus III., who had married her daughter Eudoxia. The letter of Leo here mentioned is probably not Letter CXXIII. below. For a graphic sketch of the elder lady see Gore's Life of Leo, pp. 131, 2.
3 This is Euxitheus, the successor of Anastasius: Letter CL. is addressed to him.
2 These were apparently twenty in number, but include no very important towns except Seleucia the seaport of Antioch.
3 Privilegia tertioe sedis. Leo here still assigns to Antioch the third place in order of precedence, Rome and Alexandria being first and second respectively; but since 381, as we have seen, e.g. in Lett. XCVIII., chap. iv.. it had been lowered to the 4th I..ce by the insertion of Constantinople between Rome and Alexandria: see Schaff's Hist., Vol. II. § 56, pp. 277 and following, and Gore's Leo, pp. 119 and foll.
4 It is a curious fact in the history of Church government that the bishopric of Jerusalem for the first centuries never had the first place in Palestine: this was assigned to the metropolitan of Coesarea, although on great occasions the Bishop of Jerusalem sat next to the patriarch of Antioch: cf. Schaff's Hist., Vol. II. 56, p. 283, and the viith. Nicene canon: mos antiquus obtineat ut Aelioe, id est Ierosolymoe, episcopus honoretur salva metroplois propria dignitate.
5 The Ballerinii point out that the 1st Council of Ephesus was held in 431, at which Cyril presided for Celestinus I. of Rome and that Leo was not bishop till 44; this letter was probably, addressed to him when archdeacon of Rome, in which case the authority which he had already gained is remarkably illustrated.
6 See Lett. CXX., chap. vi., note
2 These were, of course, the bishops of Illyricum and Palestine, who raised objections at various points in the reading of Leo's Tome at Chalcedon. They were allowed five days to reconsider the matter, and ultimately yielded their consent. See Introduction, p. x., and Bright's notes to the Tome, who gives their objections and answers in detail, esp. nn. 148, 156, 160, and 173.
4 He is thinking especially of the martyred Flavian.
5 Dioscorus of Alexandria is meant.
8 A reference to Letter XCVIII. (from the Synod of Chalcedonto Leo), chap. ii. shows that Dioscorus had threatened Leo with excommunication; excommunicationem meditatus est contra te qui corpus ecclesioe unire festinas.
9 This was of course Flavian. Quesnel quotes Liberatus the deacon (chap. x. of the Breviary) as asserting that no sooner was Dioscorus made bishop of Alexandria than oppressit Cyrilli heredes et per calumnias multas ab eis abstulit pecunias. His accusers at Chalcedon charge him with being an Origenist, an Arian, a murderer, an incendiary, and an evil liver generally.
14 Inter utrumque hostem novelloe perfidioe, sc. Nestorianism and Eutychianism.
15 The Ballerinii remind us that all these allusions to keeping the balance of Truth in this and the last chapter,and here to acting promptissme et evidentissime were intended for Theodoret's especial benefit, who from his former defence of Nestorius and attacks on Cyril had been suspected of the Nestorian taint, but had expressly cleared himself at the Council of Chalcedon. This explains the res ipsoe and the, experimenta of the next sentence. and the solemn adjuration of the sentence next but one.
16 See the Acts of Chalcedon I, ingrediatur et reverendissimus episcopus Theodoretus ut sit particeps synodi, quia et restituit ei episcopatum sanctissimus archiepiscopus Leo, and 8, where the judges ask for a verdict, "sicut et sanctissimus Leo archiepiscopus iudicavit," to which the whole council replied Post Deum Leo iudicavit.
17 This is Letter CXIX. to Maximus, bishop of Antioch.
18 It must be remembered that monachus esse in those days meant complete withdrawal from all active life in the world the preaching orders being a much later institution. The Ballerinii suggest that it may have been a certain abbot Barsumas, who with his followers is said (Act. Chalc. 4) totam Syriam commovisse. See also Lett. CXIX., chap. vi.
1 See Letter CXVII., chap. iii., n. 8.
3 Ratio sacramentorum, it cannot be too often repeated that to Leo and other early Fathers, all nature, and all its phenomena, and all God's dealings with mankind are sacramenta. and capable of a sacramental (i.e. higher, inner, interpretation: the particular sacramentumhe is thinking of here is the incarnation, which he speaks of just below, as often elsewhere, as the sacramentum salutis humanoe (the sacrament or mystery whereby man is saved.
4 Viz., the places in Palestine where these monks themselves lived, which trustworthy history or tradition connects with the various incidents in our Lord's life.
5 Eudocia had just made a pilgrimage to the Holy Land.
6 Agant poenitentiam: this is the regular: this is the regular and very expressivetranslation in the Latin Versions and among the Fathers of the Greek metanoei=n.
7 They had seized Jerusalem, and deposed Juvenal, theBishop, setting up a partisan of their own in his stead.
8 Leo not unfrequently joins these two together as equallyresponsible (e.g. Lett. CIX. 3).
1 It will be remembered that Leo himself knew not a word of the language, which will account for his uncertainty, consequent helplessness, and uneasiness in this and other cases where a knowledge of the language would have served him in excellent stead.
2 I.e. so much good at all events has come from your objection that we know you are strongly opposed to Eutyches, at present my own special abhorrence.
3 The whole of chap. ii. will be found repeated in Ep. clxv, chap. ii.
5 Cf. Ep. xxii. chap. 3 "conatus- antiqua impii Valentini "(the adherent of Apollinaris and head of one of the sections af the Apollinarians after his death) "et Apollinaris mala dogmata renovare." The third dogma of Apollinaris was that "Christ's manhood was formed out of a divine substance." Bright, 147.
6 Eutyches had expressly tried to guard himself against this imputation: Ep. xxi. chap. 3, "anathematizans Apollinarium Valentinum, Manem et Nestorium, & c." See Bright's valuable notes 32, 33, 34, and esp. 35, where he shows that "it was polemical rhetoric to say that he was reviving Apollinarian or Valentinian theories."
7 It must be clearly understood that this ugly word is here andelsewhere employed to translate,passibilis (pafhto/j) for no reason, except the necessity of the case: pati and pa/scein are both broader signification than "suffer or its synonyms: they are simply the passive of facere and poiei=n ( pra/ssein) and there is no proper equivalent in ordinary English parlance. This tendency of terms to become more and more narrow and of particular application is constantly meeting and baffling one in translating the Latin and Greek lanquages.
8 Leo elsewhere also makes this hardly justifiable inferencethat Eutychianism is a new form of Docetism as this view was called; chap. vi. below, and Serm. lxv. c. 4 "isti phantasmatici Christiani," also xxviii. 4, and lxiv. 1, 2. That the Manichoeans naturally held Docetic views on the Incarnation is obvious when we remember that their fundamental misconception was that matter is identical with evil.
9 Marcion was the founder of one of the most formidableGnostic sects towards the close of the second century: Tertullian wrote a famous treatise (still extant) against him. Like other Gnostics, his views involved him in Docetism.
12 Proevaricatio: this is a legal term which is often used of sin (esp. in connexion with Adam's transgression). Its original technical meaning is the action of an advocate who plays into the enemy's hand. In theology the devil (dia/boloj) is man's adversary, and man himself is befooled into collusion with him by breaking God's Law.
13 Potens ad privilegium:privilegium is another legal term signifying technically a bill framed to meet an individual case generally in a detrimental way, such bills being against the spirit of the Roman law: here Leo uses it in a sense more nearly approaching our English idea of "privilege."
15 Sub peccati proeiudicio : yet a third legal term: proeiudicium in Roman law was a semi-formal and anticipatory verdict by the judge before the case came on for final decision in court; in chapter vi. we have the verb proeiudicare.
18 The idea of vicarious death was not unfamiliar to the Greeks and Romans: e.g. Alkestis dying for her husband Admetos. and the fairly numerous examples of "devotion" Of Roman Generals on the battlefield.
19 S. John xii. 32, omnia : with the Vulgate.
20 It is scarcely necessary to point out that the old story of the ' communicatio idiomatum ' is here again discussed: cf the Tome, chapters iv. and v.
21 S. Matt. iii. 17, and Bright's note 5.
22 S. John i. 29. the repetition of the Ecce (behold) is in ccordance with the old Latin versions: cf. Westcott in loc.
23 Considerable portions of this chapter are found repeated word for word in Sermon LXIV. chap. i. and iv.
24 Lat. proeiudicant, see note 3 to chap. iii., above.
25 Isti phantasmatici Christiani, cf. note 5, above.
29 The whole of this chapter is repeated with slight variations in his letter (CLXV.) to Leo the Emperor (chaps. 8 and 10).
30 Quoe ditanda erat tantoe glorificationis augmento acc. to Leo's use of the gerundive, see Tome, chap. i quod... omnium regenerandorum voce depromitur.
31 Here the word is actually mysterium, not, as usual, sacramentum.
32 Sacramentum magnoe pietatis,1 Tim. iii. 16: cf. Bright's note 8.
34 The reference is to Col. ii. 14.
35 Viz. as monks as well as baptized members of the church.
36 The Unguloe (Claws) were among the numerous instruments with which Christians wrere tortured:cf. Tert. Apol. xii. 57, ungulis deraditis latera christianorum ; Cypr. de lapsis chap. xili. (cum) ungula effoderet, caro me in colluciatione deservuit.
1 S. Mark was the reputed founder of the church of Alexandria. Cf. Letter IX. chap. 1.
4 See chap. ii. and more particularly Lett. CXXX. chap. 3 from which it is evident that the Eutychians had sought to foist upon certain passages in the Tome a Nestorian interpretation.
7 Who as he himself says in the next letter, eidem ecclesioe proefuerunt (CXXX. ii.).
8 Who as he himself says in the next letter, eidem ecclesioe proefuerunt (CXXX. ii.).
9 Who as he himself says in the next letter, eidem ecclesioe proefuerunt (CXXX. ii.).
1 Aeconomi (stewards) revere officers appointed to manage the revenues of each diocese under the bishops' direction, when the bishops and their archdeacons had enough to do otherwise:cf. Bingham, Antiq., Bk. III. chap. xii.
1 Quod proedicat, some mss. quid proedicat (what to preach): some also add quoniam qui ignorat, ignorabitur (from 1 Cor. xiv. 38).
3 Salutifer Davidicoe Virginis partus illuxit.
1 Marcian died in 457, and was succeeded by Leo of Thrace.
2 On Marcian's death there had been a rising, in which Proterius had been brutally murdered, and a monk named Timothy Aelurus set up in his stead.
1 i.e. by carrying out your plan. The appeal to the Emperor's orthodoxy must be regarded as diplomatic rather than accurate for Leo was the nominee of Arianism, if not himself an Arian.
2 Per illius principalis petroe oedificationem : here petra is apparently Christ Himself, cf. Letter XXVIII. chap. 5, and Bright's n. 64.
5 Pervasione, others read persuasione(false opinion).
6 These had come, one from either side, as the sequel shows:That of the catholics was signed by fourteen bishops, four presbyters, and two deacons (Ball.).
7 Audiri : others auderi (to have been ventured on).
9 Cf. Serm. LXVI. chap. 2, nobiscum est signaculum circumcisionis, sanctificationo chrismatum, consecratio saceraotum : see Bright's n. 90, from which we learn that "this chrism was that which, from the second century, had been administered in connection with Confirmation." This rite, which had at first been part of the Baptism itself, was now apparently performed at a shorter or longer interval after Baptism according to the convenience of the Bishop: cf. Serm. LXXVII. 1.
10 Viz. Letters CLXII., CLXIV., and esp. CLXV. (which last is in a large measure a rescription of Letter CXXIV. q.v.).
11 Two of these are mentioned by name subsequently, e.g. in Lett. CLVII. (to Anatolius ), chap 4, viz. Atticus a presbyter and Andrew, in which chapter he blames Anatolius severely for his double-dealing ( cogor vehementius de tua dissimulatione causari, etc.).
1 One of three Letters, the other two being CLIV. and CLX. first printed by Quesnel on the authority apparently of a single ms.(Codex Grimanicus), and addressed to the bishops (and clergy) who had fled out of Egypt to Constantinople in consequence of the recent disturbances. Letter CLX. mentions fifteen of them by name but is not otherwise so interesting as CLVIII., the one selected for translation.
3 Proterius had been slain in the baptistery die Coenoe Domini (? Thursday in Holy Week)
4 The ms. reads vel here, but I think the Ball. are right in maintaining that Leo does at times use vel for et.
3 There is little doubt, I think, that the return of the wife was at the husband's option in Leo's opinion, and could not be forced upon him.
4 Leo repeats this injunction in Letter CLXVI. chap. 2. and Lett. CLXVII., inquiry 18. Quesnel identifies this ceremony with the right of Confirmtation, but the Ballerinii are probably right in thinking this a mistake, and in identifying it with the manuum impositio in poenitentiam mentioned by Cyprian and other fathers. See Lett. CLXVI. chap. 2 n. 5b.
2 The number was 318: cf. Lett. CVI. 2, where the exact number is quoted and the explanation perhaps is given of Leo's epithet "mystic" here applied to it.
9 Sc. in the persons of Proterius and Timothy Aelulrus.
10 Sc. in the persons of Proterius and Timothy Aelulrus.
1 Portions of this letter are found quoted by various ancient Fathers. e.g. by Popes Vigilius and Pelagius II. in the sixth cent; by Facundus, bishop of Hermioe, in the same century. and almost one half of the whole by Prudentius, bishop of Troyes (ninth cent.) in his famous treatise on Predestination against John Scotus Erigena. Quesnel, however, appears to have been the first to print it as a whole ex codice Grimanico ; after which the Ball. also discovered it in the Ratisbon ms.
2 Loosely quoted from 2 Tim. ii. 14.
4 1 John iv. 2, 3. For the reading solvit (dissolves), cf. Lett. XXVIII. (Tome), chap. 5 and note.
7 Viz. Lett. CLXII. chap. iii.
1 Viz. Eph. iv. 5. It will be remembered that the practice of rebaptism was very definitely condemned in the times of S. Cyprian (3rd cent.), who himself went wrong in advocating it in the case of heretics.
2 See n. 2 to Lett. CLIX. chap. 8.
1 The date of this important letter has been variously conjectured, Quesnel assigning it to the years 442-4, Sirmond and Baluze to 452, and the Ball. preferring 458 or 9.
2 It is an inscription quoted from Gruter and Baluze by Quesnel Hermes is mentioned as diacunus to Rusticus episcopus. He was afterwards made bp of Biterra, but being unfairly expelled by that city, he succeeded Rusticus in Narbonensis.
4 Tuoe, others suoe (the bishops).
5 Eccl. vii. 17 (A.V. overwicked)
8 The thought of this fine passage is more fully worked out in Sermon XLVIII., chap. 2 and 3. Cf. esp. the remark, bellum vitiis potius quam hominibus indicunt, "nulli malum pro malo reddentes" sed correctionem peccantium semper optantes.
11 The same requisites of ordination of bishops are laid down in Lett. X. chap. 6.
13 The order of sub-deacons (acc. to Quesnel) is here particularly meant: cf. Lett. XIV. chap. 4. The readers (lectores) mentioned below were of course one of the Minor Orders of clergy: cf. Bingham, Antiq. Bk.V. chap. iii.
14 1 Cor. vii. 29. This was also provided by the Apostolic canons (quoted by Quesnel). episcopus aut presbyter uxorem propriam nequaquam sub obteniu religionis abiciat.
15 Gal. iv. 30, from Gen. xxi. 10.
18 On these points, cf. Letter CLXVI., to Neo, bp. of Ravenna.
19 Viz. the sacred elements of the Eucharist.
20 On these points, cf. Letter CLXVI., to Neo, bp. of Ravenna.
1 This is another Timothy surnamed Solophaciolus, supposed to be the same as that Timotheos presbyter et oeconomus Ecclesioe, mentioned among the Eyptian refugees who petitioned the Emperor against Aelurus.
2 2 Tim. iii. 5, and Tit. i. 16.
3 Apparently to be allowed to reside in Constantinople (or perhaps at this stage to remain in Alexandria).
1 He had succeeded to the see on the death of Anatolius in 458.
2 Ps. xxxiv. 18, and cxviii. 16.
3 Ps. xxxiv. 18, and cxviii. 16.
5 Per fidei regenerationem omnes in nostroe carnis veritate susciperet. The doctrine of the Atonement in the light of the Incarnation is here expressed in a rather unusual way, and I have therefore translated the expression as literally as possible.
1 Natalisseems to have been applied to the day or anniversary of a Bishop's consecration as well as to the festivals of Martyrs in the Calendar. Cf. Serm. IV. chap. 4, illi ergo hunc servitutis nostroe natalitium diem ascribamus. One reason for the shortness of this sermon, which used to be joined with Sermon II. (a few necessary alterations in the text of the latter being made) is, I think, rightly given by the Ballerinii: "perhaps" they say, "the unusual length of the ceremonies that day did not allow of a longer sermon."
2 Viz. on his mission of reconciling Aetius and Albinus the Roman generals in Gaul: see Introduction.
4 Especially of course in the Holy Euchrarist.
9 The words of S. Paul to the Thessalonians ( 1 Thess. ii. 19) are clearly in his mind.
1 This sermon, which in the older editions used to be joined in one with the first was separated by the Ballerinii and assigned to the (1st?) anniversary of his pontifical consecration. Quesnel, Who did not go so far as to separate the two parts, saw that there were certain expressions in the first portion which did not suit the common title given to the whole in anniversario die assumptionis eius, proposed to alter it to in octava consecrationis eiusis dies (on the octave, &c.). I have adhered to the Balls division, though I am not entirely convinced by their arguments.
2 Provexit unwillingly altered by the Ball. from provehit, against all the mss., to suit their view.
3 Oneris, others honoris (advancement).
4 Ipse est, others (including Quesnel) ipse mihi fiet (future).
7 The Ball. quote from several more or less contemporary authorities to prove that this concourse is more likely to have been on the anniversary than on the day of consecration itself and they say that such a celebration of the octave as Quesnel suggests is unknown to all antiquity.
3 Quesnel is no doubt correct in taking this literally as alluding to the anointing of bishops at consecration: cf. Serm. IV. chap. 1. Sancti Spiritus unctio consecrat sacerdotes, and lower down he speaks of the effusum benedictionis unguentum : so also in Serm. LIX. chap. 7, sacratior est unctio sacerdotum.
4 We read lassescit with Hurter, instead of the unintelligible lacessit of the mss.
5 By the evangelica lectio is meant the Gospel for the day, just as for instance, in Sermon XXXIII. chap. 1, &c.
1 The Ballerinii in an excellent note have shown that the series of six Sermons de Collectis were delivered in connexion with the annual Collections then in vogue at Rome for the sick and poor of the seven city regions, These collections seem to have been continued for several consecutive days (cf. Serm. VI. primus collectarum dies, and Serm. X. chap. 4), and probably began on the 6th of, July (the octave of SS. Peter and Paul), the day on which in pagan times the Ludi Apollinares had alsa begun : this date being designedly chosen, as Leo himself says (Serm. VIII.), ad destruendas antiqui hostis insidias in die quo impii sub idolorum suorum nomine diabolo serviebant : cf. what he says also in the first and third chapter of this Sermon (IX.).
3 Dies apostolicoe institutionis : this was, as note 6 explains, the octave of SS. Peter and Paul, but how far Leo actually attributes its institution to the Apostles themselves, is a little doubtful. In the next clause here he speaks of the Collection as a patribus ordinata (so too in Serm. VII. dies saluberime a sanctis patribus institutus, and Serm. XI. chap. 2: cf. Serm. X. chap. I, auctoritatem patrum); whereas in Sermon VIII. the day is said to be apostolicis traditionibus institutis, and in Serm. XI. chap. I, apostolicis didcimus institutis, and strongest of all the opening words of Serm. X. chap. I, apostolicoe traditionis instituta servantes ut diem quem illi ab impiorum consuetudine purgatum misericordioe operibus consecrarunt celebremus. Patres however often includes apostoli, e.g. Serm. LXXIII. chap. I, gratias agamus .... sanctorum patrum necessarioe tarditati, where patrum = apostoli aliique discipuli. The fact is, as Bright points out upon a similar matter (the origin of Lent), Leo "would be prone to make that claim for any institute of his own church (see Bingham xxi. I, 8.)" (n. 103.) On Serm. LXXIX. I the Ball. appropriately quote a dictum of S. Augustine's that what the universal Church had always held is correctly credited with the authority of the Apostles.
4 Regionum, viz. the seven regions into which Rome was then divided see n. 6, above.
5 The Ball. wish to alter this to Thursday (against mss.) to suit their calculations, by which as the detection of Manichaeism at Rome, mentioned in chap. iv., occurred after the 6th of July, 443, this sermon must have been delivered in 444.
1 See Serm. IX. n. 6, and chap. iii. n. 8.
2 i.e. apparently to do as you would be done by.
4 Ecclus. iii. 30. The purifying power of almsgiving is a favourite thought with Leo: cf. for instance Serm. XII. chap. 4, and XVIII. chap. 3, where he says, castigatio corporis et instantia orationis tunc veram obtinent puritatem cum eleemosynarum sanctificatione nituntur. In several places he compares its cleansing effect to the waters of baptism: e.g. Serm. XX. chap. 3, in eleemosynis virtus quoedam est instituta baptismatis, qui sicut aqua extinguit ignem, si eleemosyna peccatum - ut nemo diffidat regenerationis sibi nitorem etiam post multa peccata restitui, qui eleemosynarum studuerit purificatione mundare : and again in Serm. VII. he says, unusquisque - in usus atque alimoniam pauperum de vestris facultatibus conferatis scientes proeter illud regenerationis lavacrum, in quo universorum ablutoe sunt maculoe peccatorum, hoc remedium infirmitati humanoe divinitus esse donatum ut si quod culparum in hac terrena habitatione contrahitur, eleemosynis deleatur.
6 Tob. iv. 7 (one of the offertory sentences it will be remembered in the English Prayer-book).
1 That is the December or, as we should now call it, the Advent Embertide. Cf. Serm. XIX. chap. 2, where the four seasons, as arranged in Leo's day, are clearly set forth.
4 1 John v 20, and iv. 19 ( the latter loosely).
5 1 John v 20, and iv. 19 ( the latter loosely).
8 Acts xiv. 16, 17. For gladness (loetitia) others read righteousness (iustitia).
9 Despectat : others desperat (despairs of).
11 Viz. in S. Luke xii. 16-20.
7 Strong as this language undoubtedly is, it is perhaps almost justifiable, if the story which he proceeds to indicate is not only true but characteristic of the sect.
8 Exsecramentum, cf. Serm. LXXV. chap 7, ad illa non sacra sed exsecramenta perveniunt, quoe propter communem verecundiam non sunt nostro sermone promenda.
9 The Ball. quote Aug. (Conf. v. chap. 10) to show that Rome had long ago been infested with Manichees. They identify the disturbances Leo here speaks of with Genseric's invasion of Africa and occupation of Carthage in 438.
10 For a like injunction, cf. Serm. X., chap 4, where the presbyters are to be told.
4 Humanitas: one ms. reads humilitas (mans humility), but humanitas occurs again in chap. iii. lucrum quod omni caret humanitate.
7 Fide iussor one of Leo's legal terms.
8 Faenus pecunioe funus est animoe, the epigrammatic play on words will not escape notice.
2 Effectus: the older editions read affatus (sc. the utterances of the angel).
3 Dei genetrix (qeoto/koj): in opposing Eutyches, Leo is careful not to fall into Nestorianism. Bright's note 3 should be read on this passage, and esp. his quotation from Bp. Pearson (note 2 on art. 3) absit ut quisquam S. Mariam Divinoe gratioe privilegiis et speciali gloria fraudare conetur.
5 "Without-other" repeated in almost the same words in Letter XXVIII. chap. 3.
6 "Without-other" repeated in almost the same words in Letter XXVIII. chap. 3.
8 Bingham observes (b. xiv. c. 2, s. 1), that Leo here uses, though in a catholic sense, that form of doxology which had become associated with Arianism. He could well afford to do as S. Athanasius had done, who ascribes glory to the Father "through the Son" at the conclusion of four treatises. Bright.
1 Proeparationis (viz. the day to which prophecies and types were leading up): another reading is reparationis (restoration), which is less apposite.
3 Erectis sursum cordibus, the phrase reminds us of the Eucharistic V. sursum corda R. habemus ad Dominum.
4 "From Thus" to the end of the chapter is repeated in Lett. XXVIII. (Tome), chap. 3.
5 "From Thus" to the end of the chapter is repeated in Lett. XXVIII. (Tome), chap. 3.
6 From "there enters" to "death" is repeated in Lett. XXVIII. (Tome), chap 4.
7 From "there enters" to "death" is repeated in Lett. XXVIII. (Tome), chap 4.
9 For the impeccability of Christ involved in this statement cf. Serm. LXIV. chap. 2, and Lett. XXVIII. (Tome) chap. 3, and especially Bright's note 15 (to Sermon XXIII. chap. 2).
10 Verax, literally truth speaking, and so genuine, sincere, &c.
11 This sentance is found also in Lett. XXVIII. (Tome), chap.3: but here instead of de matre Domini, natura there is a variant reading, de matre, hominis natura.
12 Dum vitatoe proeiudicium generale persequitur, chirographum quo nitebatur excedit. Cf. Col. ii. 14, and Lett. CXXIV. 7.
13 Captivitatis vasa rapiuntur : the passage in the writer's mind is S. Luke xi. 21, 22, q.v.
14 Si coelestis militioe sacramenta servaveris : here we have a return to the earlier classical meaning of sacramentum.
15 Such an idea is no doubt to be referred to the Manichoeans.
1 Sacramentum(as usual). I would venture to urge that Bright is hardly justified in interpreting this as "sacred observance" here, unless I have misunderstood his note 8. Surely Leo means, the facts and details and consequences arising from the mystery of the Incarnation are well known to you. This agrees better with the context and is in accordance with his common use of the word.
4 Vere humanum vereque aivinam unam ediait prole personam.
5 Misceretur: Quesnel truly remarks that the fathers securius locuti sunt nondum litigantibus Eutychianis post cuius haeresis ortum cautim-locutus est Leo. That no "fusion" of the natures is really implied Bright (note 11) clearly shows.
10 From "accordingly" to "form of GOD" occurs again in Lett. XXVIII. (Tome) chap. 3.
11 From "accordingly" to "form of GOD" occurs again in Lett. XXVIII. (Tome) chap. 3.
12 Several times in this chapter and elswhere in Leo the language reminds us forcibly of the Quicunque "which," says Bright (note 14), "whatever be its date, was clearly compiled by some one accustomed to the theological terminology of the Latin church of the fifth century."
13 From here to end of chapter occurs again in Lett. XXVIII. (Tome) chap. 3.
14 From what he goes on to say in the next chapter, is clear that Leo meant that both past and future generations of mankind shared in the benefits of the Incarnation: cf. Bright's note 16.
15 Hoc contulit faciendum quod factum, i.e. the Incarnation was but a part (though an essential part) in the Divine scheme of redemption, and, as he goes on to show, could not have occurred sooner than it did occur: for it would have marred the sequence of the whole design: cf. Brights note 17: also S. John viii. 56.
16 1 Cor. vi. 20. Glorificate et portate deum in corpore vestro, quoted again in this form in Sermon LIII. 3. Observe (1) that , "et portate "is doubtless a very old 'Western gloss" Bright, note 18), and (2) that the words "and in your spirit which are GOD'S" (A.V.) find no place in the Latin Versions, and are now omitted n R.V.
2 Instrumentis (lit. materials, stock-in-trade).
6 Is. xi. 1; in the interpretation that follows there is apparently play on the rod (virga) and the virgin (virgo).
7 Cf. 1 Cor. xv. 45, and Gen. ii. 7.
12 See Introd. p. vi., and for details of their iniquity, Serm. XVI. chaps. 4 and 5 : the words proxima confessione fix the date of this sermon probably in 444 or 445.
13 Quod oequalitati tribuere deberet, singularitati dedit, cf. Lett. XV. chap. 2, where the Priscillianists' notion (of a singularis unitas in tribus vocabulis sed non in trbus accipienda personis), is said to be taken from Sabellianism.
14 Cf. Ruff. de Symb. chap. 39, and Schaff, Ch. Hist., in loco, where the relation of Photinus to Marcellus is explained.
16 Chrisma (charisma, gift. Quesnel), salutis et signaculum vitoe aeternoe, the anointing and the sign of the cross are, as is well known, two of the oldest baptismal ceremonies; see Bingham, Antiq, Bk. xi. chap. 9.
1 Nova etiam in elementis luce radiante, the phrase seems to point to an early service as the time of delivering this sermon (possibly the missa in gallicantu).
2 Apud Dominicorum proesules gregum hodie evangelizandi forma proecondita est. This clause has been taken to be an allusion to the reciting of the angelic hymn Gloria in Excelsis, at the Holy Eucharist, but as Bright (note 20, all of which should be read) says, " the words do not necessarily mean more than that the original Angelic hymn (S. Luke ii. 14) was recited in the Christmas Day Service.
3 Interciso originalis tramite vetustatis.
4 Sanguis et caro : it is noticeable that the same order is observed in Heb. ii. 14.
11 Cf. 1 John iv. 4, and 2 Kings vi. 16.
19 Pagani (lit. villagers or rustics): the later meaning arose from the fact that idolatry and superstition tend to linger longer in out-of-the-way rural districts, than in the more civilized towns: cf. "heath" and "heathen." See Bright's note 24, and the references quoted by him. Hooker, v. 80. 2 ; Trench, on Study of Words," p.69, &c
1 Intonuit, no doubt a reference to the name of Boanerges (sons of thunder) which he shared with his brother James (S. Mark iii. 17).
6 Et nunquam virginitate caritura, cf. Letter XXVIII. (Tome) chap. 2, beatam Mariam semper virginem : these two passages seem to me much stronger than others quoted by Bright, n. 9, to prove Leo's belief in the perpetual virginity of the blessed Mary.
11 CL Lett. XV. chaps. 12-14. where such opinions are put down to the Spanish Prisilliansts, though doubtless Leo is thinking here rather of the Manichoens, from whom they derived so many of their false views.
12 Suggestum areoe superioris : the older reading was aroe: some of the mss. again read arcoe which is no doubt midway between the two. A learned disertation on this passage by Ciampini quoted by Quesnel (Migne's Patrol. i. pp 529-534), established the true reading: he says also that this was the staircase up which the faithful climbed on bended knee in approaching the Vatican basilica. S. Leo has alluded to this curious practice already in Serm. XXII. chap. 6, supra. It is perhaps hardly necessary to add that this superstition has little, If any, connexion with the Christian habit of turning to the East, which is probably rather to the Altar as the centre of worship; for at all events in Western Christendom churches do not by any means universally orientate' (i.e. lie due east and west).
16 He is of course following the Mosaic order creation, where the creation of the day and night is ascribed to the first day and that of the Sun and Moon to the fourth day (Gen. i. 5, 1-19).
2 Nativitatis Dominicoe sacramento nobis clarius coruscante : cf. XXVI. chap. 1, note 1. I have no doubt that sacramentum here is almost equivalent to "the festival with its sacred observances" (cf. Bright's n. 8), but I have preferred to translate it as uniformly as possible by the same word "mystery." Cf. Sermon XXXI. chap. 1.
3 In contradiction of the Arian's position hn pote ote ou0k hn :cf. Lett. XXVIII. (Tome ),chap,2, de oeterno natus est cooeternus: non posterior tempore.
4 S. Matt. xxii. 43,44, quoted from Psalm cx. 1.
6 Germinis preferred to the older reading generiss by the Ballerinii as agreeing better with Is. xl. 1 and Jer. xxiii. 5.
7 These were called `Psilanthropists 0' (upholders of the mere manhood): of whom Cerinthus (the opponent of S. John) was the earliest propounder.
8 These are heretics like Sabellius the founder of the Patripassian impiety.
9 These are 'Docetists,' to whom Leo in Sermon LXV., chap. 4, compares the Eutychians isti phantasmatici Christiani. Simon Magus was the earliest exponent of this view.
10 These are Arians who, as Bright (n. 29) points out, In wishing to pacify the catholics by exalting the character of Christ without acknowledging His equality with the Father, fell into the error of setting up two Gods (an Uncreate and a Created).
11 This is the heresy alluded to in note 3 above.
12 Ab elementis superioribus et subtilioribus sumptum, cf. Serm. XXX. chap. 2, de sublimioris generis pro diisse materia. This is the modification of "Docetism" adopted by the Gnostic Valentinus (see Bright's note 31).
13 This is the view of Apollinaris.
14 It is doubtful whether Eutyches did ever actually say this, but it was the logical inference from his position: as Gore (p 57), says "Eutyches never formulated a heresy: he was no philosopher; but he refused to say that the human nature remained in Christ after the Incarnation. He shrank from calling Christ `of one substance 0' with us men: in some sort of way he left us to suppose that the human nature was absorbed into and lost in the Divinity.
20 Cf. Lett. XXVIII. (Tome), chap. 6.
1 Inter cognatarum solemnitatum vicina sacramenta, cf. Serm. XXVIII. chap. 1, note 1.
2 The number "three" has no further scriptural support than the possible inference from their threefold offerings. It will be noticed that S. Leo knows nothing of their being kings, though that tradition is apparently as old as Tertullian (adv. Marc. iii. 13), see Bright's n. 38.
3 Humano sensu significatum sibi regis ortum, "by them natural thoughts' in Bright's translation: but I doubt whether the words could bear that meaning, and whether they suit the context: cf. Serm. XXXIV. chap. 2.
4 Sacramentum fidei suoe intelligentioeque : here sacramentumseems to come nearer to the older and more general use of the word among the Fathers, viz. symbol or sign.
5 "He means, Christ had a king's power, both as GOD and as Man," Bright, n. 42.
6 Impensa humanoe saluti sacramenta.
9 Acquirere, S. Luke xxi. 19. It is not clear from this whether in Leo's time the reading was future, "ye shall win" (R.V.), or imperative, "possess ye" (A.V.). The Vulgate now reads Possidebitis.
1 Secundum consuetudinem evangelicus sermo reseraverit. The Roman Gospel for the day was apparently then, as now with us, S. Matt. ii. 1-12: but the manifestation of Christ to the wise men was not universally so prominent a feature of the Festival as other manifestations of Him, e.g. His birth (Jan. 6 having been in the East the original Christmas Day), His baptism, &c.
2 Gal. iii. 22, cf. Rom. xi. 32.
3 Gen. xlix. 10, donec veniat cui repositum est (wj a0pokei=tai), cf. Ezek. xxi. 27: the reading of A. and R. VV. is "until Shiloh come;" the LXX. read e#wj a@n e!lqh ta\ a0pokei/mena au0tw=, and the Vulgate, donec veniat qui mittendus erat. Origen paraphrases thus: "He should come for Whom the things were reserved, that is, the Christ of GOD, the Prince of the Divine promises. He alone could be called the expectation of the nations, for men of all nations believed in God through Him, according to the words of Isaiah. `In His name shall the Gentiles trust. 0'" Hom. in Genesin xvii. § 6.
4 Cf. Serm. XXXI. chap. 2, above.
7 Or "will" (testamenti, diaqh/khj).
8 Cf. Sermon XXXI. chaps. i. and ii.
10 Coede generali universoe civitatis illius ; as the context shows, this phrase is rhetorically exaggerated.
11 Cf. Sermon XXXII. chap. 1, Tunc autem Aegypto Salvator illatus est, ut gens antiquis erroribus dedita, iam ad vicinam salutem per occultam gratiam vocaretur; et quoe nondum eje cerat ab animo superstitionem, iam reciperet veritatem.
19 Both Quesnel and the Ballerinii condemn this passage inclosed in brackets as spurious. The former thinks it has crept into the text ex annotatione marginali alicuius astrologioe plus oequo dediti. It is wanting in all the mss. melioris notoe.
1 Numb. xxiv. 17: cf. Serm. XXXI. chap 2, above.
8 Whatever may be the correct reading here, actionibus with the better mss. or tactibus the conjecture of Quesnel from the reading of some mss. actibus, the meaning must be such as is given in the translation.
9 Oracularepresenting the lo/gia of the New Testament (viz. Acts vii. 38, Rom. iii. 2, &c.).
10 Cf. Ep. xxviii. (Tome) 5, aperto per militis lanceam latere crucifixi intelligat unde sanguis et aqua fluxerit ut ecclesia Dei et lavacro rigaretur et poculo, and almost immediately afterwards, where he interprets the spirit, water and blood of 1 S. John v. 8, as spiritus sanctificationis et sanguis redemptionis et aqua baptismatis.
11 1 John iv. 2, 3: see Letter XXVIII. (Tome) 5, n. 7, on the various reading.
12 Exequentes apostolicoe pietatis exemplum.
13 2 Cor. xi. 29; Rom. xii. 15.
1 Narratio evangeticoe lectionis. This, according to Bright's n. 46 (q.v.) "refers to the reading of passages of Scripture by the Lector as a part of the church service."
4 Cf. Tertullian's famous boast in his Apologeticus (chap. 1., 76), semen est Christianorum sanquis, and Leo's own words again, Serm. LXXXII. 6, non minuitur persecutionibus ecclesia sed augetur.
5 The warning of this chapter is insisted on not only by Leo himself often elsewhere (see references in Bright's note 51), but, among others doubtless, by Cyprian in more than one passage esp. in De Lapsis, where he accuses even the clergy of worldliness in the strongest terms.
6 Cf. Cypr. de lapsis v. traditam nobis divinitus disciplinam pax longa corruperat.
1 Cf. Gal. v. 17: and below, Rom. vi. 12.
2 Cf. Gal. v. 17: and below, Rom. vi. 12.
4 Ut audistis, viz. in the Gospel for Quadragesima, or the First Sunday in Lent then apparently as now S. Matt. iv. 1-11: cf. Serm. XL. 3.
1 2 Cor. vi. 2 from the Epistle for the First Sunday in Lent: cf. Serm. XXXVI. I, n. 7.
2 Viz. by baptism at the Easter festival.
3 Ut evangelica patefecit historia, cf. Serm. XXXIX. 3, n. 8.
5 Ib. iv. 4, quoted from Deut. viii. 3.
1 Cf. Serm. XL. chap. ii. n. 5.
3 The reffs. are obviously to S. Luke xxi. 2-4, and S. Matt. x. 42 (q.v.)
4 Cf. 1 Kings xvii. 11 and foll.
6 Cf. Serm. XXXVI. chap. i., note 7.
7 Si Christus eius esset conditionis cuius est corporis, an obscurely expressed but intrinsically clear statement.
11 In sacramentorum communione.
2 Declaratam ab elementis, viz. by the star in the east.
3 Per quam tota Ecclesia corpus est Christi. This is a great saying, by which the centrality of the doctrine of the Incarnation is fearlessly asserted.
4 Notice that both here and in the next sentence the construction is credite Filium - credite Hunc not credite in Filium - in Hunc, the exact language of the creed being the latter (I believe in, &c.).
6 Lit. "polish yourselves up (expolite vos).
8 A malis omnibus liberemus. The free turn given to this passage is interesting: a!po; tou' ponhprou' (Vulg. a malo) being now considered personal "from the evil one" (R.V.).
5 1 Cor. vii. 29-31. In the last clause but one, the Lat. runs, qui utuntur hoc mundo tanquam non utantur (as also the Vulg. and the margin of R.V., "(as not) using to the full," though the text reads. "as not abusing it").
7 The allusion is of coarse to the large number of persons baptized every year at Easter.
8 Portas misericordioe Apostolica clave reserante ad remedia reconciliationis admitti: no doubt confession and priestly absolution is meant with a reference to S. Matt. xvi. 19.
12 Ut suas culpas habeat impunitas (some through a misunderstanding of the argument read punitas here) quam ut plectat alienas.
13 S. Matt. v. 7, quoted in the same form in Serm. XCV. chap. 7, q.v.
1 The same words are used in Lett. XXVIII. (Tome), chap. 5.
2 Proecelso (Vulg. excelso): possibly the form of the adjective supports Codex Bezoe (D) in adding li/an after u9yhlo/n.
3 S. Matt. xvi. 28. Leo's application of the prophesy is almost to fanciful to be the true one, though he stands by no means alone among commentaters (ancient and modern) in so applying it.
8 Antiquarum protestationum instrumenta.
9 Utriusque foederis paginoe (instead of the more usual Testamenti).
12 Quia in fide non fuit hoesitatio, non fuit in timore discretio.
13 S. John i. 3: and below, cf. x. 38: and again Phil. ii. 6.
14 S. John i. 3: and below, cf. x. 38: and again Phil. ii. 6.
15 S. John i. 3: and below, cf. x. 38: and again Phil. ii. 6.
16 S. John xiv. 6: 1 Cor. i. 24.
17 S. John xiv. 6: 1 Cor. i. 24.
1 This passage from "both form" down to "race" is repeated almost word for word in Lett. XXVII. (The Tome). chap. 4.
8 Cf. S Matt. xxvi. 53. The whole of this wonderfully powerful passage.
9 Cf. S. Matt. x. 24 and below, S. Luke xxii. 61.
10 Cf. S. Matt. x. 24 and below, S. Luke xxii. 61.
13 Leo seems here to speak as if the story of the Passion from the Gospels in his time was read only on the Sunday and Wednesday in Holy Week: various uses prevailed, for which cf. Bingham's Antiq. Bk. xiv. chap. iii. § 3.
1 Divinitas carnis velamine temperata. It is not easy to render the exact force of this phrase in English without a danger of being misunderstood.
2 Gradum nobis fecit ad gloriam. Quesnel's reading gaudium, though well supported by the mss., is, I think with the Ball., unsatisfactory, cf. Serm. LI. chap. 7, per crucis supplicium gradus vobis ascensionis parat ad regnum.
6 Ps. lxix. 21 ; xxii. 16, 17.
7 Ps. lxix. 21 ; xxii. 16, 17.
8 Ps. xcvi. 10. "An ancient gloss, but without authority from existing mss. or ancient versions, viz., a0po\ tou= cu/lou, was received by S. Justin Martyr and others as a genuine portion of the text." Speakers Commentary in loco. Compare also the old Latin hymn ("The Royal Banners," H.A.M. 96, verse 3).
10 The reference is perhaps to Is. v. 1-5.
11 Cf. Exod. xii. 23; and below, 1 Cor. v. 8, and Rom. viii 35.
12 Cf. Exod. xii. 23; and below, 1 Cor. v. 8, and Rom. viii 35.
13 Cf. Exod. xii. 23; and below, 1 Cor. v. 8, and Rom. viii 35.
9 Is. liii. 4, 5. Leo's version is a very literal translation of the LXX., which varies a good deal from the Vulgate and the A.V. ; he omits however, the clause, "the chastisement of our peace," &c., which is common to all three.
12 This is Sermon LIX. which follows in extenso. See Serm. LIV., chap. vi. n. 2.
1 The allusion doubtless is to the "lanterns and torches" mentioned by S. John xviii. 3.
2 Cf. S. Matt. xxvii. 19 and 25.
3 Cf. S. Matt. xxvii. 19 and 25.
5 Is. ix. 6. The interpretation is fanciful, but not without some support from the parallel phrase in Is. xxii. 22.
11 S. John xii. 23; Ibid. 27, 28, 30-32. The reading omni (all things) will not escape notice in v. 32.
12 S. John xii. 23; Ibid. 27, 28, 30-32. The reading omni (all things) will not escape notice in v. 32.
1 Festivitas dominicoe passionis is at first sight a strange phrase, but in reality most suggestive.
12 S. John viii. 11; this famous section therefore is recognized by S. Leo: see Bright's note 69.
13 See Serm. LIV. chap. vi. n. 2.
7 Col. i. 18-20: the word Divinitatis (of the Godhead) is omitted by some of the mss. here.
9 Sacramentum (with its saving efficacy) et exemplum (with its spur to exertion), see Bright's n. 74.
10 1 Pet. ii. 21-24: notice the reading of the Vulgate indicanti se iniuste for the correct tw= kri/nonti dikai/wj (namely God).
17 The renouncing of the Devil and all his works and the professing of faith in GOD have always preceded the rite of Baptism: see Bright's notes 78 and 142.
18 Corpus regenerati fiat caro crucifixi an almost unduly strong assertion of the union between Christ, the Head and the members of His body, the Church effected by Holy Baptism : see Hooker, Eccl. Pol. v. 60. 2, quoted by Bright, n. 79.
19 Cf. Ps lxxvii. 10 (LXX.) and 1 Cor. xvii. 6.
21 ut in id, quod sumimus, transeamus. He uses the same strong expression in Letter LIX. 2, ut accipientes virtutem coelestis cibi, in carnem ipsius qui caro nostra factus est, transeamus.
1 Erigendi sursum nostri cordis the liturgical allusion is the same as that noticed in Sermon LXXIV. 5, n. 6.
2 The epithet sanctus is of doubtful genuineness here.
3 This calculation is based apparently on that of Prosper's Chronicon, which again, follows that of Eusebius.
4 There is another reading here, ut (for et) non tam de futuris quam de proesentibus (for proeteritis) , &c., which the Ballerinii probably do right to reject. Trans. "foretold so long before that the language of the prophets is concerned not so much with the future as with the present."
5 Acts iv. 27, 28; it is perhaps worth noticing that Leo does not strictly follow the Biblical account in saying that the Apostle's were "full of the Holy Ghost" at the time of uttering this prayer: v. 31 says they were so filled afterwards.
7 Consecrando mysteriis I think he has, as so often, the institution of the Holy Eucharist especially in his mind together, of course, with other sacramental ordinances (such as Holy Baptism and matrimony) which our Saviour blessed with His sanction and made the means of holiness to His disciples.
8 Apocrypha, Hist. of Susanna, v. 56: said by Daniel to one of the two elders; cf. also Acts ix. 15, and S. John xvii. 12.
9 This last privilege which Leo, with curious sarcasm, co-ordinates with the other three is spoken of twice by S. John, viz. xii. 6, and xiii. 29.
10 Redemptorem etiam tuum ne tibi parceres, vendidisti. It seems to me that Leo's preaching power is nowhere better shown than in the passages where he draws out the heinousness of Judas' guilt: cf Sermon LVIII. chaps. 3 and 4, and Sermon LXII. chap. 4.
11 Aliud est in sacramento, aliud in exemplo, cf. Serm. LXIIL chap. 4. n. 7.
12 Exigantur: another reading perhaps more in keeping with the context and Leo's usual language is erigantur (raised): cf. Lett. XXVIII. (Tome), chap. 3, humana augens, divina non minuens, etc.
13 Cf. 1 Cor. iv. 7, and 1 Tim. iv. 14.
14 Cf. 1 Cor. iv. 7, and 1 Tim. iv. 14.
1 For the doctrine here stated, cf. Serm. LI., chap. vi.
2 Quoe vero illic vitoe intercessio sentienda est, ubi anima et potestate est emissa et potestate revocata ? If we adopt Quesnel's conjecture intercisio for intercessio the meaning is I suppose, "What cutting off of the thread of life is conceivable in His case Who &c.?"
6 Cf. Heb. x. 20: and below, S. Matt. xxvii. 51 and 54.
7 The older editions here add quoe Deus est (which is God), which however both Quesnel and the Ball. reject as a marginal gloss.
8 Cf. Heb. x. 20: and below, S. Matt. xxvii. 51 and 54.
9 Cf. Heb. x. 20: and below, S. Matt. xxvii. 51 and 54.
10 Cf. Amos viii. 10: and below, 1 Pet. v. 9.
11 Cf. Amos viii. 10: and below, 1 Pet. v. 9.
1 The time of delivery of this and the next Sermons was first identified by Quesnel with Easter Eve: for a most instructive note on the ceremonies of that day in early times, see Bright's n. 102.
2 Viz. Serm. LXX. in which (chap 6) he had promised to continue the subject (superest ut de resurrectionis consortio disseramus : quod ne continuato sermone et mihi et vobis fiat onerosum, in diem sabbati promissa differemus).
3 Acc. to Bright (n. 103), "As to the duration of Lent, there was anciently much diversity....Although it was not until the time of Gregory II. (715 - 731) that it became strictly a forty days' fast, there is no doubt that in the fourth century it not earlier a period was generally observed which might be called `forty days. 0'"
6 1 Cor. xv. 47-49. Leo's text agrees with the Vulgate in inserting `heavenly 0' after `from heaven 0' and in translating foreswmen (let us bear) not fore/somen (we shall bear), but is peculiar in its paraphrase at the end of the quotation ("the image of him, &c.").
7 Cf. Serm. LXX. chap. 3, nisi enim Verbum caro fieret, et tam solida consisteret unitas in utraque natura, ut a suscipiente susceptam nec ipsum breve mortis tempus abiungeret, nunquam valeret ad oeternitatem redire mortalitas. Bright (n. 96) quotes authorities ancient and more recent to show that this has always been the Christian's belief.
8 From this point to the end of the chapter the language is almost identical with a passage in Letter XXVIII. (Tome), chap. 5.
9 2 Cor. v. 16. It must be borne in mind that the application of the phrase after the flesh (kata\ sa/rka) is mistaken: S. Paul means 'according to the ordinary view of man," as in Rom. viii. 1, and 2 Cor. x. 2. See Bright's note 107.
14 Quo suscepta sit (sc. nova creatura) quemve susceperit, i.e. Christ has taken on Him human nature, and we by virtue thereof are partakers of the Divine.
1 Cf. Serm. LXIII. 4, above: Salvator noster - et sacramentum condidit et exemplum : ut unum apprehenderent renascendo, alterum sequerentur imitando.
3 i.e. that both of the two natures in Christ should be ours, as he goes on to show.
4 The words in brackets are of doubtful genuineness, and seem in themselves a medioeval imitation of Leo's style.
5 Sacramentum pietatis, the regular Latin version of 1 Tim. iii. 16.
6 Celerrimam. The epithet spoils the argument, and is probably an interpolation. Cf. however Serm. LXXI. chap. 2, above.
9 Is. vii. 14 ; S. Matt. i. 23.
12 Cf. 1 Cor. v. 8: the words in brackets are of doubtful authority.
14 Much the same language is used in Lett. XXVIII. (Tome) 3 and Serm. XXIII. 2.
16 Phase id transitus dicitur, cf. the Vulgate, Exod. xii. 11, est enim Phase (id est transitus) Domini. The form of the word is due to defective transliteration, the correct Hebrew form being Pesach, which "is derived from a root which means to step over or to overleap, and thus points back to the historical origin of the festival (Exod. xii.)." - Edersheim's Temple, p. 179.
17 S. John xiii. 1; the word for "pass" here in the Gk. is metabh, in the Lat. transeat.
3 S. Luke xxiv. 36: S. John xx. 19.
2 In sacramenta transivit, i.e. Christ's presence is now vouchsafed us only after a spiritual manner in His sacraments and means of grace.
5 Sursum vocatos animos. The allusion no doubt is to the V. Sursum corda. R. habemus ad Dominum, with which the Church Liturgy has always ushered us into the most solemn part of the Eucharistic worship (Col. iii. 1, 2). Cf. Bright's n. 122, and Serm. LXVII. chap. i.
7 Cf. 1 Tim. vi. 10; and below, 1 Cor. xiv. 1.
8 Cf. 1 Tim. vi. 10; and below, 1 Cor. xiv. 1.
1 In eo (Sc. die) a quo caepit (Sc. festum), apparently an obscure way of saying that the first Whitsunday was the same day of the week (viz. the first) as the Easter-day.
3 Cf. S. John iii. 8 ; and below, Gen. i. 2.
4 Cf. S. John iii. 8 ; and below, Gen. i. 2.
5 For this statement of the doctrine of the Trinity, esp. in regard to the Twofold Procession of the Holy Ghost, cf. Lett. XV. chap. 2. Bright quotes Swete's History of the Doctrine, p. 157.
7 Cf. Serm. XXVIII. chap. 4, cum gradus in vera Divinitate esse non possit, and Serm. LXXII. chap. 5, nec Unitatem gradibus dividat, and Bright's notes 29 and 116 on the subject.
8 "Arianism had spoken both of the Son and the Holy Spirit as creatures. The Macedonians, rising up out of Semi-arianism gradually reached the Church's belief as to the uncreated Majesty of the Son, even if they retained their objection to the Homo-ousion. But having, in their previously Semi-arian position refused to extend their own Homoi-ousion to the Holy Spirit, they afterwards persisted in regarding Him 'as external to the one indivisible Godhead.' Newmans Arians, p. 226." Bright's n. 129. Macodonius, from whom the sect was named, was bp. of Constantinople alternately with his rival, the orthodox Paul, between 342 and 351, and from that date he held the See in full possession till 360, when he was finally deposed.
1 Bright (n. 133) quotes Aug (in Joan. Evan. Tr. 92, c. 1 and Serm. 267, 1) for the opinion, which Leo here seems to follow, that the "all" of Acts ii. 1 includes the 120 (cf. A i. 20) as well as the twelve.
3 "The Atonement is a reconciling not merely of man to GOD but of GOD to man," says Archbp. Trench, and that, as S. Thomas Aquinas explains, In regard to our sins not in regard to our nature us which regard He always loves us (passages quoted by Bright, n. 54).
7 See Serm. LXXV chap. 3 n. 3.
9 S. John xiv. 28 ; x. 30 ; xiv. 9. In the English Church, the Gospel for Whitsunday is still the same as it was in Leo's time at Rome.
10 S. John xiv. 28 ; x. 30 ; xiv. 9. In the English Church, the Gospel for Whitsunday is still the same as it was in Leo's time at Rome.
11 S. John xiv. 28 ; x. 30 ; xiv. 9. In the English Church, the Gospel for Whitsunday is still the same as it was in Leo's time at Rome.
12 Vadat (subj.) others read vadit (indic.) = goes, in which ase Christ is still imagined to be speaking. If we read vadat, His utterance ends with the last sentence.
1 Cf. note 9 on Lett. CLVI. chap. 5.
2 Cf. Serm. LXXXVIII. chap. 3, licet quotidiano Dei munere a diversis contaminationibus emundemur, inhaerent tamen incautis animis maculoe crassiores quas aborteat diligentiori cura ablui.
1 Natali, lit. birthday; but the early Church gave this beautiful name to, and kept the memory of Saints on, the day of their death. (cf. below, in die martyrii eorum) in all cases except that of S. John the Baptist (from the importance of his natural birthday in connexion with the LORD's Nativity). The Conversion of S. Paul is a later exception.
2 It is of course well known that this is very debatable ground, and as such, it is wiser to leave it untouched in a work which is only intended as a means of of rendering English-speaking people aquainted with Leo's views and statements. It will be noticed however, that the historically verified connexion of S. Paul with Rome is as nothing in his eyes in comparison with the very apocryphal connexion of S. Peter: cf. below, per sacram beati Petri sedem, on which the Ballerinii very appropriately quote Prosper de Ingratis: - Sedes Roma Petri, quoe pastoralis honore facta caput mundo, quidquid non possidet armis religione tenet.The Roman Calendar still retains the double commemoration of June 29.
3 i.e. Romulus (the traditional founder of Rome) murdered his brother, Remus.
7 This is a commonplace with the Fathers: S. Augustine is esp. fond of it; Hurter quotes from him de catech.rud. chap. xxiv. and four times on the Psalms. Cf. Serm. XXXVI. chap. iii. n. 1.
8 Electio pares (fecit) omitted by the oldest Vatican ms. but undoubtedly genuine, the allusion being obviously to S. Paul's claim to equal apostleship with the Twelve more than once advanced (e.g. 2 Cor. xi. 5, &c.). This then is an interesting passage when read side by side with Leo's Petrine claims, but does not really contradict them, though the lauguage here used, esp. the figure of the two eyes, is strong.
1 There is some doubt as to the exact occasion of this sermon. It seems to have been connected with the yearly commemoration (not the first or second from the language Leo uses), of that 14 days' pillage of Rome by Genseric (in 455) and of the city's subsequent liberaton, in which Leo took so important a part. But the date ascribed to the sermon's delivery (the octave of SS. Peter and Paul, i.e. July 6) does not tally well with its allusions to the ludi circenses as counter-attractions to the recent Church functions. A reference to Serm. IX. n. 6, will remind the reader that it was the ludi Apollinares that, at least in the past, were associated with that date: perhaps Leo's phrase ludus Circensium is only a general description and would include the Apollinarian games as being still held in Circo as well as others. The ludi Circenses themselves were held Sept. 4-12.
3 Martyria, which the Ball. here consider means the churches built in honour (?on the scene) of the martyrdoms.
1 S. Laurence was the chief Deacon in the time of Sextus II., and was martyred in the persecution of Valerian, 258, in the way detailed by Leo in this Sermon. His was a very favourite festival in the Middle Ages both in the East and West.
3 It will be remembered that "the serving of tables" was from the first institution of the office one of the principal duties of the deacon (levita), see Acts vi. 1-6. This side of the office has latterly fallen into abeyance and is but slightly recognized in the English Ordinal.
4 Depositum, viz. his faith, the paraqh/kh 1Tim. vi. 20.
5 Per cratem ferream usually represented in pictures, or statues of the saints as a gridiron.
1 That is the September, or as we should now say, the Michael-mas Embertide.
2 Joel ii. 12, 13, and 15, 16.
3 Joel ii. 12, 13, and 15, 16.
4 He pursues the same thought in chap. 2 of Sermon LXXXIX. e.g. tunc est efficacior sacratiorque devotia, quando in operibus pietatis totius Ecclesioe unus animus et unus est census; publica enim proeferenda sunt propriis et ibi intelligenda est proecipua ratio utilitatis, ubi vigilat cura communis.
6 Cf. Serm. LXXVIII. 2. donet licet sanctis suis quotidianam gratia Divina victoriam, non aufert tamen dimicandi materiam.
8 Totius pietatis auctori : cf. Collect for 23rd Sunday after Trinity, which is based on that in the Gregorian Sacramentary.
9 Cf. 1 Cor. x. 24 ; xii. 6 : 2 Cor. ix. 7.
10 Cf. 1 Cor. x. 24 ; xii. 6 : 2 Cor. ix. 7.
11 Cf. 1 Cor. x. 24 ; xii. 6 : 2 Cor. ix. 7.
13 Pariter. He thus keeps up the leading thought of this sermon to end .
1 The observances of the seventh month, especially of the Day of Atonement, will be found in Lev. xxiii. 26 - 44, and Numbers xxix.
3 Generandi lege : others read generali lege, by he universal law.
4 S. Matt. xxvi. 41; for this passage, cf. Serm. XIX. chaps 1 and 2, and LXXVIII. chap. 2.
11 From this point the oldest Vatican lectionary (3836) givesa very different ending to the Sermon, which the Ball. consider asgenuine as the one given by the other mss., and translated above: in which case they are probably right in inferring that Leo used the Sermon more than once, and wrote these two endings for two different occasions.
1 Cf. Serm. XIX. 2, per ipsius mundi cardines, quasi per quattuor evangelia, incessabiliter discimus quod et proedicemus et agamus.
3 The occasion of this Sermon seems to have been either the same or a similar one to that of Serm. XCVI., in which we read that certain traders had come to Rome from Egypt after the murder of Proterius, supporting the heresy of Eutyches.
4 For the whole of this chap. compare Lett. XXXI. chaps. 1 and 2.
6 This (acc. to the Ball.) is the Amen which the communicant said at the Reception of the Elements when the Priest said to Him, Corpus Christi and sanguis Christi: on the Eucharistic evidence against Eutyches, see Lett. LIX. chap. 2, and Serm LXIII. chap. 7.
2 Divina eruditone firmandos = tou\j didacqhsome/nouj, a common form of expression in Leo. Cf. Lett. XXVIII. the Tome, chap. I, quod voce omnium regenerandorum (= tw=n a0nagennhqhsome/nwn), depromitur.
3 Or testament (Lat. testamentum).
5 Jer. xxxi. 31 and part of 33: the passage is quoted in full, Heb. viii. 8-12.
6 Or testament (Lat. testamentum).
8 S. Paul's lauguage (Rom. viii. 15) is in his mind.
10 Et illis in tenuitate amica est mansuetudo et istis divitiis familiaris elatio.
11 The mss.vary between primum and primi. The rendering above given practically represents either. If primi, however, is read, it may be questioned whether the true rendering is not "the first apostles after the LORD," which would be interesting assuggesting that S. Leo did not necessarily confine the title "apostle" to the Twelve.
16 S. Matt. v. 5. It will be observed that Leo's order for the 2nd and 3rd beatitudes is that of the English version, not that of the Vulgate.
17 In nullo iam spiritui futura contraria et cum voluntate animi perfectoe unitatis habitura consensum: compare S. Aug. de Fide et symbolo, cap. 23, "est autem animoe natura perfecta cum spiritui suo subditar et cum sequitur sequentum Deum-non est desperandum etiam corpus restitui naturoe proprioe-tempore opportuno in novissima tuba, cum mortui resurgent incorrupti et nos immutabimur." The interpretation of this beatitude in this way is fantastic, and very strange to modern notions.
20 Quod fuit oneri, sit honori, the play on the words (which is quite classical) may perhaps be represented by the difference between onerous and honorary.
22 Ps. xxxiv. 8: suavis, A.V. and R.V.good, P.B.V. gracious, LXX. crhsto/j.
23 Deut. vi. 5, quoted, it will be remembered, by our Lord, as "the first and great commandment" in the law, S. Matt. xxii. 37: S. Mark xii. 30: S. Luke x. 27.
24 The two words for "love" here are different, and speak for themselves, diligere (a0gapa=n) Deum and amare(e0pa=n) iustitiam.
26 Operantium : operatio is the regular patristic term for the doing of charitable actions; for this application of the beatitude and its promised reward, compare Ps. xli. 1-3.
30 Exod. xxxiii. 20 ; S. John. i. 18 ; 1 Tim. vi. 16.
31 Is. lxiv. 4 ; 1 Cor. ii. 9.
33 Rom. v. 1, where "we have" or "let us have" is the exact phrase.
1 In this passage the phrase magisterium humilitatis has reference to Matt. xx. 25, &c., or Luke xxii. 25, &c., and ipsa lingua confunditur to Gen. xi. 7. The meaning appears to be that, when men seek and attain in a spirit of pride the office which according to our Lord's teaching is one of humility, they are incapable of fulfilling its duties by speaking to others so to be understood and edify. They are as the arrogant builders of Babel, whose language the Lord confounded, that they might not understand one another's speech.
2 In Hebr. and Engl. lxix. 24.
3 The designations here given of the bodily imperfections, enumerated in Levit. xxi. as disqualifying for priestly tunctions, are the same as those in the Tridentine edition of the Vulgate, except that instead of herniosus Gregory has ponderosus, which was a word used in the same sense, denoting one suffering from rupture (Cf. Augustine, De Civitate Dei, Lib. ult., cap. viii.).The idea expressed by the latter word, and carried out in Grea!ory's application, was that of the weight (pondus), or downward pressure, of the intestines in a ruptured person. The Hebrew Bible (see A.V.), and also the rendering of the LXX.(mono/rcij), conveys a different idea of the ailment intended. The cutaneous diseases specified are denoted, here as in the Vulgate, by jugas scabies (yw/ra a0gria, LXX.; scurvy, A. V.) and impetigo (leich\n, LXX. ; scabbed A.V.).Whatever may be the exact meaning of the original Hebrew words, Gregory's conception of these diseases evidently was that the former was a chronic and painful eruption, proceeding from internal heat, and the latter a painless, but disfiguring, affection of the skin. The diseases of the eye, with regard to which the Hebrew (and consequently our A.V.) differs from the LXX. and Vulgate, are denoted by lippus (ptilloj tou\j ofqalmou/j, LXX.), and albuginem habens (e!fhloj, LXX.); of which Gregory's conception was that the former was an affection, not properly of the eye, but eyelid, the flux from which impaired the power of vision, while the latter was an obscuration of the pupil itself, exhibiting a white colour.
1 For breastplate (A V ) the LXX. has louei=on, and the Vulgate, from which St Gregory quotes, rationale.On the significance of this word the application depends. Anciently an ornament called the rationale was attached to the vestments of bishops. "Rationale . . . Ornamenti genus quo ornantur calsuloe aliaque vestes ecclesiasticoe" (Ducange). The vestment itself seems to to have been sometimes called the rationale. "Vestis episcopalis novoe legis, le pallium"(Ib.).
2 For Urim and Thummim (as in A.V., retaining the Hebrew words), the LXX. has th\n dh/lwsin kai\ th\n alhqeian, and the Vulgate, quoted by St. Gregory, Doctrinam et Veritatem.
3 Opportune, importune, the second word being apparently understood in the sense of importunately.
4 The wording of this passage is obscure and may be corrupt. In a corresponding one in Gregory's Epistles (Lib. VII. Ep. 4), in other respects the same as this, we find, instead of "et rursus per moderatam cordis intentionem non impeditur," "et rursus per immoderatam cordis intentio non impeditur."Here, though non before impeditur is absent from many mss., and consequently rejected by the Benedictine editors, it seems necessary for the sense. The whole passage is thus capable of being intelligibly rendered thus: "When, therefore through provident care (providentiam) externally applied the life of bodies is protected, and again intentness of heart is not impeded through immoderate (providentiam)." In both passages the general drift is clear enough, as follows: When, through adequate taking thought on the part of the priest for people's bodily needs, their life is protected from harm, and yet his attention to such external matters is not so excessive as to hinder the devotion of his heart to spiritual things, then the meaning of Ezekiel's words is fulfilled. For the hairs of the head, denoting thoughts of the brain for temporal concerns, are allowed to advance so far as to afford needful protection, but not to such an immoderate extent as to obscure the sight of the eyes, i.e. spiritual vision.
4 In English Bible, cxxxviii. 6.
5 The designation (Rab-tabbachim) of Nabuzaradan, who acted for Nebuchadnezzar after the capture of Jerusalem, is rendered in the LXX. a0rcima/geiroj, i.e. Chief Cook.
7 In English Bible, Ps. cxxxix.
9 So Vulgate. Gregory always takes Leviathan to signify the devil.
10 So Vulgate. Gregory always takes Leviathan to signify the devil.
13 The word adolescentia, used in the Vulgate, implies properly the age of immaturity, while growth is still going on. "ADOLESCENTIA, prima hominis oetas post pueritiam, et ante juventutem.' Facciolati. St Gregory's intention is to preclude the idea of Timothy having been called to "command and teach" at so immature an age as the word might seem to imply.
14 In English Bible, cviii. 6.
1 In English Bible, lxviii. 61.
1 "Sanctus Gregorius primus omnium se principio epistolarum suarum servum servorum. Dei satis humiliter definivit." (Joan Diac. in Vit, S. Greg. l. ii. c. 1). The designation, however, had been used by others before him, as by Pope Damasus (Ep. IV. ad Stephanum et Africoe Episcopus), and Augustine (Ep. ad Vitalem). Gregory may have been the first to use it habitually. It is true that in the Registrum Epistolarum we find it four times only, viz., in the headings of Epistles I. 1, I. 36, VI. 51, XIII. 1. But it may have been omitted in the copies of his letters preserved at Rome. This is probable from the fact that it occurs in the letters relating to the English Mission as given by Bede, though absent from the same letters in the Registrum.
2 The population of Rome had long been greatly dependent on Sicily for the supply of corn, which it was the duty of the proetor to purchase and transmit to Rome. Famine might result from failure of this supply. Hence what is said further on tbe subject in this Epistle. Cf. "Neminem vestrum proeterit, judices omnem utilitatem opportunitatemque provincioe Sicilioe quoe ad commoda populi Romani adjuncta sit consistere in re frumentaria maxime. Nam coeteris rebus adjuvamur ex illa provincia, hac vero alimur et sustinemur."(Cicero in Verrem, Act II. lib. 3, c. 5.)
3 For notice of him, see III. 53, note.
6 In English Bible, lxxiii. 18.
9 There are other letters from Gregory to this Narses, viz. iv. 32, vi. 14, and perhaps vii. 30. He may have been the same as the Narses who was a famous general of the Emperor Maurice, and who was eventually burnt alive by Phocas. (Theoph., Sim. V.)
10 The animal called bou/baloj is described by Pliny (l. 8, c. 15) as "animal ferum in Africa, vitulo ac cervo simile." The reference in the text is to Amos vi. 12, where the Vulgate has, "Numquid currere queunt in petris equi, aut arari potest in bubalis?" The clause in the epistle, "ut in agro Dominico cum bubalis arares," appears to be a quotation from a previous letter of Gregory's, in which be may have announced his election to Narses.
11 The whole passage is rather obscure to us, not having before us the letter from Narses, which is replied to, or the previous ones from Gregory to which Narses had referred. The drift seems to be as follows. Gregory, in his former letter, had compared his being elected pope to a bubalis being set to plough in the Lord's field. Narses had replied to the effect that even if he were a bubalus, he was not therefore unfit, since bubali, with other wild beasts, had been in St. Peter's sheet, and pronounced clean. To this Gregory now rejoins, "Yes; but those beasts were to be slain before they might be eaten; and so you must first slay me, per compuctionem-i.e. by so pricking me with `the sword of your mouth 0' as to induce me to comply-before you may eat me per obedientiam-i.e. make use of me in the way you wish through my obedience to your desire. Not being thus so far slain, I have a right to protest against being made pope against my will."
12 Honoratus was at this time Gregory's apocrisiarius at Constantinople. We find several letters addressed to him in this capacity, but none throwing light on the case here referred to.
13 Theodorus was the court Physician at Constantinople, to whom Epistles III. 66, IV. 31, VII. 28, are addressed.
14 Anastasius had been threatened with deposition and exile (a.d. 563) by the Emperor Justinian, and the sentence had been carried into effect (a.d. 570) by Justinian's successor, Justin II. Notwithstanding this, Gregory after his own accession acknowledged him as the true patriarch of Antioch; and, probably owing to his intercession with the Emperor Maurice, Anastasius wes restored to his patriarchal See on the death of Gregory, who had been intruded into it, a.d. 593. Other Epistles to, or concerning this Anastasius are I. 25, 26, 28; V. 39; VII. 27, 33; VIII. 2.
15 In English Bible, cxix. 107.
17 For the results of this order, see below, Ep. 35. For other instances of Gregory's tolerant attitude towards Jews, and his deprecation of force being used for their conversion, see that Epistle, and also I. 47; IX. 6. But he is strict in prohibiting their possession of slaves who were already, or might become, Christians, and will allow them no compensation for the loss of such (cf. iii. 38: IV. 9, 21: IX. 109, 110).
18 Another Epistle, X. 15, is addressed to the same lady.
19 The word conversio commonly denotes entering a monastery.
21 The bishops of Istria, of whom the bishop Aquilea was Metropolitan, still refused to accept the decree of the fifth (Ecumenical Council, which had, under the dictation of the Emperor Justinian, condemned certain writings of three deceased prelates, Theodore of Mopsuesta, Theodoret and Ibas, called "the three chapters" (tria capitula). Severus the Metropolitan, summoned in this letter with his suffragans to Rome, disregarded the summons, going instead, at the instance of the Exarch Smaragdus, to Ravenna, where he remained a year. On his return to his See he still held out, though many of his bishops conformed. A schism hence ensued in Istria, which continued during the life of Gregory (Joan. Diac. Vit. S. Greg. iv. 37, 38). Other Epistles referring to the Istrian schism are II. 46, 51; V. 51; IX. 9, 10; XIII. 33.
22 Autharit (al. Autharith, called by Paul. Diac. Authari). who died at Pavia in this year (a.d. 591) had been king of the Lombards for six years, having effected extensive conquests in Italy. "Rex Authari apud Ticinum Nonas Septembris veneno, ut tradunt, accepto moritur, postquam sex regnaverat annos." (Paul. Diac. de gestis Longob. iii. 36). It is he who is said to have advanced to Rhegium at the toe of Italy. And there, riding up to a pillar in the sea, to have touched it with the point of his spear, and said, "As far as this shall the boundaries of the Lombards extend." (Paul. Diac. iii. 33.) He had been a determined Arian. He was succeeded by Agilulph, whom his widow Theodelinda, a Catholic Bavarian princess, selected as her consort. With her Gregory carried on a very friendly correspondence and probably through her influence, Agilulph himself, originally an Arian is said to have been converted to Catholicity. Gregory's letters to Theodelinda are IV. 4, 38; IX. 43; XIV. 12.
23 Salona was the metropolis of the province Dalmatia in Western Illyricum. The misdoings of its bishop, Natalis, gave rise to a lengthy correspondence. See, in addition to this letter, I. 20; II. 18, 19, 20 52; III. 8, 32. He had, as appears from this letter and other, desired to get rid of his archdeacon Honoratus having apparently some grudge against him, and with this a few would have ordained him priest against his will, none but deacons being then capable of holding the office of archdeacon. He was accused also of addiction to unbecoming conviviality, an of neglecting his episcopal duties. Eventually, after continued contumacy, he appears to have satisfied Gregory in the matter of Honoratus, and also to have reformed his own habits of life, after writing what appears from Gregory's reply to it to have been a racy letter in defence of conviviality, which was taken in good part and replied to in a Good-humoured vein (II. 52). Gregory subsequently said of him, "I was at one time much distressed concerning our brother and fellow bishop Natalis, having experiencedproud behaviour from him. But since he has himself corrected his manners, he has overcome me, and comforted my sadness" (II. 46).
24 Cimelia, from Gr. keimh/lia.
25 This appears to have been the formal answer to the officialletter sent by the bishop of Salona to Gregory, congratulating him on his accession to the popedom, having no connexion with, and perhaps written before, the preceding Epistle XIX.
26 A paribus denotes that the Epistle is a copy of an identical one that has been sent to more than one person, exemplis, being perhaps understood. Cf. I. 80; VI. 52, 54, 58; IX. 60, 106.
27 What is here printed between inverted commas, with much of what has come before, occurs also in Regula Pastoralis, II. 1. So also long passages afterwards, as will be seen.
28 The Benedictine Editors adopt the reading patribus instead of fratribus. But the sense seems to require the latter.
30 Keys of St. Peter's sepulchre, in which had been inserted filings from his alleged chains preserved at Rome, were often sent by Gregory to distinguished friends (cf. III. 48; VI. 6; VII. 26; VIII. 35; IX. 122; XI. 66), to be hung round the neck (VI. 6) or deposited (XI. 66), or used for healing. For an account of how the filings were obtained, see IV. 30. In one instance the key is described as being of gold (VII. 26). To Eulogius of Alexandria is sent a small cross containing filings from the chains, to be applied to his sore eyes.
32 I.e. Secretary. "Scriptor idem est et cancellarius . . . quod rescribit literis missis ad dominum suum.' Du Cange.
34 This alleged consequence of the bishop's absence from his See does not imply that he alone could administer baptism, but only that his authorization was required for its administration. See Bingham, Bk. II. ch. iii. Sect. 3, 4, and references there given: e.g. Ignat. Ep. ad Smyrn. n. viii., "It is not lawful either to baptize or celebrate the Eucharist without the bishop; but that which he allows is well-pleasing to God:" Hieron. Dialog. c. Lucifer, p. 139, "Thence it comes that, without the order of the bishop neither presbyter nor deacon has the right of baptizing;" Can. Apost. c. xxxviii., "Let the presbyters, and deacons execute no office without the knowledge of the bishop; for it is to him that the Lord's people are committed, and he must give an account of their souls." It was usual in episcopal cities to have only one baptistery, connected with the bishop's church; and these all would be baptized, if not by the bishop himself (who was accounted the chief minister of baptism). yet under his direction and superintendence. Cf. Bingham, Bk. VIII., ch. vii., Sect. 6: Bk. XI., ch. vii.. Sect. 12, 13.
35 The relations of Gregory to this Venantius are interesting; other letters throwing light on them being III. 60; VI. 43, 44; IX. 123; XI. 30, 35, 36, 78. Venantius was a patrician, resident in Sicily, who, having become a monk, had discovered that he had mistaken his vocation and returned to secular life. In the letter before us he is kindly, but very earnestly, written to, in the hope of inducing him to retrace a step which, from Gregory's point of view, was so dangerous to his friend's soul. But the remonstrance was in vain. Venantius appears, from an allusion in the letter to have been associated with a literary set of friends who took a view of the purpose of life not in accordance with the monastic theory: and other motives may have disposed him to listen to their advice, since we find him afterwards married to a lady called Italica. She appears to have been, like Venantius of patrician rank, and resident in Sicily and to have possessed property there; for see III. 60, an epistle addressed to "Italica Patricia," remonstrating with her for her alleged harsh treatment of certain poor people, who were under the protection of the Church. It appears from this letter that Gregory had known her previously, and it is observable that he makes allusion to her personal charms (pulchritudo in superficie corporis). There being no allusion in this letter to any hushand, it cannot be concluded that she was, at the time when it was written, married to Venantius: but we may reasonably suppose her to have been the same Italica who was subsequently addressed as his wife, for see IX. 123, "Domno Venantio patricio et Italicoe jugalibus." The marriage may possibly have taken place soon after Gregory's first letter to Venantius, which, if the date assigned be correct, was written in the 9th Indiction (a.d. 590-l). It cannot well have been much later, since in the 4th Indiction i.e.a.d.600-1 (still supposing the assigned dates correct) there were two girls, the issue of the marriage, who were also written to by Gregory after their father's death, and seem then to have been already old enough to be betrothed. See XI. 35, 36, 78. At some time subsequent to his marriage we find a letter of serious admonition addressed to Venantius (VI. 43), who had quarrelled with his bishop on some matters of business, and acted violently. But, notwithstanding all such causes for displeasure, Gregory continued on terms of cordial friendship with the married couple, and took a warm interest in their children. Having heard of Venantius being dangerously ill, he wrote a letter of sympathy, addressed to him and his wife jointly, and at the end sent greetings to his "most sweet daughters, the lady Barbara and the lady Antonina." (IX. 123). Subsequently, when Venantius was suffering from gout, he addressed him earnestly, but kindly; and, when he was on his death-bed, and the inheritance of the daughter was in jeopardy owing to certain claims made by certain persons on their father's estate, he wrote a short kind letter to the little ladies, bidding them keep up their spirits so as to comfort their father assuring them that he himself would protect them after their father's death, and speaking of the debt of gratitude he owed for the goodness to himself of both their parents. The mother not being written to, or alluded to as alive, may be supposed to have died previously. At the same time he wrote to John, bishop of Syracuse (the same bishop with whom Venantius had been once for a time at variance), urging him to do what he could to induce Venantius, even in his last moments, to resume the monastic habit for the safety of his soul and no less urgently charging him to take up the cause of the orphan girls. Lastly (XI. 87), the girls are once more addressed by Gregory in a kind letter, from which it seems, that, young as they must have been, marriage was already in contemplation for them, and in which he expresses his hope of seeing them at Rome. The correspondence thus summarised is peculiarly interesting, as shewing both Gregory's strong sense of the sin and danger to the soul of returning to the world from the monastic life, and also the continuance of his friendship and affection to one who had thus sinned, and the interest he could still take in his domestic happiness and the welfare of his family.
36 Seneca, Epist. 3: "Tu omnia cum amico delibera, sed de ipso prius. Post amicitiam credendum est; ante amicitiam judicandum."
37 As to the rectores patrimonii, see Proleg. p. vii.
38 Titulum imponere seems to have meant originally setting up a scroll or tablet on a property to assert a title to it; it might be in some cases with a view to sale, letting, or to confiscation.
39 I.e. the Proetor of Sicily.
40 Natalem, i.e. birthday; denoting usually, in the case of a dignitary, the day of his inauguration; and, in the case of a deceased saint, the day of his death.
41 Natalem, i.e. birthday; denoting usually, in the case of a dignitary, the day of his inauguration; and, in the case of a deceased saint, the day of his death.
42 He was the subdeacon who had charge of the patrimony in Campania, as appears from other letters to him (see Index of Epistles).
43 Rector patrimonii and defensor in Campania. See above Ep. 39.
44 In Campania, hodie Sorrento.
45 Gregory made the acquantance of Leander, bishop of the Metropolitan See of Hispalis (Seville) in Spain, during his residence at Constantinople. It was at the instigation of Leander together with the request of the monks who had followed him from his Roman Monastery to Constantinople, that he had begun when there, to expound the book of Job. The earlier part of his "Moralium libri, sive Exposido in librum B. Job." had been delivered in oral discourses at Constantinople, but afterwards revised, arranged, and completed in thirty-five books. The whole when finished, was addressed to Leander. All this appears from the "Epistola Missoria" prefixed to the completed treatise. Gregory evidently had a peculiar affection for Leander. Other epistles addressed to him are V. 49, and IX. 121. He is spoken of also in the Dialogues of Gregory. Lib. III. cap. 31, being there referred to as "dudum mihi in amicitiis familiariter junctus."
46 Reccared, the Visigoth King in Spain, had declared himself a Catholica.d.587 and formally renounced Arianism and adopted the Catholic Creed at the Council of Toledo,a.d.589. The date of the letter before us, if rightly placed, isa.d.591.
47 Rusticos ecclesioe;i.e. the native cultivater of the land, called elsewhere coloni, and by Cicero (In Verrem),aratores. See Proleg.
48 It appears from Cicero that, when the Romans annexed Sicily, they found the greater part of the land subject by ancient custom to a tithe of the corn and other produce, and that such tithe continued to be enacted by the Roman government, which derived thence its main revenue from the island: further, that the custom had grown up of allowing a pecuniary composition for the tithe, and that this custom, intended originally for the accommodation of the tithe payers, had been abused to their detriment by over valuation in years when corn was cheap. One of the charges against Verres was that this had been done under him as Proetor. When wheat was selling in Sicily for two or at the most three sesterces per modius, the peasants had been made to compound for their tithes at the rate of three denarii, i.e. twelve secterces. (Cic. in Verr. Divin. 10; Act II. Lib. iii. 6, 18). The Roman Church having succeeded the Roman Government in the lordship of the "Patrimony of St. Peter" it appears that the Church officials had not been guiltless of similar unfair exactions. Hence the direction here in this Epistle that the valuations of the tithe insuccessive years should follow the market price.
49 This refers to the corn which was sent annually in large quantities to Rome, and on which the Romans were in a great measure dependent for their supply. Those in Sicily who furnished it were, it seems, responsible for its delivery, taking the risk of loss by sea. But it rested with the Church officials to provide for its being shipped; and, if any loss on the voyage ensued from their delay, the parties otherwise responsible were to be indemnified.
50 Ex sextariaticis. This appears to have been a technical term, denoting unjust exaction of the following kind. The peasants (rustici) on an estate had to supply, let us say so many modii of corn to be shipped for Rome. But the modius varied in capacity. It is said originally to have contained sixteen sextarii, a sextarius being between a pint and a quart. But it appears below that one of eighteen sextarii was in use in the time of Gregory, and by him allowed. This limit, however, seems to have been sometimes exceeded, and herein consisted the abuse complained of. In a subsequent epistle (XIII. 34) a modius ofeven twenty-five sextarii is spoken of as having been in one case used:-"We understand that the modius by which the husband-men (coloni) were compelled to give their corn was one of twenty-five sextarii."
51 Massis. These massoe might include several farms (fundi, or poedia), and were let or leased to farmers (conductores), who made their profit out of them. Cf. xiv. 14, "Massam quoe Aquas Salvias nuncupatur cum omnibus fundis suis;" also v. 31, "Conductoribus massarum per Galliam."
52 Conductores. See last note.
53 Pensantem ad septuagena bina. It would seem that, in addition to the abuse of using modii of too large capacity, there was the additional one of exacting more modii than were legally due, three and a half being added to every seventy; i. e. one toevery twenty. Cf. Cicero in Verrem, "Ab Siculis aratoribus, proeter decumam, ternoe quinquagesimoe (i.e. three for every fifty) exigebantur." If the reading septuagina bina be correct, it would seem that Gregory allowed two to be added to every seventy perhaps on the ground of long-established custom. The readings, however, vary; and what was meant is uncertain.
54 Siliquoe. In Roman weights the uncia contained 144 siliquoe, and the as or libra 12 uncioe. The reference seems to be to cases in which the grain or other produce was rendered by weight. The just pound was not to be exceeded.
55 Proeter excepta et vilia cibaria. Cibaria bears the general sense of victuals or provender; and specifically, "Cibarium, teste, Plin. I. 18, c. 9, ubi de siligine agit, dicitur farina quoe post pollinem seu Florum excussum restat, postquam nihil aliud remanet nisi furfures: the second sort of flour. Eadem dicitur secundarium. Ex ea qui conficitur vocatur panis cibarius, quia solet esse communis vulgi cibus." Facciol: ti. The adjective cibarius is applied to provisions generally wine, oil, bread, &c., of a common and inferior kind, and consumed by the common people. The reference in the text may be to refuse and inferior grain or other breadstuff, of which an excessive weight might be exacted to make up for its inferior quality.
56 Colonis, meaning the same as rustici. See note 1.
57 Burdationis. This appears to have been a kind of land tax, payable in the first instance, before the peasants had been able to convert their produce into money. "Burdatio est pensio quoe a rusticis proestatur proedii nomine, quod Burdam vocant, nostri Borde."Alteserra.
58 Auctionariis. "Mercator qui res suas auget; et proprie dicitur ille qui hic vel illic res parvas et veteres et tritas eruit. ut postea carius vendat." Du Cange.
59 Commoda. The word commodum denotes properly a bounty (as to soldiers over and above their pay), a gratuity, a voluntary offering, though used also for a stipend, or payment generally. The peasants (rusticii) might not marry without permission. Cf. xii. 25, "ut eum districte debeas commonere ne filios suos quolibet ingenio vel excusatione foris alicubi in conjugio, sociare proesumat, sed in ea massa cui lege et conditione ligati sunt socientur." For such permission they were, it seems, accustomed to pay a fee, in theory perhaps voluntary, but virtually exacted as a due.
60 Because a fine would have to be paid out of the common substance of the family, and so all would be punished for the offence of one.
61 On the office of defensores, see Proleg.
63 Suppositorium. The word itself might denote anything put under another, or supporting another. Here its being associated with a cup (calix), and both being called small vessels (vascula), suggests the translation in the text.
64 The meaning of these directions is obscure owing to our ignorance of the circumstances.
65 The word lapsi was the regular one for denoting clergy or others, who had fallen into sin rendering them liable to excommunication.
66 It was against monastic rule for monks or nuns to retain property of their own aiter profession, or the power of disposing of it by will. It became the common property of the monastery Cf. Justinian, Novell. V. c. 38. See also what was said above about the goods of lapsed members of religious communities. In a subsequent Epistle (IX, 7), Gregory annulls a will that had been made by an abbess Sirica. The case of one Probus, an abbot (Appendix, Ep. IX.), who was allowed to make a will is no real exception to the rule. For Gregory gave him special permission to do so on his own petition, on the equitable ground that at the time of his hasty ordination as abbot, not having been a monk previously, he had neglected to make provision for his son by will, as he had intended to do, and as he had then a right to do. In tbe case before us Gregory acts with lenient consideration. Though condemning the bequest of the monk John to the guardian Fantinus, he allows the latter to take it on the ground that he deserved, but had not so far received, a proper remuneration for his services.
67 Magnificum virum. Who this Alexander was is not known. His designation implies a position of rank. An Alexander appears afterwards as Proetor of Sicily (VI. 8): but the Proetor of this year was Justinus (see above, Ep. II.), who was apparently sncceeded by Libertinus (III. 38).
68 Ancilloe Dei. So were called, not professed nuns only, but also others who devoted themselves to virginity and religious lives Gregory's own aunts, Tarsilla and Aemiliana, who lived as dedicated virgins in their own home. were instances. See Proleg. p. xiv.
69 Amulas. "Amula minor ama vas vinarium, in quo sacra oblatio continetur." Du Cange.
70 "Decimatas vini duas pensantes per unamquamque decimatam libras 60 (Ap. Anastasium in Hadriano). . . mensuroe vinarioe species videtur." Du Cange.
71 Honoratus was Gregory's apocrisiarius at Constantinople.
72 Anthemius was Defensor ecclesioe in Campania.
73 An island, as well as Palmaria mentioned afterwards, near the Campanian coast, and hence under the care of Anthemius.
74 Alluding to the Lombards, who at this time were ravaging Italy.
75 I.e. of the Church in Corsica, as appears from the letter.
76 The clergy who had been married before ordination were not required to put away their wives. Can. Apostol. V. expressly forbids their doing so under pain of excommunication. The 3rd Nicene Canon, which forbids any bishop, presbyter, or any of the clergy, to have a woman dwelling with him except a mother, or sister, or aunt, or such persons only as are above suspicion, does not touch the case of wives, being directed against the custom of the clergy having females who where neither wives nor of their own kindred, to live with them who were called synesactoe, or agapetoe. Accordingly A law of Honorius and the younger Theodosius, made in pursuance of the Nicene Canon, adds to the above injunction, "That those who were married before their husbands where ordained should not be relinquished upon pretence of chastity, it being reasonable that those should be joined to the clergy who by their conversation had made their husbands worthy of the priesthood." (Cod. Theodor. lib. xvi. tit. ii. de Episc. l. xliv. Also Cod. Just. lib. i. tit. iii. leg. xix. See Bingham, Bk. vi. ch. ii. sect. 13). But in the West it was now the established rule that neither bishops, priests, nor deacons should have conjugal intercourse with their wives after ordination: and it has been seen under Ep. XLIV. how this rule had been extended to subdeacons. Gregory tells us in his Dialogues(Lib, iv. cap. 11)of a holy presbyter in the province of Nursia, who at the time of his ordination had a wife (presbyteram suam), whom he thenceforth loved as a sister. but avoided as an enemy, never suffering her to come near him for fear of temptation: and he adds, "For this is the way of holy men, that in order to keep far away from what is unlawful they cut themselves off even from what is lawful." Cf. IX. 60. "Hoc tantummodo adjecto ut hi, sicut canonica decrevit auctoritas, uxores quas caste debent regere non relinquant."
77 The vacant See referred to was that of Ariminum. See following epistle. Severus, who had been commisioned to act as visitor during the vacancy, was bishop of Ficulum, or Ficocle in the same province. See V. 25.
78 Turritana civitas, a city in Sardinia, called by Pliny (lib. iii. c. 7) Turris Lybissonis, and by Ptolemy (lib. iii. c. 5) Turris Byssonis.
79 Commodalibus dispendiis. The word commodum is used not only for a stipend, or a present or gratuity, but also for exacted payments, "Pro quavis pensitatione vel etiam exactione usurpat Gregor. M." Du Cange.
80 Religiosos ecclesiae. By the terms religiosi and religisoe were denoted not only monks, nuns, dedicated virgins, and clergy, but also other persons devoted to piety and good works in connection with the Church. Cf. xi 54, "laico religioso." See reff. in Index under Religiosus.
81 Angariis seu commodis. Angarium, or angaria, denotes any forced service imposed on people, either rendered in person or in money payment. See also V. 8, note 4.
82 Other letters addressed to or relating to this bishop, who was an old man of very unsatisfactory character are I. 63; II. 49; III. 36; IV. 8, 9, 15, 26, 27, 29; V. 2; IX. 1, 2, 3, 6, 7, 8, 25, 65; XIV. 2.
84 Probably vestes palmatoe, i.e. robes interwoven or embroidered with palm leaves.
86 See Ep. II. If this Epistle is rightly assigned to the ninth Indiction, the title ex-proetor may possibly be an error in the text since Justin is still addressed as proetor in the following Indiction (II. 33). Libertinus appears to have succeeded him as Proetor of Sicily in the eleventh Indiction. See III. 38.
87 Two of these bishops, Gregory and Leo, are referred to afterwards as having been at Rome to answer to certain charges. See II. 33, and III. 12.
88 Extraneis, i.e. growers or vendors of corn outside the patrimony of the Church.
90 The heretics (so called, though they were really rather schismatics than heretics) were the Donatists, who still lingered in Africa in spite of imperial edicts for their suppression. What Gregory here urges the Exarch to do is to put in force the existing laws against them. A series of imperial laws against the Donatists will be found in Cod. Theod. Bk. xvi. tit. 5, that of Honorius,a.d.414, being especially severe.
91 It was the immemorial custom in the provinces of Africa generally for the senior bishop of the province according to the date of his consecration to be appointed primate, instead of the bishop of the civil metropolis being such in virtue of his See, as was the rule elsewhere. (The province of Africa proper, or Africa Proconsularis, was however an exception; for in it the bishop of Carthage was always the primate). Hence in Africa the designation Metropolitan was not used, but that of Primate or Senior (senex). Gregory here, though allowing the old custom of movable primacies, forbids the necessary election of the senior bishop: and this in order to guard against the appointment of unfit persons. His main motive, as appears from Epistle LXXVI., addressed to the bishops of the province of Numidia, was to preclude the elevation to the primacy of any bishop who had once been a Donatist. For in it he allows the retention of the old African custom in all respects, save only that no bishop who had been a Donatist was ever to be appointed primate.
93 "Chartularius. Qui chartas tractant, qui chartis deserviunt.... Dignitas ecclesiastica etiam u fuit." Du Cange. This Hilary is commended to Gennadius the Exarch of Africa, I. 75, and again mentioned as Gregory's Chartulary in Africa, II. 48: X. 37; XII. 28, 29.
95 Sacerdotis. The term includes bishops as well as presbyters, and is used in this and the two following Epistles, as usually elsewhere by Gregory, to denote the former in distinction from the latter. The occasion of this And the two following Epistls will be seen to be as follows. The See of Saona in Corsica had been for some time vacant. It rested with the clergy and nobles of the island ( See above, Ep. LXXX.), to elect a new bishop; but they had failed to do so; and consequently Gregory remedied their neglect by himself filling up the vacancy. His right to do so would not be questioned there, Corsica as well as Sicily being among the Suburbicarian provinces which were under the acknowledged patriarchal jurisdiction of the See of Rome. Meanwhile he also commissioned Leo, the bishop of a neighbouring See (to whom this letter is addressed), to make a vistitation of the Church of Saona, and exercise episcopal authority there, till the new bishop should take possession. There are several other Epistles, not included in this translation, appointing visitors of various churches.
96 Cardinal bishops, presbyters, or deacons, meant formerly such as were regularly instituted and attached to some particular see, parish, or church, which, constituted their title (titulas). They were then said to be incardinati, the act of so instituting them being called incardinatio. Cf. II. 37; XIV. 7.
1 Ariulph was the Lombard Duke of Spoletum, one of the principal cities in Italy occupied by the Lombards. For further reference to him cf. II. 29, 30, 46; IX. 98. He was at this time preparing, and suspected by Gregory of such intention, for an attack on Rome. Cf. Prologom. Velox (to whom this letter is addressed), and Maurilius and Vitalian (alluded to in it, are addressed in Epp. 29, 30), were Roman Generals (magistri militum) in command of imperial forces: but where they were is not apparent. From an allusion to Suana (or Soana) as within reach of the last two they may be supposed to have been somewhere in Tuscia.
2 Apparently a familia of slaves belonging to Velox, but at this time with Maurilius.
3 Clero, nobilibus, ordini et plebi. Ordo seems to denote persons of official or other rank, above the commonalty, but below, the nobility. In some cases the corresponding address is to clero, ordini et plebi (as in I. 81; V. 26); in others to clero et nobilibus only. All such expressions shew that the election of bishops rested with the members, laity as well as clergy, of each church, though the bishop of Rome, wherever his jurisdiction extended reserved to himself the power of approving or disallowing the election. In the election at Naples, referred to in this Epistle, there appears to have been a difficulty in arriving at an unanimous choice. Other Epistles referring to the case are II. 9, 10, 15, 26; III 35. From the last of these it appears how it was eveentually settled. See especially note 6 under II. 9.
4 Sacerdotii; meaning here episcopacy. See I. 78, note 2.
5 Maximianus had been a monk, and for a time abbot, in Gregory's monastery of St. Andrew at Rome, had accompanied him to Constantinople, and been recommended by him soon after his own accession, and elected Bishop of Syracuse (Joan. Diac. Vit. S. Greg. ii. 11, 12). He was highly esteemed by Gregory, and mentioned in His Dialogues as having been miraculously delivered from shipwreck on his return from Constantinople to Rome (Dialog. iii. 36. Cf. Hom. 34 in Evang.).His appointment now as delegate of the Roman See in Sicily would relieve Peter the subdeacon of his temporary jurisdiction over the ecclesiastics there. Maximianus died in November,a.d.594. See V. 17, 22. It is to be observed that the general authority now given to Maximianus was granted to him personally, and not permanently to the See of Syracuse.
6 He was bishop of Nepe, which as well as Naples, was in the urbicarien province of Rome. The filling up of the See of Naples appears to have been a cause of great anxiety to Gregory, probably because of the party feeling prevailing in the city. In his first letter to the Neapolitans (supra, Ep. 6), he had contemplated the speedy election of a new bishop in the usual way; but it appears from this Epistle that he had seen reason to defer such election, sending meanwhile Paulus of Nepe to administer the See. Some at least in Naples appear to have wished this Paulus to be elected soon after his arrival among them; but this Gregory would not allow till he could see better how things were going. Such provisional arrangement continued, it seems, for more than a year, another bishop having been commissioned to supply Paul's place in his own Church of Nepe against the Easter festival (II. 26). That Gregory's fear of opposition to Paul were justified appears from the subsequent mention of a violent attack made on him by a party opposed to him at Naples (III. 1). He meanwhile, not liking his position, had already been anxious to return to his own see (II. 15), but had not been allowed. When he went at last, it seems that an election had taken place, but had proved futile from the person chosen having refused to be ordained (III. 15). Eventually the election had taken place, by Gregory's direction, not at Naples, but at Rome (III. 35), one Fortunatus being chosen (III. 61). The whole history of the case illustrates the troubles incident to popular election of bishops at that time, especially in great cities.
8 Though called here Episcopus Neapolitanus, it is apparent from this and other Epistles that he was as yet only the episcopa visitor, not the regular, or cardinal, bishop of Naples.
10 Sanctuaria, meaning apparently relics, the deposition of which usually accompanied the consecration of holy places.
11 For the occasion of this letter, see II. 9, note 6.
12 Salona was the metropolis of the province of Dalmatia in the diocese of Illyricum Occidentale, and Natalis, in virtue of his occupancy of the See, the Ecclesiastical Metropolitan of the province. For Gregory's subsequent dealings with this bishop see II. 19, 20, 52; III. 8, 32. For the occassion of this Epistle, see I. 19, note 5.
13 This Antoninus was rector patrimonii in Dalmatia (see III. 22), and, though but a subdeacon, appears to have had the same kind of jurisdiction over the clergy given him in the pope's name even in ecclesiastical matters as had been committed Peter the subdeacon in Sicily. (See I. 1.)
14 This Malchus was a bishop in Dalmatia (cf. Lib. 1. Ep. 38, 'Ad Malchum episcopum Dalmatia,") and appears to have been in charge of some part of the patrimony there, for his administration of which he had been called to account, and was therefore summoned to Rome to clear himself. He died there suddenly after his case had been heard, and judgment had been given against him, Gregory being calumniosly accused of having caused his death. His case is referred to II. 20, 46; III. 22, 47; IV. 47.
15 This Epistle, as appears from the following, one was on the occasion of the election of John to the See of Justiniana Prima in Eastern Illyricum which, though annexed by the Emperor Cratian (379) to the Eastern Empire, had remained under the spiritual control of the Roman See. Accordingly Pope Damasus had assigned to the bishop of Thessalonica vicariate jurisdiction under Rome over the new proefecture: and this arrangement had continued to the time of Pope Vigilius, when the Emperor Justinian assigned to Achrida, called by him Justiniana Prima, Metropolitan jurisdiction over the five provinces of the Dacian civil diocese with the two Pannonias in the diocese of Illyricum Occidentale (Justin. Novel. cxxxi. c. iii.) Hence Justiniana Prima became the seat thenceforth of the ecclesiastical Vicariate also. The election to the See, being a metropolitan one, appears to have been made in this instance by the suffragan bishops with the concurrence of the Emperor; after which the Bishop of Rome was applied to for confirmation. In the case before us it was readily given, the pallium sent, and the vicariate jurisdiction renewed. A case will appear below in which such confirmation was refused, but dispensed with by the Emperor, who supported the elected bishop against the Pope. See III. 47, note 1.
16 Sacerdotii, meaning here episcopacy. See I. 78, note 1.
17 Xenia. The term denotes, among other kinds of presents, such as were voluntarily offered to superiors, as by the people of a province to proconsuls. Those here referred to were such as it was the custom for bishops to send to the Pope after their ordination or from time to time. We find other instances of Gregory deprecating such presents. "The temporal Xenia which you have sent us, though we are in no need of such, we have nevertheless accepted with due charity.". (VI. 64, Ad Dominicam episcopum Carthaginensem.) The word is used also for presents of all kinds. Cf. e.g. the letter to Ethelbert (Xl. 66).
20 Other letters addressed to this patrician lady are IV. 46: VIII. 22: XI. 44: XIII. 22. She appears to have been a widow, no husband being alluded to, who had migrated with her family from Rome to Constantinople (cf. VIII. 2, and XIII. 22). She is spoken of in subsequent letters as a person of slender frame and weak health, and subject to gout. Her family, to whom greetings are always sent, being her children either by birth or marriage, were Appio and Eusebia, Eudoxius and Gregoria, the former, and perhaps the latter also, being a married couple. Strategius also, a son of Appio and Eusebia, apparently a child, has afterwards greetings sent to him. They had daughters also, whose names are not given.
21 Two years later (see IV. 46, Indict. XII. i.e.a.d.593-4) she appears to have made a pilgrimage to Mount Sinai.
23 "Abest hoec Epist. a plerisque mss." (Benedict Ed.)
24 In Collect. Pauli Diac., Junii. (Ibid.)
27 Sculcas. SCULCAe, excubioe; pro exulcoe vocabulo truncato, ut cubioe pro excubioe. Du Cange.
28 In Colbert. Vet. the date is added, "Die 14 Kal. Jan. Indict. 10." The dates are evidently uncertain.
29 Conductores. See I. 44, note 6.
30 Presbyterium. The term, as here used, means apparently a pecuniary allowance to presbyters. Cf. V. 33, Ad Gauaentiam Episcopum; "Fraternitatem tuam proesentibus hortamur affatibus ut clericis Capuanoe Ecclesioe quartam in presbyterium eorum de hoc quod ante dictoe ecclesioe singulis annis accesserit juxta antiquam consuetudinem distribuere secundum personarum studeat qualitatem, quatenus aliquod stipendiorum habentes solatium, ministerium officiumque suum circa eamdem ecclesiam devotiore mente provocentur impendere."
32 Maximianus (as appears from Epistle 34), whom Gregory had himself appointed bishop Syracuse. Cf. II. 7, and note.
33 This Eusebius was an abbot in Sicily. Letters follow about him to Maximianus (Ep. 34), and to him (Ep. 36).
34 Scribonibus. The term denoted officers sent from the imperial court into the provinces for executing certain duties; in this case for raising recruits for the imperial army. Cf. V. 30, note 8.
35 Parum aliquid xenii. On xenia, see II. 23, note 8.
36 We note here the sarcastic vein in which Gregory from time to time pleasantly stimulates Peter to activity.
37 I.e. the rector patrimonii. The purport of this direction seems be that agents from the laity might be appointed with advantage to assist the rector patrimonii; and these must first be made clerici by receiving the tonsure, so as to be qualified to act for the Church. The rectors themselves were usually at least subdeacons.
38 Scholastici. The designation appears to have been applied generally to scholarly and learned persons. Cf. Hieron. in Catal. Scriptor. Eccles., "Serapion ob elegantiam ingenii cognomen scholastici meruit." In Gregory's Epistles it seems to denote usually men learned in the law, who might advise on legal points or sit as assessors. In I. 44 (to Peter the subdeacon) scholastici are spoken of as having given a legal opinion , Epistle 36 in Bk. IX. is addressed "Severo scholastico exarchi," and he is spoken of as one of those "qui assistant judicibus." Cf. also IX. 58, 59, for the employment of "Martinus Scholasticus,vir eloquentissimus," in a cave of disputed jurisdiction over the primate of the African province of Bizacia. Such scholastici were evidently persons of importance. Gregory addresses them by the title of "Gloria vestra" (IV. 40), and of "Magnitudo tua" (IX. 58). In IX. 12 he speaks of the form of prayer which followed the words of institution in the Canon of the Mass as having been composed by a scholasticus (precem quam schloasticus composuerat), perhaps using the term in the general sense of a scholar.
41 Proepositi. The word, though used also in a more general sense, usually denotes the Prior of a monastery, appointed as the Abbot's vice-gerent.
42 Episcopi Laurinensis. If the reading is correct, the See intended is unknown. Holstein (Annot. in Geograph. Sacra, p. 21) suggests Carinensem, denoting the Sicilian See of Carine, or Camarina.
43 I.e. the first seven books of the Bible.
44 Now Proetor of Sicily. Cf. I. 2.
45 Bishop of Catana in Sicily. Cf. I. 72.
48 The text here ("nullis canonicis juris deserviant") appears to be corrupt, being unintelligible. The sense of the corresponding clause in the shorter Epistle has been given in the translation.
49 Processio usually denotes the celebration of Mass.
50 For elucidation of the circumstances of this Epistle see above, Epistles 3, 29, 30.
51 Viz. Romanus Patricius, mentioned below, the Exarch of Ravenna, and as such representing the Emperor in Italy. See I. 33, "Ad Romanum Patricium et Exarchum Italioe."
52 Precaria; apparently subsidies demanded for the supportof the invading army. Precarium (or Precarim), which has various applications, appears to be capable of this sense. See Du Cange.
53 The Istrian bishops still held out in refusing to accept thecondemnation of "The Three Chapters" passed in the fifth (Ecumenical Council at the instance of the Emperor Justinian. Gregory, soon after his accession, had suummoned Severus, Bishop of Aquileia and Metropolitan, with his suffragans, to Rome; and this, as he alleges, by command of the Emperor, though the latter had now, it appears, forbidden further proceedings See I. 16, and note.
54 I.e. the soldiers of the Theodosian Legion.
55 With respect to Rome Gregory has already complained that the Exarch would neither send forces for its defence nor allow peace to be made with Ariulph. So also witb regard to Naples, which Gregory understands to be now threatened by the Lombards. The Exarch, it appears, had been urgent in insisting that it should hold out against the enemy ("excellentissimo exarcho instanter imminente"), but without giving any help for the purpose. What Gregory here says is that without aid from the Exarch its defence was hopeless.
56 Aragis was the Lombard duke of Beneventum.
57 Viz. Aquileia, of which Severus was bishop and Metropolitan called here schismaticus because of his holding out against Rome in the matter of the Three Chapters. The bribes he is said below to have sent to Constantinople would be for inducing the Emperor to take his part against Gregory.
58 See above, Ep. 20, in this Book, and I. 19, note 5, where references to other Epistles are given.
60 The bishop of Carthage was primate of the province of Africa Proconsularis in virtue of his See. For the custom with regard to primacy in other African provinces, see I. 74, note 2. The fact, apparent from this letter, that Dominicus had deemed sending to Gregory on his accession the congratulatory letter that had been expected, and Gregory's carefulness to assure him, in the course of the studiously courteous letter, of his desire to respect the ancient privileges of Churches, may be among the symptoms, otherwise apparent, of the authoritative claims of the Roman See being still viewed with some jealousy in the African Church. Cf. in Book VIII. Epistle 33, to the same Dominicus, in which Gregory, in praising his reverence for the Apostolic See, attributes such reverence to his knowledge of the origin of the African episcopacy, refraining from asserting in this case any prerogative of divine right belonging to the See of S. Peter. Other letters to Dominicus are V. 5; VII. 35; XII. 1.
61 In English Bible, cxxxix. 21.
62 This Columbus was one of the bishops in Numidia, who seems to have enjoyed the peculiar confidence of Gregory, being written to on various questions concerning the Church there, and charged with seeing to the exercise of discipline over other bishops, though not himself the primate. He is addressed (III. 68; VIII. 13) as being himself especially devoted to the Roman See. Other letters addressed to him are III. 48; IV. 35; VI. 37; VII. 2; VIII. 28; XII. 8; XII. 28.
63 The Donatists had formerly been allowed their own bishop, tolerated along with the Catholic ones. This liberty was now disallowed, probably in accordance with imperial edicts. See I 74, note 8.
64 This letter, being in reply to one from the bishops addressed who are spoken of as being at the time schismatics, cannot have been meant for the universal episcopate. They were probably those of Istria or elsewhere, who were out of communion with Rome because of their refusal to accept the condemnation of the "Three Chapters" by the fifth Council. See I. 16, note 3: IV. 1, 2, 3, 4, 38, 39.
65 I.e. Theodorus of Mopsuestia, whose person, and not his writings only, was anathematized in the fifth Council. The sentence was; "Proedicta tria capitula anathematizamus, id est, Theodorum Mopsuestenum cum nefandis ejus scriptis, et quoe impie Theodoritus conscripsit, et impiam epistolam quoe dicitur Iboe, et defensores eorum."
66 Vigilius, having gone to Constantinople with pope Agapetus, who died there, was selected by the Empress Theodora as his successor, and sent back to Italy with an order from her to Belisarius to bring about his election (Liberatus, Breviar. c. 22). Gregory seems to have been unaware of the fact stated by Liberatus, namely that Vigillius had come to a secret understanding with the Empress that he would support the Monophysite party and disallow the Council of Chalcedon, as there is good evidence that he did after his accession. It is true that he afterwards declared for orthodoxy, and condemned all abettors of the Eutychian heresy. But this appears to have been not tilla.d.450, in reply to a letter received from the Emperor Justinian and therefore subsequent to the occupation of Rome by the Gothic King Theodatus, which was in 536, and to its siege by Vitiges, who retired in 538. Thus what Gregory goes on to say about Rome having been attacked and captured by enemies after the condemnation of heresy by Vigilius must be due to serious ignorance of the facts of the case. Nor does he appear to have known - at any rate he does not intimate - that the condemnation of the Three Chapters, pressed upon the fifth Council by the Emperor Justinian, had been in spite of the opposition of Vigilius, though it is true that this sorry pope did afterwards assent to it.
67 'I'he Monophysites - or some of them - had come to be so called, as being without a head, after their leader. Peter Mongus, had accepted the See of Alexandria on the doctrinal basis of Zeno's Henoticon.
68 Pelagius I., who succeeded Vigilius, though he had formerly with him opposed the condemnation of the Three Chapters, upheld it after his accession to the popedom. The "book" sent by Gregory to the bishops may have been the Epistle given as Ep. VII., among those attributed to Pelagius, addressed to Helias and the bishops of Isria.
69 See I. 19, note 5, with reff.
70 Licinianus was bishop of Carthagena in Spain, a Latin ecclesiastical writer. Isidore (Lib. de illustribus Ecclesioe scriptoribus, c. 29) says of him, "In scripturis doctus, cujus quidem nonnullas epistolas legimus. De sacramento denique baptismatis unam, et ad Eutropium abbatem postea Valentioe episcopum plurimas; reliqua vero industrioe et laboris ejus ad nostram notitiam minime pervenerunt. Claruit temporibus Mauricii Augusti; occubuit Constantinopoli veneno ut ferunt, extinctus ab oemulis Sed, ut scriptum est, Justus quacunque morte proeoccupalus fuerit, anima ejus in refrigerio est." The "Book of Rules' which he had received, was Gregory's Regula Pastoralis.
71 This and the succeeding quotations from the works of the Fathers are inaccurately given, and in places hardly intelligible. Where this is so, the original passages have been followed in the translations.
1 The Castellum, or Castrum, Lucullanum was a small island adjoining Naples. Respecting Paul , bishop of Nepe, who had been sent as visitor to the See of Naples during a vacancy, and his difficulties there, cf. II. 9, 10, 15; III. 35.
3 Probably John, abbot of the monastery of St. Lucia in Syracuse, referred to as engaged in a dispute about property in VII. 39.
5 This tunic is referred to by John the Deacon (Vit. S. Greg. iii. 57, 59), and supposed by him to have been that of St. John the Evangelist, and identical with one of the vestments afterwards preserved under the altar of St. John in the Basilica Constantiniana at Rome, fragments of which he says were given away as relics, and possessed of miraculous virtue.
6 As to the See of Prima Justiniana, the Metropolitan jurisdiction assigned to it by the Emperor Justinian, and the vicariate jurisdiction that had been transferred to it from Thessalonica by the popes, see note on Lib. II., Ep. 22. The circumstances referred to in this and the following letter are interesting as shewing, among other things, the relations of the See of Rome to the Church in Illyricum, and the action of the Emperors with regard to it. They may be epitomized as follows. Theboe Phthioticoe was a See in the province of Thessalia, of which Larissa was the Metropolis. But, as appears from what Gregory says in Epistle VII., Theboe had been for some reason exempted from the metropolitan jurisdiction of the bishop of Larissa by pope Pelagius II. John and Cosmas, two deposed deacons of the Church of Theboe, had sent a representation to the Emperor, accusing their bishop, Adrian, of defalcations in money matters, and also of certain misdemeanours; the latter being that he had retained in office one of his deacons, Stephen, whose shameful life was notorious, and that he had ordered baptism to be refused to certain infants, who had consequently died unbaptized. The Emperor (Mauricius) referred the matter to John, bishop of Larissa, as Metropolitan of Thessalia, who, notwithstanding the exemption of Theboe from his jurisdiction by pope Pelagius II., took it up, and decided against Adrian, at any rate with respect to his alleged pecuniary defalcations. Adrian appealed against this decision to the Emperor, who thereupon deputed certain persons (not bishops) to enquire and report, and, on receiving their report, exempted Adrian from further proceedings, sending an order to that effect to the Bishop of Corinth, who was Metropolitan of the adjoining province of Achaia. Meanwhile John of Larissa had imprisoned Adrian, and elicited from him (under compulsion, it was said) an ambiguous confession of his guilt, and also obtained from the Emperor a second order committing the reinvestigation and final adjudication of the case to John, bishop of Prima Justiniana, who confirmed the sentence of John of Larissa, and deposed Adrian from his See. Adrian now at last appealed to the pope, and went himself to Rome to seek aid from Gregory, who took up the case at once and strenuously declared the past proceedings unfair, uncanonical, and void, ordered the immediate restoration of Adrian to his See, excommunicated John of Prima Justiniana, and forbade John of Larissa, under pain of excommunication, to assume hereafter any metropolitan jurisdiction over the church of Theboe. Now it is plain that, till Adrian's final appeal, no recourse was had by any of the parties concerned to the See of Rome, and that the Emperor, who alone was at first appealed to, took the matter up on his own authority without reference to Rome: nor was it till he had failed of redress from Constantinople that Adrian himself appealed to Gregory. But it is equally evident that Gregory,when appealed to, asserted his own plenary jurisdiction as matter of course and without hesitation: nor is there any evidence to shew that his assertion of authority was resisted either by the Illyrican prelates or the Emperor. It was probably a case in which the Emperor himself took little interest; and he might be glad that the pope should take it out of his hands and settle it. It was otherwise, however, in a subsequent case (though occurring not in Eastern, but in Western Illyricum), in which Gregory was at issue with the Emperor with respect to the appointment of a bishop to the See of Salona, as will be seen hereafter. See III. 47, note 2.
7 Otherwise he could not have been examined by scourging, as it appears he was. For clerics were by law exempt from the question.
8 "Relegenda tradidimus," not "relegimus;" presumably because, the Acts being drawn up in greek, Gregory was unable to read them himself.
9 The Emperor Mauricius had associated his son Theodosius, being four years of age, with himself in the empire. Hence "princibus."
11 Natalis was Metropolitan of the province of Dalmatia. See note II. 18, note 3.
12 I.e. episcopal rank. Here, as below in this Epistle and elsewhere, by sacerdotes are meant bishops.
13 I.e. of Dalmatia. The case referred to in this and the preceding letter is interesting as illustrating canonical procedure against incriminated bishops. Natalis as Metropolitan, had entertained a charge against one of his suffragans and pronounced Judgment against him on his own authority. Gregory insists that he had no right to do so except in a synod of bishops. It appears that Natalis (as to whose character and relations to Gregory, see II. 18, and reff. in note), paid no regard in this instance to the pope's remonstrances, and the latter found no means of enforcing his orders. For, in a letter written five years later (a.d.597), long after the death of Natalis, we find Gregory writing, "The inhabitants of the city of Epidaurus have most urgently demanded that Florentius, who they say is their bishop, should be restored to them by us, asserting that he had been driven into exile invalidly by the mere will of the bishop Natalis." (Lib. viii. Indict. i. Ep. 11).
14 It does not Appear who this Savinus was. The Epistle refers to the condemnation of the Three Chapters by the fifth General Council. See Poleg. p. xi.
16 For an account of the circumstances of the vacancy at Naples after the deposition of Demetrius, cf. II. 6, note 3; II. 9, note 6.
17 For an account of this Malchus and his doings, see II. 20, note 5.
18 Proconsul of Dalmatia: see IX. 5. For subsequent proceedings in connexion with the election of a successor to Natalis at Salona, see III. 47. It appears that the co-operation of the proconsul Marcellus, anticipated in this Epistle, was not in fact obtained, but that he acted independently, and in opposition to Gregory. Cf. IX. 5.
19 As to the great Metropolitan See of Milan having been anciently independent of the See of Rome, cf. Bingham. Bk. IX., Ch. I., sect. 10, 11. As to Pope Gregory's attitude with regard to it, as shewn in this and the two following Epistles, we may remark as follows. (1) The electors addressed (Ep. 29) are the clergy only, not (as is usual in other cases) including the laity of the Church. This may be due to the ancient custom of that Church. (2) The electors, having already made their choice, seem to have sent messengers to announce it to the pope.(Ep. 29). (3) Gregory disclaims all desire of interfering either in the election or in the consecration of the new Metropolian,according to ancient custom by his own suffragans, or in any way infringing the prescriptive rights of the Church of Milan. But he sends his own subdeacon, both to assure himself of the unanimity of the election and to see to the consecration being effected according to precedent. He also intimates (Epp. 30, 31) the necessity of his own assent to the consecration.
20 The reason of John the subdeacon being directed to go to Genoa rather than to Milan may have been danger from the Lombards in approaching the latter place, as well as the fact of many of the Milanese having, for the same reason, taken refuge in Genoa.
22 As to Gallic money, cf. VI. 7, and note.
25 In some mss. proetori, in others exproetori. It seems probable from the contents of this letter that Libertinus had succeeded Justinus (see I. 2) as proetor of Sicily.
27 In Cod. lib. 1, tit. 10; "Judoeus servum Christianum nec comparare debebit, nec largitatis aut alioquocungue titulo consequetur. Quod si aliquis Judoeorum . . . , non solum mancipii damno multetur, verum etiam capitali sententia puniatur." Eusebius also (De Vita Constantini, lib. iv. c. 27) speaks of a 1aw passed by Constantine forbiding Jews to have Christian slaves, and ordering any that might be found to be set at liberty, and the Jew to be fined. Cf. II. 21.
28 Mulierem de matriculis. Matricula was probably a list or roll of names of widows and other who were supported by the Church.
29 For notice of the Metropolitan See of Salona, and Gregory's dealings with its former bishop Natalis, see II. 18, note 3. The appointment of a successor to Natalis engaged Gregory in a longstruggle for maintenance of his authority over the Illyyrican churches, which on this occasion seems to have been, for some time at least, slightly regarded. What took place, as gathered from his extant letters, may be thus summarised. Immediately on hearing of the death of Natalis he wrote to Antoninus, the rector patrimonii in Dalmatia, charging him to see to the canonical election of a successor and to its notification, when made, to himself, that it might be approved, as was customary, by the See of Rome (III. 22). This was in the 11th Indiction, i.e. between Sept.a.d.592 and Sept.a.d.593. Subsequently. having been informed that the clergy of Salona had elected their archdeacon Honoratus, he wrote to them in the letter before us approving their choice, and exhorting them to stick to it, being evidently aware of a party opposed to it. This Honoratus was the man whom he had previously supported against Bishop Natalis, who had attempted to deprive him of his archdeaconry. See II. 18, 19, 20; III. 32. Hence it was not improbable that the election of Honoratus would be opposed by the partizans of the late bishop who, as appears from his correspondence with Gregory, had been a convivial man, with a pleasant vein of wit, and thus likely to be popular with many. But, whatever the cause, Gregory before long received the startling intelligence that not only had the election of Honoratus, confirmed by himself, been set aside, but that another candidate, one Maximus, had been actually ordained under the alleged authority of an order from the Emperor. This defiance of his authority was the more offensive as he had already, having apparently got wind of the candidature of Maximus, prohibited his ordination under pain of excommunication of both him and his ordainers (IV. 10). He accordingly wrote a strongly-worded letter (IV. 20), dated May,a.d.594, prohibiting Maximus from undertaking any episcopal functions, and from officiating at the altar, till it should be ascertained whether the emperor had really ordered his consecretion. But Maximus treated this prohibition with contempt and appealed against the Pope to the Emperor, who thereupon wrote to Gregory, requesting him to condone the fact of the ordination having taken place without his assent, and bidding him receive Maximus with honour if he should resort to Rome, as he was apparently desired to do. This was at the time when John Jejunator, the patriarch of Constantinople, had recently incensed Gregory by his assumption of the title of Universal Bishop, and when the latter was urging the Emperor to disallow the title. Writing on this subject to the Empress Constantina, he alludes also to the case of Maximus, hoping through her whose religious reverence for St. Peter he appeals to, to move the Emperor. In his letter to her (V. 72), written in the 13th Indiction (594-5), he consents, in deference to the Emperor's wish, to look over the fact of Maximus having been ordained without his leave; but he insists on his appearing at Rome to answer to other charges, including especially that of simony, and his having disregarded the excommunication pronounced against him. He also protests strongly against his bishops being allowed to appeal to the secular power in ecclesiastical causes. But he did not thus move the Emperor, who appears from one of Gregory's letters to Maximus (VI. 25) to have directed any charges against the latter to be entertained in his own locality rather than at Rome. Meanwhile Maximus continued to disregard Gregory's, repeated letters summoning him to Rome, being apparently supported by a majority of his own people and of his suffragan bishops. For in a letter to the Salonitans (VI. 26). written in the 14th Indiction (395-6), Gregory expresses his surprise that Honoratus alone among the clergy of Salona, and one only of the suffragan bishops, had refused to communicate with Maximus, notwithstanding his excommunication. However, as time went on, Gregory's persistence seems to have had some effect. In the 15th Indiction (596-7) one of the suffragan bishops, Sabinianus of Jadera, who had previously communicated with Maximus, deserts him, and is invited by Gregory to come to Rome to be absolved,and to bring with him any other whom he could persuade to come (VII. 15) Sabinianus did not go, but retired for a time to a monastery by way of expressing penitence, afer which Gregory in the following year granted him full absolution (VIII. 10, 24). Perhaps about a year later, in the 2nd Indiction (IX. 5) we find Gregory writing to Marcellus, the proconsul of Dalmatia, in reply to a letter from him in which he had expressed his regret for being apparently out of favour with the pope, and his wish to be reconciled. This Marcellus had been, according to what Gregory says in his reply, the prime and original abettor of Maximus; and it would seem that he had now become desirous of cominig to terms with the pope. In the same year we find a letter to one Julianus, described as Scribo, at Salona, who had addressed Gregory with a view to peace, asserting that Maximus enjoyed both the affection of his people and the favour of the court (IX. 41). In replying to both these correspondents Gregory shews no signs of giving way: but in the same Indiction (588-9) he did give way to an extent that seems at first sight surprising, considering the resolute tone of his previous correspondence. He may have been partly moved to make some concession by such letters as those from Marcellus and Julianus, testifying to the character of Maximus and to the support he continued to receive; but the intercessor who really prevailed with him at last appears evidently to have been Callinicus, Exarch of Italy,resident at Ravenna, to whom Maximus had applied after failing to induce the Emperor himself to interfere. In one of his letters (IX. 67), Gregory says that Maximus, having failed to influence "the greater powers of the world" in his behalf, had betaken himself to the lesser ones, and implies that it was to their intercession that the concession he was prepared to make was due. It may be supposed that by "the greater power" are meant the imperial family, and that among "the lesser" Callinicus was at any rate the most influential: for in writing to the latter (IX. 9) he says, "In the cause of Maximus we can no longer resist the importunity of thy Sweetness;" and again to Marinianus, bishop of Ravenna, "I have received repeated and pressing letters from my most excellent son the lord exarch Callinicus in behalf of Maximus. Overcome by his importunity, &c." (IX. 10). Nor is the reason far to seek why the intercession of Callinicus should at that particular time prevail. For Gregory was in correspondence with him, and most anxious to secure his co-operation, in the reconciliation to the Roman Church of the Istrian bishops, who had so far been out of communion with Rome in the matter of "the Three Chapters" and was therefore likely to wish to oblige him. However induced, he now consented that Maximus should appear not before himself at Rome as he had before so resolutely insisted, but before Marinianus, bishop of Ravenna, and promised to accede to whatever the latter might determine (IX. 10). Nay, he even accepted the proposal of Marinianus that the charges against Maximus should not be investigated at all, but that a declaration on oath by the accused of his own innocence should be accepted as a sufficient purgation; requiring only that he should do such penance as the bishop of Ravenna might impose for having disregarded the excommunicition pronounced at Rome (IX. 79, 80). He wrote also to Constantius, bishop of Milan requesting him to proceed to Ravenna in order to act in concert with Marinianus in case of Maximus not having confidence in the latter (IX. 67). But the bishop of Ravenna appears to have acted alone: and the result was that Maximus was acquitted of simony and all other charges, and, after doing the penance assigned by Marinianus at Ravenna, was, seven years after his ordination, cordially received by Gregory into commuunion, and had the pallium sent him (IX. 81, 82, 125). The epistles to be consulted for a view of the whole proceedings are III. 22, 47; IV. 10, 20, 47; V. 21; VI. 3, 25, 26, 27; VII. 17; VIII. 10, 24; IX. 5, 10, 41, 67, 79, 80, 81, 82, 125.
32 With regard to Primates in Africa, see I. 74, note 9. The primate of Numidia at this time was Adeodatus. See below, Ep. 49.
34 Domno., "Abbas autem, quia vices Christi agere creditur, Domnus et Abbas vocetur." Regula S. Benedicti, c. 63.
35 Domno., "Abbas autem, quia vices Christi agere creditur, Domnus et Abbas vocetur." Regula S. Benedicti, c. 63.
36 The miracles attributed to Nonnosus,which are here referredto, are told in Dialog. I. 7, as having been communicated to Gregory by Maximianus and an old monk called Laurio. Nonnosos, at the time when they were wrought, had been Prior under Anastasiaus of a monastery on the summit of Mount Soracte.
37 John Jejunator (or the Faster), so called from his ascetic habits. Gregory had known and esteemed him during his residence at Constantinople. See above, III. 4. The occasion of the letter before us was as follows. Two presbyters, John of Chalcedon and Athanasius of Isauria (the latter being also a monk in the monastery of St. Mile in Isauria), had been accused of heresy at Constantinople, found guilty, and one of them beaten with cudgels in the church. They had gone to Rome to lay their grievances before the pope, who had written to John Jejunator the Patriarch more than once to protest against so uncanonical a punishment. The Patriarch seems to have replied that he knew nothing about the matter: whereupon Gregory sent him this stinging letter. In the following year (593-4), it appears from a letter to Narses, a patrician at Constantinople, that the case was still pending. Narses had reported the Patriarch as wishing to act canonically; and Gregory, doubtfully hoping so, threatens strong measures if it should be otherwise (IV. 32). Afterwards (a.d.594-5) it seems as if the Patriarch had written on the subject pleasantly: for at the end of a long letter to him protesting against his assumption of the title of "Oecumenical Bishop," Gregory alludes to his "scripta dulcissima atque suavissima" in the matter of John and Athanasius, promising a reply (V. 18). In the following year (a.d.595-6) we find that the charges of heresy against the two presbyters had been entertained before Gregory in a Roman synod; and this apparently with the assent of the Patriarch, who had transmitted a statement of the case. John of Chalcedon had been fully acquitted of heresy; but some doubt still remained as to the orthodoxy of Athanasius. Accordingly John was at once sent back to Constantinople with a letter from Gregory to the Patriarch, reversing the sentence against him which had been passed at Constantinople and demanding that he should be received with favour and reinstated. As though doubtful of the Patriarch's compliance, Gregory addressed also the Emperor, and Theoctistus, a relation of the Emperor's, requesting them to protect the acquitted appellant (VI. 14, 15, 16, 17). In the same year Athanasius, who had explained or retracted what had been objected to in his writings, was also declared orthodox, and sent back to Constantinople as acquitted. But this was after the death of John Jejunator; and accordingly the letter demanding the reinstatement of Athanasius was addressed to his successor Cyriacus (VI. 66; VII. 5). How John Jejunator would have acted at this stage of the proceedings, had he lived, we have no means of knowing; nor is there record of the action of Cyriacus. The only further reference to the subject in the epistles is in one to the two Patriarchs of Alexandria and Antioch (VII. 34), in writing to whom Gregory sets forth at some length the doctrinal questions that had been treated in the trial of Athanasius, as though desirous of having the assent of those apostolical and patriarchal sees, which (as we have seen) he elsewhere acknowledges as sharing with his own the authority of St. Peter, to the decision come to at Rome. The whole history of the case, which, as has been seen, was protracted through several years, is of some importance as illustrating Gregory's claim to entertain appeals from Constantinople, and to reverse at Rome what had been decided there, though it is not equally clear, from what is before us in this particular case, how such claims were viewed at Constantinople. On the one hand we find no sign of the appeal of the two presbyters to Rome having been objected to; while on the other, Gregory evidently had his doubts as to whether the Roman decision would be acted on at Constantinople; and whether it was so or not we do not know. The letters about it, above referred to, are III. 53; IV. 32; V. 18; VI. 14, 15, 16, 17, 66; VII. 5, 34.
38 This John, and apparently previous bishops of Ravenna, appear to have assumed a dignity not conceded to other metropotitans; perhaps on the ground of Ravenna being the seat of the Exarch, and having been once the imperial residence. The pallium usually granted to Metropolitans was allowed to be used by them only during the celebration of the Eucharist; and we find Gregory, in several epistles, restricting them to such use of it, when he sent it to them. John was reported to have worn it while receiving the laity in the sacristy before celebration; and he owned to having worn it in solemn processions through the city, alleging custom and peculiar privilege. Further, his clergy, when accompanying him in processions, had been accustomed to carry napkins (mappuloe), which appear to have been signs of dignity. It is for these assumptions that Gregory now remonstrates with him; but apparently in vain with regard to the use of the pallium in processions through the city: For Marinianus, the successor of John, continued the custom, though whether he finally persisted in it does not appear. Other letters referring to the subject are V. 15; VI. 34, 61.
39 Secretarium, viz. the chamber adjoining the church in which the vestments and sacred utensils were kept, and the clergy vested for service; and in which also as appears from this and the following epistle, the bishop was accustomed to receive the laity before mass. From the custom of holding synods in the apartments so called, the sessions of synods were also themselves sometimes called secretaria.
40 The term primicerius is variously applied, denoting the chiefs of departments. In Ep. 22, supra, we find primicerium notariorum. In VII. 32, we find also the designation Secundi cerius.
41 See Ep. 56. John of Ravenna, notwithstanding his obsequious language in this letter, appears to have been by no means disposed to give way. For see Gregory's subsequent letter to him (V. 15), in which he is sharply accused of duplicity. And not only he, but his successor in the see also, appear to have continued the practice of wearing the pallium in public processions. What he says in the letter before us of his having incurred odium by his defence of the authority of the Roman See may be noted as significant of some jealousy of such authority at Ravenna.
42 Ut mox procedatur. The word procedere is used here, and elsewhere, for approaching the altar for celebration. Cf. below, and VII. 34.
43 Procedebant. See last note.
44 Procedebant. See last note.
45 Baptisteries (baptisteria) were anciently separate buildings adjoining churches (cf. VI. 22), the fontes being the pools of water (called also piscinoe and kolumbh/qra) therein contained. (See Bingham, B. VIII. C. VII. Sect. 1, 4 ) The inconvenience to the monks of having a baptistery at their monastery would be from the concourse of people resorting to it, which would interfere with monastic seclusion. For a similar reason Gregory more than once forbids public masses in monasteries. Cf. e.g. II. 41; VI. 46.
46 Fonts were anciently sunken pools. "In media habet fontem in terra excavatam ad quinque ulnas . . . tribus gradibus in id descensus est." Onuphrius, de baptisterio Lateran.
47 Possibly the same lady whom the ex-monk Venantius married. See I. 34, note 8, and IX. 123. The correspondence that took place at this time between her and Gregory seems to have arisen from some question of legal right, in which she appeared tothe latter to be dealing harshly with some poor persons, perhaps peasants (rustici) on an estate of the Church (hujus Ecclesioe pauperibus). The passing tribute paid in this letter to the lady's personal charms is characteristic of Gregory's complimentary style, and (supposing her to have been the same Italica who became the bride of Venantius) suggests one attraction which may have drawn the latter away from his intended monastic life. Further on the same supposition, we may perhaps read with interest between the lines of this letter something of the feelingsubsisting at the time of writing between the correspondents. She, being a well-bred patrician lady, had evidently written to him with gentle courtesy. But he detected, or thought he detected, something wanting in the tone of her letter. Nor was she likely to feel warmly towards him who now called her to account, if it were he whom she knew to have done all he could to alienate Velantius from her. He, on the other hand while addressing her in return with all the courtesy due to her rank and character, and evidently anxious to avoid unpleasantness, shews signs of not being entirely satisfied as to her feelings towards himself, or her readiness to follow his admonitions. It is interesting to observe that, judging from the tone of subsequent Epistles, we may conclude very friendly relations to have been afterwards maintained between Gregory and the wedded pair.
48 This letter is supposed to have been written in the third Indiction (a.d.592-3); the law complained of having been issued in the previous year. The epistle, which follows, to the Emperor's physician on the same subject, shews how much Gregory had it at heart. Some five years later it appears from a letter to divers metropolitans, dated December,a.d.597 (VIII. 5), that an amicable agreement had meanwhile been come to, both the Emperor and the Pope having made some concessions. Cf. also the end of Ep. 24 in Book X.
49 Cf. below, "in terrena militia signatus." It appears that not slaves only, but soldiers also, were sometime marked on the hand. Cf. Cyprian, Ad Donatum, "Te quem jam spiritualibus castris militia signavit".
50 Nullus qui optio.- "Optiones: Militaris annonoe eragatores: distribiteurs des vivres aux soldats" (Cod. Th.) D'Arnis Lexicon Manuale.
51 This Domitian, Bishop of Melitene and Metropolitan of Roman Armenia, was a kinsman of the Emperor Maurice, and had lately been successfully employed by him in coming to terms with the Persian king, Chosroes II., as is related in the histories of Evagrius and Theofylact. The latter describes him as "holy in life, sweet in speech, ready in action, most prudent in council" (Hist. iv. 14). He also gives at length an eloquent sermon of his, delivered after the cession, through his mediation, of the city Martyropolis in Mesopotamia to the Roman Emperor (IV. 16). Chosroes II., who is said to have had a strong regard for Domitian, appears to have had some leanings towards Christianity. We are told that, when flying from his enemies in Persia, and in doubt whether to seek refuge with the Romans or the Turks, he had let his horse take its own course, calling on the God of the Christians for guidance, and thus found his way to Circesium, where he was received by Probus the Governor (Theophyl. IV. 10; Evagr. H. E. VI. 16). Further, it is related that, on one occassion, when Probus, bishop of Chalcedon, had been sent to him as ambassador by the Emperor, he requested to be shewn a portrait of the Blessed Virgin, which he adored when he saw it, saying that he had seen the original in a vision (Theophyl. V. 15); and also that he attributed his own success in arms, and the pregnancy of his favourite wife Syra (Shirin), who was herself a Christian, to the intercession of S. Sergius. whom he had invoked, and that he sent a cross of pure gold, adorned with jewels, which he had vowed with other presents, to the shrine of the saint, together with a letter of acknowledgment addressed to him (Theophyl. V. 13, 14; Evagr. H.E. VI. 20). But he certainly never became a Christian, though it appears from the letter before us that Domitian had done his best to convert him. The earlier part of this epistle refers evidently to some allegorical interpretation of Scripture by Gregory after his usual manner, to which Domitian had taken objection.
1 As to the schism from Rome in the province of Istria consequent on the condemnation of "The Three Chapters" by the fifth General Council, see I.16, note 3. It appears that in the adjacent province of Liguria, of which Mediolanum (Milan) was the metropolis, there was a like rejection of the fifth council on the part at least of some bishops, who had consequently declined communion with their newly-appointed Metropolitan Constantius, who was believed to have agreed formally to the condemnation of The Three Chapters.
2 Cautionem fecisse: i.e. had pledged himself to the pope by a formal document to uphold the fifth council in its condemnation of the said Chapters.
3 Theodelinda the Lombard queen was a catholic Christian, though her husband Agilulph was still an Arian. Ticinum (or Pavia), which was the residence of the Lombard Kings, was under the Metropolitan jurisdiction of Milan; and it appears that, under the influence of the dissentient bishops of the province, she too had refused to communicate with the new Metropolitan. Gregory's anticipation, expressed in what follows, that she would easily be brought round, was premature: for ten years later (a.d.603-4) we find Gregory still taking pains to overcome her scruples with regard to the fifth council. See XIV. 12.
4 Viz. Epistle 4 below. This letter, however, was not delivered to the queen by the bishop Constantius, to whom it had been sent, because of the allusion contained in it to the fifth council, which she appears to have been resolute in rejecting. The new bishop thought she would be more likely to accept him as orthodox, if it were only said that he adhered in all respects to the faith of the four previous councils, including that of Chalcedon. See below, Ep. 39. Accordingly another letter (Ep. 38), in which allusion to the fifth council was omitted, was prepared and sent in accordance with the advice of Constantius. See further, note 8, under Epistle 3.
5 I.e. Agilulph the Lombard King. The time (Indict. XII. i.e.a.d.593-4) was after he had invested Rome and returned to Pavia, and when Gregory had in vain urged Romanus Patricius, the Exarch at Ravenna, to come to terms with him. Gregory appears prepared to approach him now with a view to a separate peace with himself, which he says afterwards (see V. 36, 40) he could have made if he had been so minded. Letters bearing on the subject are V. 36, 40, 41, 42; VI. 30; IX. 4, 6, 42, 43, 98. See also Proleg. p. xxi.
6 I.e. Romanus Patricius, the Exarch.
7 Cautionem fecisse. See Ep. 2, note 2.
8 The contention of those who disapproved of the condemnation of "The Three Chapters" by the fifth council was not only that the condemnation of deceased persons was wrong as wellas useless, but also that it impugned the faith of the Council of Chalcedon. For that Council had not condemned the writers who were now condemned; and two of them, Theodoret of Cyrus and Ibas of Edessa, had even appeared before it, and been accepted as orthodox. Further, the condemnation was regarded as a concession to the Monophysites who had been condemned at Chalcedon, the writers in question having been peculiarly obnoxious to the Monophysite party. And it does appear to be the case that a main motive of the Emperor Justinian in forcing the condemnation of The Three Chapters on the Church had been to conciliate the Monophysites, and to induce them to conform. Hence Gregory's anxiety to shew that what had been done at the fifth did not touch the faith as previously defined.
9 This letter was not delivered to Theodelinda, Epistle XXXVIII. having been afterwards substituted for it. See note 4 under Ep. 2.
10 See 1. 44, p. 91; also below, Ep. 36.
11 Conversam, with the usual sense of monastic profession.
13 For subsequent proceedings with regard to this intended monastery, see IV. 15; V. 2.
14 For the meaning of this order, and its subsequent modification, see note IV. 26.
15 The word damnosa, meaning perhaps injuriously excessive.
16 On the occasion of this Epistle, see III. 47, note 2.
18 For the canonical rule as to the fourfold division of the Church funds, cf. Gregory's letter to Augustine, XI. 64 Responsio prima.
20 The farm Piscenas appears to have been held by the tenure called Emphyteusis, according to which the, possessor of the land (called also Emphyteuta) was not its real owner, though on condition of his cultivating it properly and paying certain fixed dues to the owner (dominus), he had a perpetual right of possession (jus in re), which passed to his heirs, and could be sold by him to others. In the latter case, however, the dominus had the option of himself buying up the possessor's right at the price offered by the proposed purchaser, and he could object to the transference of possessio to persons unable to maintain the property in good condition. In all cases of transference, other than devolution to heirs, a fiftieth part of the purchase money, or of the value of the property, was also payable to the dominus. (Article on Emphyteusis in Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities.) In the case before us the lord of the property seems to have refused his consent to any part of it being alienated in Mortmain to a monastery. It may be supposed that the possession of the farm Piscenas had been in Stephen the testator himself when he directed a monastery to be founded on it, and that it had passed after his death into other hands.
21 Peregrinum presbyterum; meaning apparently one not belonging to the house as a member of it, though living and maintained there.
23 Sacerdotii ordinem, meaning here, as elsewhere, the order of episcopacy.
24 On the holding of Christian slaves by Jews, and the treatment of Jews generally, cf. Proleg. p. xxi.
25 The Barbaricini appear to have been a native tribe in Sardinia, having its own duke, Zabardas (see Ep. 24) being the duke on the island.
26 These two ecclesiastics had been sent into Sardinia to promote the conversion of the natives, which seems to have been remissly attended to, not only by the Christian lay proprietor but also by the bishops of the island. See below, Epp. 25, 26. The bishop Felix was not commissioned to supercede the ordinary episcopal jurisdiction, but to act as a missionary bishop in aid. Cf. V. 41.
27 Benedictio, here as elsewhere, means a present:-in this case, being said to be from St. Peter, containing doubtless something that had acquired sanctity from him probably, as in other cases, filings from his chains. Cf. I. 26, note 3.
30 As to rustici, or coloni, see l. 44, note 1.
32 The rustici, or coloni, who cultivated the land, made their living out of it, having to pay dues in money or in kind (see I. 44). Gregory's suggestion is that such dues should be made so heavy in the case of natives who refused to be converted as to starve them into compliance. Elsewhere we find him deprecating compulsion, or any kind of persecution, for the conversion of Jews and heretics, on the ground that forced conversions were unreal. But he appears to have had no such conpunctions in the case of these illiterate pagans. This is not the only instance of religious zeal betraying him into a certain human inconsistency. Cf. IX. 65.
33 See above, IV. 9. There is some doubt as to what the practice was which Gregory had forbidden in his former epistle but now allows. In Ep IX. he had said, "Episcopi baptizatos infantes signare bis in fronte chrismate non proesumant; sed presbyteri baptizandos ungant in pectore, ut episcopi postmodum ungere debeant in fronte." There is obvious reference here to the two unctions, before and after baptism. The first, in preparation for baptism, was with simple oil, on the breast and other parts of the body, and was administered by presbyters both in the East and West: the second for confirmation after baptism, was with chrism (a mixture of oil and balsam) on the forehead, and in the Eastern Churches might be, as it still is, administered immediately after baptism by the baptizing presbyter, but in the West was usually reserved for the bishop in person. It would seem that in Sardinia the Eastern usage had been followed with regard to the presbyter signing the baptized child on the forehead with chrism immediately after baptism, but that it had been also customary for the bishop afterward to repeat the rite ("signare bis in fronte chrismate "). Such repetition Gregory, in Ep. IX.,appears to forbid in cases where the presbyter had already administered the rite; but, in the second clause of the sentence, he directs that the Western usage should thenceforth be observed: the presbyter who baptized was to anoint on the breast before the baptism; but the bishop, and he alone, on the forehead with chrism afterwards. Such being the most obvious meaning of what is said in Ep. IX. the equally obvious meaning of the concession in Ep. XXVI. would be allowance for presbyters in the absence of bishops, to confirm with chrism after baptism, according to the Eastern usage, but for the fact that the expression now used is not baptizatos, but baptizandos. Hence one opinion is that all that is here allowed to presbyters is the anointing of the forehead with chrism, as well as the breast with oil, previously to baptism; in which case of course it would not be confirmation. But it seems more likely that the intention to allow presbyters to administer confirmation in the absence of bishops, the term baptizandos being used loosely to denote candidates for baptism. The fact that it is only where bishops could not be had (ubi desunt episcopi) that the practice is allowed adds probability to this view; and also his sayinig that in his previous prohibition he had been following the ancient custom of the Roman Church, which was to reserve the signing the forehead with chrism after baptism, i.e. confirmation, to the bishop. Innocent I. (Ep. i. ad. Decent. c. iii.) lays down the rule thus; "Presbyteris, qui, seu extra episcopum seu proesente episcopo, baptizant, chrismate baptizatos ungere licet, sed quod ab episcopo fuerit consecratum; non tamen frontem ex eodem oleo signare, quod solis debetur episcopis, quum tradunt Spiritum Sanctum Paracletum." Here, we observe, the usage of the Roman Church allows the baptizing presbyter to anoint with chrism after baptism, only not therewith to sign the forehead for actual confirmation; and this is still the Roman usage. It should be observed further that in all cases, in the East as well in the West confirmation was regarded as belonging peculiarly to the Bishop's office, the chrism used having always been consecrated by him, though it might be applied by presbyters: and thus Gregory, in allowing presbyters to administer the rite in Sardinia would not regard any essential principle of Church order as being infringed. He only shews the same wise liberality as we find evidence of in other cases, allowing varieties of usage in various churches, where no important principle seemed to be involved. Thus he approves of single instead of triune immersion in baptism being practised in Spain (I. 43), and bids Augustine in England adopt according to his discretion the customs of other Churches (XI. 64). With regard to the essential form of confirmation recognized in the time of Gregory, it appears evidently from these epistles to have been unction, and not mere imposition of hands. It is also evident that it was administered, as in the East now, to infants; cf. XIII. 18, where the phrase is "ad consignandos imantes."
34 For what was meant by religiosi and religoisoe, see I. 61, note 7. It appears from what is said here that persons recognized as such were ordinarily exempt from certain claims upon them by the state to which others might be liable.
35 For the meaning of religiosi, see I. 61, n. 7. They were not of necessity clerici. In X. 54, we find religiosi laico.
36 "Mansionarius. Sacristain d'une église, chargé de la garder, de sonner les cloches pour l'office divin, de préparer les reliquaires, etc." D'Arnis.
37 Benedictionem in the sense of a present, as elsewhere in the epistles. Cf. Gen. xxxiii. 11; 2 Kings v. 14.
38 Probably Athanasius and John. See III. 53.
40 As to imperial edicts against the African Donatists, see I. 74, note 8. It would seem from this and the following letter that enforcement of the laws for their repression had been relaxed of late. It will be observed from this and other instances that Gregory, though often in general terms deprecating the use of force in matters of faith, did not scruple, when occasion arose to call in the aid of the secular arm; and in this case with some heat and acrimony. Cf. IV. 35, below.
41 This Paul was one of the bishops of Numidia, against whom some charges of misconduct, not specified, had been brought. His case has some significance as shewing that, though the spiritual authority of the bishop of Rome over the Church in Africa had now come to be acknowledged in a way that it had not been in the age of Cyprian, yet there seems to have been still some resistance to its exercise. This appears also from the fact that it was not the primate of Numidia, but Columbus, a bishop notable for his devotion to the Roman See, that Gregory mainly and most confidentially corresponded with in relation to ecclesiastical affairs (see II. 48, note 1), and that this Columbus complained of being in disfavour with many on the ground of the frequent communications he received from Rome (VII. 2). In the case before us Gregory's desire (urgently expressed in this letter to Pantaleo, and in that which follows to the primate and Columbus, jointly), that Paul should at once be sent to Rome for trial was not complied with. For two years later (VI. 61) Gregory complains of this, and also expresses surprize that the accused bishop should have been excommunicated by the African authorities, and no news sent thereof to himself by the pimate. Then, in the following year (VII. 2), writing to Columbus, he finds himself unable to refuse his assent to Paul's resorting to Constantinople to lay his case before the Emperor. However in the year after this it seems that he did go at length to Rome, but not so as to have his case decided there: for Gregory sends him back to Africa to have his case inquired into, only enjoining Columbus, to whom he writes, to do his utmost to see justice done, he himself believing the accused to be innocent, and attributing the charges against him to odium incurred by his measures against the Donatists. The final issue does not appear. See also XII. 8.
42 Victor was now primate of Numidia, having succeeded Adeodatus (see III. 49). As to the African custom with respect to primates, see I. 74, note 9. For notice of Columbus, see II. 48, note 7.
44 Catana was one of the sees in Sicily.
45 This order had been given by pope Pelagius II.a.d.588. In I. 44 Gregory had seen fit to relax the stringency of this order in the case of existing subdeacons who had not on their ordination pledged themselves to chastity.
46 This letter was substituted for Ep. IV. which had been previously written, but not delivered. See note 4 under Epistle II. above.
47 See above, Epistle II., note 1.
48 Cautionis suoe, as to the meaning of which express, see above, Epistle II., note 2. It appears certain from what Gregory says, here and in Epistle II., that Laurentius, the predecessor of Constantius, had pledged himself by oath to the bishop of Rome to uphold the condemnation of "The Three Chapters." But it seems that some of his suffragans now asserted that he had sworn to them that he had not assented to such condemnation, and that on this understanding they had remained in his communion. Gregory does not seem certain how the matter stood: but he goes on the supposition that he could not have perjured himself as the bishops alleged.
50 Here Gregory is in error, for in the eighth, ninth, and tenth sessions of the council of Chalcedon Theodoret and Ibas, whose writings were anathematized in that fifth council, were heard in their own defence, and definitely acquitted of heresy. It is true that there is no mention of them in the Definition of faith, agreed upon in the fifth session of Chalcedon, or in the Canons which were perhaps all that Gregory had before him. It is true also that there was no reference at Chalcedon to Theodore of Mopsuestia, who was especially and personally anathematized at the fifth council, he having died many years before the council of Chalcedon was held. But the cases of Theodoret and Ibas had been prominently before the synod; and this not, as Gregory here goes on to intimate, in a supplementary sort of way at the end of the main proceedings: for the eighth, ninth, and tenth sessions had been occupied with them, after which there had been other sessions. For similar inaccuracy on Gregory's part in referring to past events, see II. 51, note 2; and for an instance of his imperfect acquaintance with the history of past controversies, see VII. 4.
51 Concerning this Fortunatus, see also V. 4.
52 The word angaria, which is of frequent occurrence, denotes exactions and forced services of various kinds.
53 He was the pope's apocrisiarius at Constantinople.
55 In his letter to Maximus (IV. 20), Gregory had only expressed a suspicion that the alleged order of the Emperor for his consecration had been fictitious. He now seems to have satisfied himself that it was so. For a review of the whole case, see III. 47, note 2.
56 Romanus Patricius was the Exarch of Italy. See I. 33; II. 46; III. 31; V. 24.
1 They had been sent by Gregory into Sardinia with the special purpose of promoting the conversion of the natives, which had been neglected by the bishops aud clergy of the island. See V. 41, and IV. 23, note 8.
2 Apparently the designation of the monastery which had been now at length founded by Theodosia in execution of her late husband's will. See above. IV. 8, 15. In IV. 15, Gregory had acceded to her desire in view of certain difficulties in carrying out her husband's intention, to found a nunnery in a house of her own at Cagliari. But it seems that a monastery of monks had in the end been founded.
4 This had been a synod held at Carthage for the suppression of the Donatists. Cf. I. 74, note 8. Gregory, while fully approving, as he shows elsewhere, of strict enforcement of the imperial laws against them, expresses fear in this epistle lest the council lately held might have gone too far, so as to endanger the unity of the African Church, in exceeding the decrees of synods that had been held elsewhere, and especially in ordering severe measures against bishops or others who might be remiss in the work of suppressing heresy.
5 Per manus quorundam debiti conductorum. If the word debiti (absent from some mss.) is read here, the meaning may be that certain persons, called debiti conductores, undertook the recovery of the arrears of the rustici, and that through them easy loans were advanced to such as were unable to pay at the proper time. Cf. I. 44, p. 89. For the ordinary meaning of conductores (without debiti), in connexion with the Church estates, see I. 44, p, 89, note 5.
6 Aut in angariis aut in rerum pretio. The word angaria is applicable to any kind of vexatious exaction, either in the way of forced labour or in other ways. "Per angarias intelliguntur vexationes et injurioe quoelibet." Du Cange. It may be used here for exorbitant interest on loans obtained from usurers. As to rerum pretio, cf. I. 44, p. 89, about burdatio, and note 2.
7 "Servis tuis turpia crimina imponis," - apparently meaning that at all hours he was accustomed to call them by opprobrious names.
8 The meaning may be, "I am thankful now that the fact of communication between Rome and Ravenna being blocked by the Lombards when the matter first reached my ears prevented my acting so peremptorily as I might then have been disposed to do."
9 The deacon Cyprian had succeeded the sub-deacon Peter as rector patrimonii in Sicily, and Gregory's general agent there, through whom he acted in ecclesiastical as well as temporal matters, at any rate now, after the death of Maximianus of Syracuse.
11 Bishop of Catana where this John was archdeacon
12 On the same occasion of this letter and subsequent correspondence on the same subject, see Prolegomena, pp. xiv., xxii.
13 As to this assertion (repeated in V. 20, 43, and in VIII. 30), Giesler says, "Gregory was mistaken in believing that at the Council of Chalcedon the name Universalis Episcopus was given to the bishop of Rome. He is styled oi0koumeniko\j a0rciepiskopoj (Mansi VI. 1006, 1012), as other patriarchs also. But in another place the title was surreptitiously introduced into the Latin acts by the Romish legates. In the sentence passed on Dioscurus, actio iii (Mansi VI. 1048), the Council say, o9 a9giw/tatoj kai\ makariw/tatoj a0rciepi/skopoj th=j mega/lhj kai\ presbute/raj 9Rw/mhj Ae/wn: on the contrary, in the Latin acts which Leo sent to the Gallic bishops (Leonis, Ep. 103, al. 82), we read; `Sanctus ac beatissimus Papa, caput universalis Ecclesioe, Leo. 0' In the older editions the beginning of Leo's Epist. 97 (ap. Quesn. 134, Baller. 165), runs thus: `Leo Romoe et universalis catholicoeque Ecclesioe Episcopus Leoni semper Augusto salutem. 0' Quesnel and the Ballerini, however, found in all the Codices only, `Leo Episcopus Leoni Augusto. 0' (Giesler's Eccl. Hist., 2nd Period, 1st Division, ch. iii. § 94, note 72).
15 Sabinianus was at this time the pope's apocrisiarius, or responsalis, at Constantinople.
16 Cum eo procedere, i.e. in effect, to communicate with him. Procedere means to approach the altar for celebration. Cf. III. 57, "ingredientibus diaconibus ut mox procedatur."
17 The ironical allusion here to John the Faster is evident.
19 The main purport of this letter to Empress is to induce her to move the Emperor to disallow the title of Universal Bishop assumed by the patriarch of Constantinople; but at the end of the letter he takes occasion to solicit her good offices also in the case of Maximus, bishop of Salona for an account of which, with references to other letters on the subject, cf. III. 47, note 2.
20 Viz. John bishop of Ravenna, as to whom see III. 56, 57; V. 11, 15. Marinianus was elected in his place. See VI. 34, 61.
21 De proecedentibus. Al. de proecedentibus.
22 Viz. John, bishop of Ravenna. See Ep. 23.
24 We have in this epistle the form of appointment to the office of Defensor Ecclesioe. Cf. XI. 38. From IX. 62 it appears that the functions of the office had in some cases been usurped by persons not duly authorized, as it is there ordered that none should be recognized but such as possessed letters of appointment. The only duties of the office specified in this form of appointment have reference to the poor- "pro pauperum commodis;" but it is evident from the many epistles addressed to defensores, that they had a much wider scope. See Prolegomena, p. vii.
25 Or Scribo may be the official designation of the officer commissioned to distribute the imperial bounty. Cf. II. 32, note 7.
26 Or Scribo may be the official designation of the officer commissioned to distribute the imperial bounty. Cf. II. 32, note 7.
27 "SCHOLASTICUS - Quivis eloquens, disertus, oratorioe facultatis et politiaris literaturoe studiis eruditus.-Advocatus, patronus, qui causam in foro agit; sed proprie peritus, eloquens, disertus patronus (Cod. Theod)." [D'Arnis' Lexicon Manuale.] Severus may be concluded to have been the Exarch's legal adviser.
28 See I. 7, note 5. Anastasius had now been recently restored to his patriarchal see.
29 The expression is found in the spurious, but not in what are held to be the genuine, epistles of St. Ignatius.
30 For Gregory's view of Antioch having been St. Peter's see previously to his presiding over that of Rome, and of the sees of Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch jointly representing the see of the Prince of the Apostle's, see especially VII. 40. Cf. also VI. 60; VIII. 2; X. 35.
31 Benedictio, meaning a present. See IV. 31, note 9.
32 This may be an ironical allusion to something the Emperor had said in his letter to Gregory.
33 For the circumstances referred to in this epistle, see Proleg., p. xix. It shews how outspoken Gregory could be, when greatly moved, in addressing the Emperor, notwithstanding his accustomed deference.
34 i.e. the payment to the imperial government required from judges or other functionaries in consideration of their appointment. "SUFFRAGIUM. Pecunioe quoe suffragii titulo ab Imperatoribus accipiebantur cum honores deferebant, quoe despotika; vocantur in formula jurisjurandi.- Novelloe Justiniani 8, cujus titulus est, ut judices sine suffragio fiant." Du Cange.
35 Titulos, i e. notices put upon properties, asserting claim, or announcing sale, &c.
36 Romanus Patricius, the Exarch.
39 On the term , "Scholasticus," see V. 36 note 9. It appears from this and other epistles that persons thus designated were addressed as "Gloria vestra." The "Patrician" mentioned in this letter as having recommended the Archdeacon Donatus to succeed John as Archbishop of Ravenna, was Romanus Patricius, Exarch of Italy, who dieda.d.598. He is often addressed or referred to in the Epistles. See Index.
41 For subsequent notices of Marinianus, see index.
42 Anastasius, bishop of the Metropolitan See of Corinth, had been deposed for some serious crime, the nature of which is not mentioned, Secundinus, bishop of some other see, having apparently been commissioned by Gregory to investigate the charges against him. John, to whom this letter is addressed had now succeeded him. See also Epp. LVII., LVIII.
43 Gregory here asserts the view of his day, which after his manner he takes for granted that Gaul had derived its Christianity from Rome. Similarly, long before him, pope Zosimus (417- 418), writing to the bishops of Gaul in support of the jurisdiction over them of Patroclus of Arles, speaks of such jurisdiction being of ancient right, derived from Trophimus having been sent from Rome as first bishop of Arles, and all Gaul having received the stream of faith from that fountain. Gregory of Tours (Hist. Franc. i. 28), referring to Pasio S. Saturnini Episc. Solos., speaks of seven missionary bishops having been sent from Rome to Gaul "Decio et Grato consulibus," i.e.a.d.250, including Trophimus, who is said to have founded the see of Arles. But the see of Arles must have existed before the date assigned, since it appears from Cyprian (Ep. VI. 7), that in 254 Marcian had long been its bishop. And generally, the well-known differences of tbe Gallican liturgy and usages from the Roman, to which pope Gregory himself alludes in his letter to Augustine. (XI. 64), as well as Irenoeus of Lyons, in the second century, being said to have been a disciple of Polycarp points to an Asiatic rather than Roman origin of the Church in Gaul.
44 Religiosorum. The appellation is applied to persons generally who gave themselves to a religious life, including monks, nuns, dedicated virgins, and the like. It must be here taken to include the clergy.
45 Childebert II., the son of Sigebert I. and Brunehild, was at this time the ruler of nearly all the dominions of the Franks in Gaul. Having been proclaimed by the Austrasian nobles king of Austrasia on the death of his father,a.d.575. he acquired also Burgundy on the death of his uncle Guntramn in 593. These kingdoms at this time comprised by far the greatest part of Gaul, the kingdom of what was called Neustria under Clotaire II. including only a small territory on the north-west coast.
46 See preceeding Epistle, note 9.
48 With regard to the use of the pallium claimed by, and allowed to, John, the preceding bishop of Ravenna, see III. 56, 57; V. 11, 15. For further contentions with Marinianus on the subject, see VI. 34, 61.
49 Salutatario: called in previous letters to Archbishop John, secretarium. See III. 56, note 2.
50 See above, V. 52, and Ep. LVIII., below.
52 Meaning, we may suppose, the province of Achaia, of which Corinth was the metropolis.
2 The ground of this charge against Marinianus was doubtless his aceptance of the condemnation of the "Three Chapters' by the fifth council, which condemenation, notwithstanding Rome's approval of it, was still objected to in many quarters as contravening the council of Chalcedon. See I. 16, note 3; IV. 2, note 1; IV. 38, 39; XIV. 12.
3 Cf. III. 47, note 2. As is there stated, Maximus does not seem to have paid the slightest attention to this letter.
4 This is the first of ten letters of Gregory to the notoriousBrunechild. A daughter of Athanagild, king of the Visigoth in Spain she had married Sigebert I., one of the grandsons of Clovis, who reigned over that part of the dominion of the Franks which was called Austrasia, having on her marriage renounced Arianism for Catholicity. Sigebert having been assassinateda.d.575, his son Chidebert II., then only five years old, was proclaimed King of Austrasia; whereupon Brunechid herself became the virtual ruler of the kingdom. So she was again after the death of Childebert,a.d.596, as guardian of Theodebert II., his illegitimate son, who succeeded him at the age of ten years. See Pedigree of Kings of Gaul, p. xxx. The praises lavished on her by Gregory in this and his other epistles to her appear strangely inconsistent with the character given her by the historians of the time. It has been suggested in explanation; 1. That the historians may have maligned her, attributing to her crimes that were not her own; 2. That, whatever her misdemeanours, Gregory might not have heard of them, knowing of her only as a faithful Catholic, and a supporter of the Church; 3. That no such misdemeanours had become notorious when Gregory wrote to her in such flattering terms, the worst doings imputed to her having in fact been after his death. She survived him some nine years. Still, when we consider Gregory's diplomatic turn, together with his habitual deference to potentates apparent elsewhere, we cannot think it unlikely that he might ignore purposely in his addresses to them even their known moral delinquencies, so long as he could enlist their support of religion and orthodoxy, or their loyalty to the see of Rome. And, after all, Brunechild may not have been much worse than some other Frank royalties, all of whom he would be naturally and properly desirous of conciliating, and making the best of them he could. A less defensible instance of apparently politic flattery is found in his letters to the Emperor Phocas and his Empress Leontia after the deposition and murder of Mauricius. See XIII. 31, 38, 39, and Proleg., p. xxvii.
5 Childebert II. (see last note), who had been a minor when he came to the throne. He would now, if the epistle was written, as supposed, in the 14th Indiction (595-6), be about 25 years old.
6 Since the death of his uncle Gruntramn,a.d.593, he had become King of Burgundy as well as of Austrasia.
7 It was the sending of Candidus, a presbyter from Rome, to take charge of the patrimony in Gaul in place of Dynamius, a patrician, who had previously managed it (see Ep. 6), that offered occasion for this and the following letter.
8 Cf. last Epistle, notes 5, 6, 7.
11 Probably because of the inferior value in Italy of Gallic gold. "Nullus solidum integri ponderis calumniosoe approbationis obtentu recuset exactor, excepto eo Gallico cujus aurum minore oestimatione taxatur." Novella Majoriani.
12 Some kind of due, so-called. See Du Cange under Ablata: -"Abatio, Exactio, Tolta. . . 'Liberos deinceps esse constituimus ab omni tallia, ablatione et exactione, et questu.' (A. 1173).'
13 This form of protest against simony is found, in the same words, in several other letters.
14 Institutionis; a legal term, denoting apparently the constituting of a person as an inheriter.
15 On the case of John of Chalcedon and Athanasius of Isaura, referred to in this and the three following letters, see III. 53, note 9.
16 Cf. VII. 34 and IX. 49, where the same argument, in nearly the same words, is set forth.
17 The reference may be to Canon xxviii. of the Council ofChalcedon, assigning rank and jurisdiction to the patriarchs of Constantinople, which was protested against by the Roman legates at the Council and afterwards disallowed by Pope Leo. It is omitted in the Latin version of the canons published by Dionysius Exiguus about the beginning of the sixth century, though it had been in the Prisca Versio which he amended.It appears as if Gregory, not finding it in the Latin version before him, supposed it to have been interpolated at Constantinople; the fact being that it had been purposely omitted at Rome, as not having the Pope's sanction. If such is the allusion, it may seem strange that Gregory did not know the circumstances better. But this is not the only instance of his imperfect knowledge of past events, even in ecclesiastical matters. Cf. II. 51, note 2.
18 Baptisteries were anciently buildings contiguous to but apart from the churches. Cf. III. 59, note 7.
19 See III. 53, note 9, and reff there. It seems from what Gregory here says, that it was not in the East only, but also in Italy, at Ravenna, that the authority of the Roman See met with opposition, perhaps mainly on the ground of Ravenna having been an Imperial city, and being still the seat of the Exarch, of Italy. Cf. III. 57, note 4.
20 Spatam. Cf. VI. 61, note 8.
22 In the letter to the Salonitans, which follows, it appears that Honoratus only among the clergy of Salona (having been the rival candidate for the bishopric and supported by the Pope), and Paulinus only among the suffragan bishops, had refused to communicate with Maximus.
24 See III. 47, note 2. Jadera was one of the sees in the province of Dalmatia of which Salona was the Metropolis. The bishop of Jadera, Sabinianus, had communicated with Maximus, and probably assisted in ordaining him, but afterwards repented. See below, VII. 17; VIII. l0, 24. It may have been because Gregory had heard that there was already a party in Jadera prepared to renounce Maximus that he wrote this letter to strengthen it.
26 Gregory appears to have communicated with this Secundus, rather than with the bishop of Ravenna, for reasons which appear below, and to have employed him in negotiations with the Exarch for peace with the Lombards.
27 A Castorius is mentioned in Gregory's letter to the Emperor as having been the magister militum in command at Rome during its siege by Agilulph. This may be the same person.
28 For his appointment to the see of Ravenna, cf. V. 48.
29 As to ownership by Jews of converted slaves, see Prolegom., p. xxi., and other Epistles there referred to.
30 Marinianus had succeeded John as bishop of Ravenna. For Gregory's dispute with John concerning the use of the pallium, see above, III. 56, 57; V. 11, 15, and below, VI. 61.
31 The occasion of this letter seems to have been some recent aggression of the Lombards in the Neopolitan district, resulting in the capture of many prisoners of war.
33 Religiosi. See l. 61, note 7.
35 Cf. preceding Epistle. John, previously archdeacon of Catana, had been elected in the previous year (594) with Gregory's approval as the successor of Maximianus of Syracuse (V. 17), and had recently had the pallium sent him. (VI. 18.).
37 Conversion has its usual sense of embracing monastic life.
38 See also on this subject, XI. 45, XI. 50.
39 This, with the eight following letters (51-59), were committed to Augustine, who is spoken of in several of them as the bearer , when he was sent back from Rome to rejoin his companions. Bede (H.E. I. 23), and John the deacon (Vit. S. Greg. II. 33), say that the missionaries-"cum aliquantulum itinerus confecissent" (Bede)- "post dies aliquot" (John Diac)- were deterred by what they had heard of the difficulties of their undertaking, and sent Augustine to Rome to request leave to give it up and that Gregory sent him back to them with letters of admonitionand of commendation. No commendatory letters seem to have been given them when they first set out. Those now sent are addressed to the bishops of Turni (al. Turon), Marseilles, Arles, Vienne, Autun, and Aix in Provenee, to the abbot of Lerins, to Arigius, Patrician of Gaul, to Theodoric and Theodebert, the two boy-kings of Burgundy and Austrasia, and to queen Brunechild their grandmother. who at this time ruled Austrasia as Theodebert's guardian. See Pedigree of Kings of Gaul, p. xxx. The letters which come first in order, 51 and 52, being dated 22 Julya.d.596, we may conclude that the misssionaries had been originally despatched in the spring of the same year. They appear to have got as far as the southern coast of Provence, since the letters to the bishop of Aix and the Abbot of Lerins shew that Augustine had already visited them, though not, apparently, any others to whom letters are now addressed. The mission was accompanied by Candidus, sent out as Rector of the patrimony in Gaul (cf. Ep. VII.), who is also commended in the letter. The patrimony appears to have been attended to previously in a way not satisfactory to Gregory by the bishops of Arles (see below, Epp. LIII., LV.). This letter is not found in the Registrum Epistolorum; but given by Bede (I. 23), and by John the Deacon (Vit. S. Greg. lib. ii. c. 34).
40 De Turnis; in Colbert. Turonis. The latter name itself would seem to denote Tours. But it is not easy to see why a common letter should have been addressed to the Bishops of Tours and Marseilles. And, further, would Tours on the Loire be likely to lie on the route which the missionaries would take to Britain ?
43 In Cod. Colbert. Stephen is described as "abbati de monasterio quod est Lirino;" i.e. the famous monastery on the island of that name (lerins) now known as L`ile de St. Honorat. This was probably Stephen's monastery.
44 The term Patricius was used to designate governors of provinces under the Frank kings. Cf. III. 33. "Dynamio patricio Galliarum," and Greg turon. (IV. 24), "Guntramnus rex, amoto Agricola patricio, Celsum patriciatus honore donavit. There were at this time two Burgundian Patricii, one called the Patricius absolutely, residing at Arles, the other at Marseilles (Greg. Turon).
45 Childebert II. son of Sigebert I. and Brunechild, who had reigned over nearly all the dominions of the Franks in Gaul (see VI. 5, note 5), died in this year.a.d.596. and was succeeded by his illegitimate son Theodebert II. as king of Austrasia, and by his second son Theoderic II. as king of Burgundy. These two kings were only ten and seven years of age respectively when their father died, and their grandmother Brunechild was appointed guardian of the former. Hence Gregory, writing now after the death of Childebert, addresses forma1 letter's in identical terms to the two minors, but another (Ep. LIX.) to Brunechild. See Pedigree of Kings of Gaul, p. xxx..
47 See V. 43, which is probably the letter here referred to, being one sent to the two patriarchs of Alexandria and Antioch, urging them to join in resisting the assumption of the title of universal Bishop by the patriarch of Constantinople.
48 Benedictionem, with reference to the present of sweet wood that had been sent. Cf. 2 Kings v. 15, "Take a blessing of thy servant."
50 On the subject of this Epistle, cf. above, Ep. XXXIV., with references in note.
52 Spatam, a word usually signifying a kind of sword. Cf. VI. 24, where this same spata is referred to.
53 On the subject of this letter, see IV. 34, 35.
54 Gennadius was the Exarch of Africa.
55 Cyriacus (a.d.595) succeeded John the Faster as patriarch of Constantinople. For the letter written afterwards written to him with reference to Athanasius, cf. VII. 5.
1 On the subject of this letter, see IV. 34, 35: also VI. 63.
2 What follows about Isaiah and Jeremiah occurs also in the Pastoralis Cura, I. 7.
4 It is a sign of Gregory's scanty knowledge of the history of controversies that so far he seems never to have heard of so noted an Arian leader as Eudoxius, whose followers under the name of Eudoxians, had been specifically condemned in the 1st Canon of the first general Council of Constantinople. But it appears from a subsequent letter (VII. 34), that there was no copy at Rome of the canons of that Council, which had not in fact been accepted there, probably because of the 3rd Canon, which assigned a primacy of honour after Rome to the See of Constantinople as being new Rome. When he wrote this subsequent letter, he had become aware that the Eudoxians had been so condemned, but still had no idea who Eudoxius had been. The fact was that he was not well versed in past ecclesiastical history and, being totally ignorant of Greek, could only consult such Latin writings as were within his reach; and in these he hadfailed to find Eudoxius mentioned. We applied, however, to the patriarchs of Alexandria and Antioch for further information on the subject (see VII. 34, and VIII. 30), and was at length satisfied that Eudoxius had been a veritable heretic, having been condemned be many Greek Fathers of repute, and concluded that he was "manifestly slain, against whom our heroes have cast so many darts" (VIII. 30).
5 What is said here shews that the appointment of the Patriarchs of Constantinople rested in fact entirely with the Emperor.
6 Who these bishops were, who had assisted at the ordination of Cyriacus and sent a report of it to Gregory, does not appear. In the objection taken by the latter to the language of laudation with which the new patriarch had been hailed at Constantinople we may perhaps detect something of his habitual jealousy of the assumptions of the Constantinopolitan See. Of Cyriacus himself he appears to have had a high opinion and to have welcomed his accession, hoping at first that he would renounce the offensive title of oecumenical bishop which had been assumed by John Jejunatur. In this, however, he was disappointed, and afterwards inveighed against the new patriarch for proud presumption no less than against the old one.
10 Fanum Fortunoe in Picenum (Fano).
12 Concerning the election of Marinianus, see V. 48.
13 Viz. Castorius. See II. 41.
14 Cf. XI. 47 as to the supersession of a bishop incapacitated by illness, except at his own written request, being uncanonical.
15 See Ep. XX., which follows.
17 Viz. a bishop Sebastian, who had been commissioned, as was usual in such cases, to visit the church of Ariminum during the incapacity of its proper bishop. The Epistle which follows this (Ep. XXl., which, as not throwing further light on the proceedings, has not been translated) is addressed to him, directing him to see to the due election, &c., of a successor to Castorius.
18 As Metropolitan. See preceding Epistle.
19 Fortunatis was bishop of Naples, and Anthemius a subdeacon, and Defensor of Campania.
20 Conversam fuisse; the usual phrase for taking to monastic life.
21 It will be observed that Gregory identifies the woman who had been a sinner in the city with the sister of Martha, and also with the Magdalene.
22 This patrician lady was sister of the Emperor Mauricius (see I. 5), and appears from what is said in this letter to have been governess of the imperial children, and in close attendance on the Empress Constantina. The letter is in many respects interesting and characteristic. In it may be noted Gregory's way of retaining influence over devout ladies in high circles, and through them hoping to influence others; his favourite method of allegorizing the Old Testament Scriptures; his tendency to regard remarkable incidents as miracutlous; and his allusion to the very large number of females at that time leading a monastic life in Rome. Cf. XI. 45, addressed to the same lady.
24 The whole passage which follows about two kinds of compunction, with the allegorical interpretation of the story of Achsah, is found, word for word, in the Dialogues Lib. III. chap. 34.
25 In Joshua xv. 18, instead of "and she lighted off her ass," as in the English Version, the Vulgate has "suspiravitque ut sedebat in asino."
27 Gregory's apocrisiarius at Constantinople, and eventually his successor in the See of Rome. See III. 53.
28 On the designation religiosus cf. l. 61. note 7. The Narses here addressed as "Religiosus" was probably the same as the "Narses Comes" of I. 6, and VI. 14. and the "Narses Patricius" of IV. 32 (see note to I. 6). For it is evident from the letters that he was of high rank at Constantinople, and greetings are sent through him to the same persons as in the other letters. He had now, we may suppose, devoted himself to the service of the Church in some capacity.
30 Cf. I. 6, where greetings were sent to this lady, there also designated as Domna.
31 The Emperor Maurice is said to have had a sister called Gordia, who may have been the lady here referred to. Her daughter Theoctista may be concluded from the epithet "sanctissima" to have been piously disposed; and it may have been a fear lest her piety should suffer through the temptations of fashionable life that had led Narses, who was himself religious, to suggest to Gregory that he should write letters of admonition to the husbands of these ladies, as well as to themselves. Gregory's reluctauce to do so may have arisen from a fear of giving offence to such distinguished people from the purport of what he could only write in Latin being misunderstood. Elsewhere apparent are his caution and delicacy in dealing with great people.
32 This epistle appears to have been in reply to one from a presbyter. Anastasius (al. Athanasius), of Jerusalem announcing his promotion to the abbacy of a monastery there. There had been, it seems, a standing feud between the abbots of this monastery and the bishops of Jerusalem, the continuance of which Gregory gracefully deprecates in the course of his letter.
34 So literally; - "Ne proedicti fratri mei ex quolibet articulo novitas turbaretur." The meaning seems to be, Lest Cyriacus should be troubled immediately on his accession. He was to be remonstrated with in due time; but rejection at once of his synodical letter and of his emissaries would have been premature.
35 As to the first subject of this epistle, with references to others on the same subject, see Prolegom., p. xxii.
36 Procedit, the usual term for proceeding to the Holy Table for celebration. See III. 57, note 5.
39 Cf. VI. 14, where the same doctrinal questions are similarly discussed in the same connexion.
40 As to the view here expressed of the unity of the three Sees of Rome, Antioch, and Alexandria, see Prolegom., p. xii.
41 "COLATICUS. Lapides quoque medicinalium, mortariarum, et pigmentariarum usibus apti (Isid. Lib. 16. Orig. cap. 4)." Du Cange. But colatum here appears to have been some drink.
42 Genus potionis, Papioe, Aegyptios vel Alexandrinos - Illud forte de quo S. Hieronymus de Vita Clericorum cum palmarum fructus exprimuntur in liquorem, coatisque frugibus aqua pinguior coloratur." Du Cange.
43 "Potionis species apud Aegyptianos, vel saltem Alexandrinos." Du Cange.
1 Bishop of Aleria in Corsica. Cf. VI. 22.
2 A basilica, with a baptistry attached, had been built on this Mount Negeugnus (or Nigeunus), on land belonging to the Roman See, for the purpose of "winning souls." Cf. VI. 22.
4 In English Bible, lv. 21 (differently rendered from the Hebrew).
7 For similar disapproval of burial fees, cf. IX. 3.
8 On the subject of this Epistle, see III. 65, 66.
9 See VII. 17, and note on VI. 27.
10 See III. 8, and III. 9, note 2.
14 For other Epistles in which bishops are forbidden to interfere, except in the case of need, with monasteries, see Index under monasteries. Also Prolegom., p. xx.
15 This is among the many evidences found in Gregory's Epistles that monks in his day were essentially laymen. The active duties incumbent on the clergy were held to be inconsistent with monastic life.
16 This letter is interesting as one of those which shew Gregory's carefulness to retain influence over pious lay friends of position, and his uniform tone of courtesy in addressing them. Maurentius appears to have been a military officer of studious habits in Sicily.
17 The woman had fled to the precincts of some church for protection from one George, who apparently claimed her as his slave. The right of temporary asylum in sacred precincts, from which refugees could not be taken without the bishop's assent, rested on imperial edicts. "Vide lib. I. Cod., tit. 12, cap. 3, ubi imperatores Theodosius et Valentianus plurima de septis ecclesiasticis statuunt...Vocantur etiam claustra dominica, et continent atria et porticus ecclesioe, domum episcopi, xxx vel xl passus in circuitu, et domus quoe iu eis fuerint. Tandem cessavit ista immunitas ob abusus." (Note to I. 37 in Migne's Patrilogia). Cf. X. 37, where directions are given to Januarius, bishop of Cagliari, for his course of action in such cases.
18 I.e. as to whether she was a free-woman or a slave.
19 Samaroeo, meaning apparently a Samaritan, and as such incapable, as Jews were,of holding Christian slaves. See Prolegom., p. xxi., and references there. In the case before us here the Samaritan claimant had himself become a Christian; and an attempt had been made on this plea to recover for him the Christian slave who had been emancipated from his father. But this Gregory will by no means allow.
21 A grandchild of Rusticiana. See as above.
22 See VI. 27, VII. 17, VIII. 10, and III. 47, note 2.
23 At this time Gregory's apocrisiarius at Constantinople. Cf. VII. 31, IX. 82.
24 Callinicus, who at this time was Exarch of Italy at Ravenna. See IX. 9, with note, and III. 47, note 2.
25 Proconsul of Dalmatia. Cf. IX. 5, and III. 47, note 2.
26 Cf. VII. 40, for Gregory's view of the sees of Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch, jointly representing the see of St. Peter.
29 "Dominicam sacerdotam," perhaps with allusion to the name of Dominicus.
31 The date varies in some few mss.
32 The address in the text is "Episcopo Scillitano." That the see was that of Scyllacium in Brutia appears from the contents of the epistle. Syllacium itself appears to have been a Castrum, which had been erected on land belonging to a monastery. The epistle is illustrative of Gregory's anxiety to protect the property and privileges of monasteries against bishops. See Prolegom., p. xx.,, and references in Index under Monasteries.
33 Sub xenii quasi specie.For the meaning of the word xenium, see II. 23, note 8.
34 Libellis factis; meaning apparently that there had been written memoranda of agreement.
35 The word solatium is variously used, sometimes for any kind of aid or succour; sometimes for remuneration for services done, or grants in aid; here apparently for payment in the way of rent for the land occupied.
36 "Oil of the cross" is spoken of not infrequently from the 6th century downward as efficient for healing. In the Itinerarium attributed to Antoninus of Placentia in that century mention is made of anipulloe of onyx stone containing oil being brought into contact with the wood of the treu cross which was supposed to be preserved in Constanine's Church on Golgotha, and the oil thereupon at once boiling over. It may have been oil which was believed to have thus acquired healing virtue that was originally meant by "oil of the cross." But in the following century we find notice of a belief that oil flow miraculously from the wood of the cross itself. For Adamnan, in his book De locis sanctis (which is mentioned by Bede, H.E.V. 15, as presented by him to King Aldirid of Northumbria, and published by Mabillon, de S. Adamn. Act. Benedict. soec. iii. part ii. p. 456), speaks of his informant, Arcuulf, a Gallic bishop, having seen at Constantinople, a piece of the true cross which had been sent thither by Helena, from the knots of which an odorous liquid with healing virtues flowed.
37 Filings from the supposed chains of St. Peter, preserved at Rome, were inserted in Keys for his sepulchre (cf. IV. 30), and these keys were sent by Gregory to various persons as valuable charms. Cf. I. 26, note 3.
